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The Euphrates Frontier and the Parthians, . . 1 

Syria and the Land of the Nabataeans, . . . 127 

Judaea and the Jews, . . . . , . . 174 

Egypt, 252 

The African Provinces, . . ... . 330 



The only great state with which the Koman empire bor- 
dered was the empire of Iran,^ based upon 
iranf"^^^'^^ that nationaHtj which was best known in 
antiquity, as it is in the present day, under 
the name of the Persians, consoHdated politically by the 
old Persian royal family of the Achaemenids and its first 
great-king Cyrus, united religiously by the faith of Ahura 
Mazda and of Mithra. No one of the ancient peoples of 
culture solved the problem of national union equally early 
and with equal completeness. The Iranian tribes reached 
on the south as far as the Indian Ocean, on the north as 
far as the Caspian Sea ; on the north-east the steppes of 
inland Asia formed the constant battle-ground between 
the settled Persians and the nomadic tribes of Turan. On 
the east mighty mountains formed a boundary separat- 
ing them from the Indians. In western Asia three great 
nations early encountered one another, each pushing for- 

^ The conception that the Roman and the Parthian empires were 
two great states standing side by side, and indeed the only ones 
in existence, dominated the whole Roman East, particularly the 
frontier-provinces. It meets us palpably in the Apocalypse of John, 
in which there is a juxtaposition as well of the rider on the white 
horse with the bow and of the rider on the red horse with the 
6word (vi. 2, 3) as of the Megistanes and the Chiliarchs (vi. 15, 
comp. xviii. 23, xix. 18). The closing catastrophe, too, is conceived 
as a subduing of the Romans by the Parthians bringing back the 
emperor Nero (ix. 14, xvi. 12) and Armageddon, whatever may be 
meant by it, as the rendezvous of the Orientals for the collective 
attack on the West. Certainly the author, writing in the Roman 
empire, hints these far from patriotic hopes more than he expresses 


The Euphrates Frontier. 

[Book vnl. 

ward on its own account : the Hellenes, who from Europe 
grasped at the coast of Asia Minor, the Aramaean peoples, 
who from Arabia and Syria advanced in a northern and 
north-eastern direction and substantially filled the valley 
of the Euphrates, and lastly, the stocks of Iran not merely 
inhabiting the country as far as the Tigris, but even pene- 
trating to Armenia and Cappadocia, while primitive in- 
habitants of another type in these far-extending regions 
succumbed under these leading powers and disappeared. 
In the epoch of the Achaemenids, the culminating point 
of the glory of Iran, the Iranian rule went far beyond this 
wide domain proper to the stock on all sides, but especial- 
ly towards the west. Apart from the times, when Turan 
gained the upper hand over Iran and the Seljuks and 
Mongols ruled over the Persians, foreign rule, strictly so 
called, has only been established over the flower of the 
Iranian stocks twice, by Alexander the Great and his 
immediate successors and by the Arabian Abbasids, and 
on both occasions only for a comparatively short time ; 
the eastern regions — in the former case the Parthians, in 
the latter the inhabitants of the ancient Bactria — not 
merely threw off again the yoke of the foreigner, but dis- 
lodged him also from the cognate west. 

When the Komans in the last age of the republic came 

into immediate contact with Iran as a conse- 
P^rtM^ns^* quence of the occupation of Syria, they found 

in existence the Persian empire regenerated 
by the Parthians. We have formerly had to make men- 
tion of this state on several occasions ; this is the place 
to gather together the little that can be ascertained re- 
garding the peculiar character of the empire, which so 
often exercised a decisive influence on the destinies of the 
neighbouring state. Certainly to most questions, which 
the historical inquirer has here to put, tradition has no 
answer. The Occidentals give but occasional notices, 
which may in their isolation easily mislead us, concerning 
the internal condition of their Parthian neighbours and 
foes ; and, if the Orientals in general have hardly under- 

Chap. IX.] 

The Euphrates Frontier. 


stood how to fix and to preserve historical tradition, this 
holds doubly true of the period of the Arsacids, seeing 
that it was by the later Iranians regarded, together with 
the preceding foreign rule of the Seleucids, as an unwar- 
ranted usurpation between the periods of the old and the 
new Persian rule — the Achaemenids and the Sassanids ; 
this period of five hundred years is, so to speak, eliminated 
by way of correction * from the history of Iran, and is as 
if non-existent. 

The standpoint, thus occupied by the court-historio- 
graphers of the Sassanid dynasty, is more the 
scytMan.^^^"^ legitimist-dyuastic one of the Persian nobility 
than that of Iranian nationality. No doubt 
the authors of the first imperial epoch describe the lan- 
guage of the Parthians, whose home corresponds nearly to 
the modern Chorasan, as intermediate between the Median 
and the Scythian, that is, as an impure Iranian dialect ; 
accordingly they were regarded as immigrants from the 
land of the Scythians, and in this sense their name is in- 
terpreted as "fugitive people," while the founder of the 
dynasty, Arsaces, is declared by some indeed to have been 
a Bactrian, but by others a Scythian from the Maeotis. 
The fact that their princes did not take up their resi- 
dence in Seleucia on the Tigris, but pitched their winter 
quarters in the immediate neighbourhood at Ctesiphon, is 
traced to their wish not to quarter Scythian troops in the 
rich mercantile city. Much in the manners and arrange- 
ments of the Parthians is alien from Iranian habits, and 
reminds us of the customs of nomadic life ; they transact 
business and eat on horseback, and the free man never goes 
on foot. It cannot w^ell be doubted that the Parthians, 
whose name alone of all the tribes of this region is not 
named in the sacred books of the Persians, stand aloof 
from Iran proper, in which the Achaemenids and the Ma- 

^ This holds true even in some measure for the chronology. The 
official historiography of the Sassanids reduces the space between 
the last Darius and the first Sassanid from 558 to 266 years (Noldeke, 
Tabari, p. 1). 


The Euphrates Frontier. [Book VIIL 

gians are at home. The antagonism of this Iran to the 
ruhng fainilv springing from an unciviHsed and half for- 
eign district and to its immediate followers — this antago- 
nism, which the Koman authors not unwillingly took over 
from their Persian neighbours — certainly subsisted and 
fermented throughout the whole rule of the Arsacids, till 
it at length brought about their fall. But the rule of the 
Arsacids may not on that account be conceived as a foreign 
rule. No privileges were conceded to the Parthian stock 
and to the Parthian province. It is true that the Parthian 
town Hecatompylos is named as residence of the Arsacids ; 
but they chiefly sojourned in summer at Ecbatana (Ham- 
adan), or else at Ehagae like the Achaemenids, in winter, 
as already stated, in the camp-town of Ctesiphon, or else 
in Babylon on the extreme western border of the empire. 
The hereditary burial-place continued in the Parthian 
town Nisaea ; but subsequently Arbela in Assyria served 
for that purpose more frequently. The poor and remote 
■r native province of the Parthians was in no way suited for 
the luxurious court-life, and the important relations to 
the West, especially of the later Arsacids. The chief 
country continued even now to be Media, just as under 
the Achaemenids. However the Arsacids might be of 
Scythian descent, not so much depended on what they 
were as on what they desired to be ; and they regarded 
and professed themselves throughout as the successors of 
Cyrus and of Darius. As the seven Persian family-princes 
had set aside the false Achaemenid, and had restored the 
legitimate rule by the elevation of Darius, so needs must 
other seven have overthrown the Macedonian foreign 
yoke and placed king Arsaces on the throne. "With this 
patriotic fiction must further be connected the circum- 
stance that a Bactrian nativity instead of a Scythian was 
assigned to the first Arsaces. The dress and the etiquette 
at the court of the Arsacids were those of the Persian 
court ; after king Mithradates I. had extended his rule to 
the Indus and Tigris, the dynasty exchanged the simple 
title of king for that of king of kings which the Achae- 

Chap. IX.] The Euphrates Frontier. 


meuids had borne, and the pointed Scythian cap for the 
high tiara adorned with pearls ; on the coins the king 
carries the bow like Darius. The aristocracy, too, that 
came into the land with the Arsacids and doubtless be- 
came in many ways mixed with the old indigenous one, 
adopted Persian manners and dress, mostly also Persian 
names ; of the Parthian army which fought with Crassus 
it is said that the soldiers still wore their hair rough after 
the Scythian fashion, but the general appeared after the 
Median manner with the hair parted in the middle and 
with painted face. 

The political organisation, as it was established by the 
fii'st Mithradates, was accordingly in substance 
■ that of the Achaemenids. The family of the 
founder of the dynasty is invested with all the lustre 
and with all the consecration of ancestral and divinely-or- 
dained rule ; his name is transferred cle jure to each of 
his successors and divine honour is assigned to him ; his 
successors are therefore called sons of God,' and be- 
sides brothers of the sun-god and the moon-goddess, like 
the Shah of Persia still at the present day ; to shed the blood 
of a member of the royal family even by mere accident is 
a sacrilege — all of them regulations, which with few abate- 
ments recur among the Koman Caesars, and are perhaps 
borrowed in part from those of the older great-monarchy. 

Although the royal dignity was thus firmly attached 
to the family, there yet subsisted a certain 


choice as to the king. As the new ruler had 
to belong as well to the college of the "kinsmen of the 
royal house " as to the council of priests, in order to be 
able to ascend the throne, an act must have taken place, 

^ The viceroys of Persis are called in their title constantly "Zag 
Aloliin " (at least tlie Aramaean signs correspond to these words, 
which were presumably in pronunciation expressed in the Persian 
way), son of God (Mordtmann, Zeitsclirift fur Numismatik, iv. 155 
f.), and to this corresponds the title deoTrdrcup on the Greek coins 
of the great-kings. The designation " God" is also found, as with 
the Seleucids and the Sassanids. — V»liy a double diadem is attrib- 
uted to the Arsacids (Herodian, vi. 2, 1) is not cleared up. 


The Euphrates Frontier. 

[Book VIII. 

whereby, it may be presumed, these same colleges them- 
selves acknowledged the new ruler.' By the "kinsmen" 
are doubtless to be understood not merely the Arsacids 
themselves, but the "seven houses "of the Achaemenid 
organization, princely families, to which according to that 
arrangement equality of rank and free access to the great- 
king belonged, and which must have had similar privi- 
leges under the Arsacids.^ These families were at the 
same time holders of hereditary crown offices,^ e.g. the 
Suren — the name is like the name Arsaces, a designation 
at once of person and of office — the second family after 
the royal house, as crown-masters, placed on each occa- 
sion the tiara on the head of the new Arsaces. But as 
the Arsacids themselves belonged to the Parthian prov- 
ince, so the Suren were at home in Sacastane (Seistan) 
and perhaps Sacae, thus Scythians ; the Caren likewise 
descended from western Media, while the highest aris- 
tocracy under the Achaemenids was purely Persian. 

^ Twj/ YiapQva'iwv (TvveSpiSv (p-qcriv (YIoct^l^wvios) eJvai, says Strabo, xi. 
9, 3, p. 515, 5itt6v rh fxkv (TvyyevSov, rh Se (r6cpcav Kal fidycav, e£ ui^ aucpafip 
Tovs fiaai\eis Kadlaraffdai (KaOiaTrja-iv in MSS.) ; Justinus, xvii. 3, 1, 
Mithridates rex Partliorum . . . iwajpter crudelitatem a senatu 
Parthico regno pelUtur. 

In Egypt, whose court ceremonial, as doubtless that of all the 
states of the Diadochi, is based on that ordained by Alexander, and 
in so far upon that of the Persian empire, the like title seems 
to have been conferred also personally (Franz, C. I. Gr. iii. 270). 
That the same occurred with the Arsacids, is possible. Among the 
Greek-speaking subjects of the Arsacid state the appellation [x^yi- 
oTav^s seems in the original stricter use to denote the members of the 
seven houses ; it is worthy of notice that megistanes and satrapae 
are associated (Seneca, Bp. 21 ; Josephus, ArcJi (xi. 3, 2 ; xx. 2, 3). 
The circumstance that in court mourning the Persian king does not 
invite the megistanes to table (Suetonius, Gai. 5) suggests the con- 
jecture that they had the privilege of taking meals with him. The 
title rwv irpuTwy (plxuv is also found among the Arsacids just as at 
the Egyptian and Pontic courts {Bull, de corr. Hell. vii. p. 349). 

2 A royal cup-bearer, who is at the same time general, is men- 
tioned in Josephus, Arcli. xiv. 13, 7 =■ Bell. Jud. i. 13, 1. Similar 
court offices are of frequent occurrence in the states of the Dia- 

Chap. IX] The Eujyhrates Frontier. 


The administration lay in the hands of the under-kings 
or satraps ; according to the Koman biogra- 
satraps. phers of Vespasian's time the state of the 
Parthians consisted of eighteen "kingdoms." Some of 
these satrapies were appanages of a second son of the 
ruHng house ; in particular the two north-western prov- 
inces, the Atropatenian Media (Aderbijan) and Armenia, 
so far as it was in the power of the Parthians, appear to 
have been entrusted for administration to the prince 
standing next to the ruler for the time.' We may add 
that prominent among the satraps were the king of the 
province of Elymais or of Susa, to whom was conceded a 
specially powerful and exceptional position, and next to 
him the king of Persis, the ancestral land of the Achae- 
menids. The form of administration, if not exclusive, yet 
preponderant and conditioning the title, was in the Par- 
thian empu-e — otherwise than in the case of the Caesars — 
that of vassal-kingdom, so that the satraps entered by 
hereditary right, but were subject to confirmation by the 
great-king.^ To all appearances this continued down- 

^ Tacitus, Ann. xv. 2, 31. If, according to tlie preface of Agatli- 
angelos (p. 109, Langlois), at tlie time of tlie Arsacids tlie oldest 
and ablest prince bore rule over the country, and the three stand- 
ing next to him were kings of the Armenians, of the Indians, and 
of the Massagetae, there is here perhaps at bottom the same ar- 
rangement. That the Partho-Indian empire, if it was combined 
with the main land, was likewise regarded as an appanage for the 
second son, is very probable. 

^ These are doubtless meant by Justinus (xli. 2, 2), proximus 
maiestati regum praepodtorum orclo est ; ex hoc duces in hello, ex hoc 
in pace rectores habent. The native name is preserved by the gloss 
in Hesychius, jSiVral b fiaaiXevs irapa Uepffais. If in Ammianus, 
xxiii. 6, 14, the presidents of the Persian regiones are called viiaxae 
(read vistaxae), id est magistri equitum et reges et satrapae, he has 
awkwardly referred what is Persian to all Inner Asia (comp. 
Hermes, xvi. 613); we may add that the designation "leaders of 
horsemen " for these viceroys may relate to the fact that they, like 
the Roman governors, united in themselves the highest civil and 
the supreme military power, and the army of the Parthians con- 
sisted preponderantly of cavalry. 


The Euphrates Frontier. [Book VIIl. 

wards, so that smaller dynasts and family chiefs stood in 
the same relation to the under-kings as the latter occupied 
to the great-king/ Thus the office of great-king among the 
Parthians was limited to the utmost in favour of the high 
aristocracy by the accompanying subdivision of the he- 
reditary administration of the land. With this it is quite 
in keeping, that the mass of the population consisted of 
persons half or wholly non-free/ and emancipation was 
not allowable. In the army which fought against An- 
tonius there are said to have been only 400 free among 
50,000. The chief among the vassals of Orodes, who as 
his general defeated Crassus, marched to the field with a 
harem of 200 wives and a baggage train of 1000 sumpter- 
camels ; he himself furnished to the army 10,000 horse- 
men from his clients and slaves. The Parthians never 
had a standing army, but at all times the waging of war 
here was left to depend on the general levy of the vassal 
princes and of the vassals subordinate to these, as well as 
of the great mass of the non-free over whom these bore 

Certainly the urban element was not quite wanting in 
mu ^ , . the political ore^anisation of the Parthian em- 

The Greek towns ^ ° 

of the Parthian pire. It is truc that the larger townships, 
which arose out of the distinctive development 
of the East, were not urban commonwealths, as indeed 
even the Parthian royal residence, Ctesiphon, is named in 
contrast to the neighbouring Greek foundation of Seleucia 
a village; they had no presidents of their own and no com- 
mon council, and the administration lay here, as in the 
country districts, exclusively with the royal officials. But 

^ This we learn from the title ffarpairyis rwv o-arpairccVf attributed 
to one Gotarzes in the inscription of Kermanschahan in Kurdistan 
{C. 1. Or. 4674). It cannot be assigned to the Arsacid king of the 
same name as such ; but perhaps there may be designated by it, as 
Olshausen {MonatsbericM der Berliner AJcademie, 1878, p. 179) con- 
jectures, that position which belonged to him after his renouncing 
of the great-kingdom (Tacitus, Ann. xi. 9). 

^ Still later a troop of horse in the Parthian army is called that 
♦* of the free : " Josephus, ArcJi. xiv. 13, 5 = Bell. Jud. i. 13, 3. 

Chap. IX] 

The Etipkrates Frontier. 


a portion — comparatively small, it is true — of the foun- 
dations of the Greek rulers had come under Parthian rule. 
In the provinces of Mesopotamia and Babylonia by nation- 
ality Aramaean the Greek town-system had gained a firm 
footing under Alexander and his successors. Mesopotamia 
was covered with Greek commonwealths; and in Babylonia, 
the successor of the ancient Babylon, the precursor of Bag- 
dad, and for a time the residence of the Greek kings of 
Asia — Seleucia on the Tigris — had by its favourable com- 
mercial position and its manufactures risen to be the first 
mercantile city beyond the Roman bounds, with more, it 
is alleged, than half a million of inhabitants. Its free Hel- 
lenic organisation, on which beyond doubt its prosperity 
above all depended, was not touched even by the Parthian 
rulers in their own interest, and the city preserved not 
merely its town council of 300 elected members, but also 
the Greek language and Greek habits amidst the non- 
Greek East. It is true that the Hellenes in these towns 
formed only the dominant element ; alongside of them 
lived numerous Syrians, and, as a third constituent, there 
were associated with these the not much less numerous 
Jews, so that the population of these Greek towns of the 
Parthian empire, just like that of Alexandria, was composed 
of three separate nationalities standing side by side. Be- 
tween these, just as in Alexandria, conflicts not seldom oc- 
curred, as e.g. at the time of the reign of Gains under the 
eyes of the Parthian government the three nations came 
to blows, and ultimately the Jews were driven out of the 
larger towns. 

In so far the Parthian empire was the genuine counter- 
part to the Roman. As in the one the Oriental viceroy- 
ship is an exceptional occurrence, so in the other is the 
Greek city ; the general Oriental aristrocratic character of 
the Parthian government is as little injuriously affected by 
the Greek mercantile towns on the west coast as is the 
civic organisation of the Roman state by the vassal king- 
doms of Cappadocia and Armenia. While in the state 
of the Caesars the Romano-Greek urban commonwealth 


The Euphrates Frontier. 

[Book VIII. 

spreads more and more, and gradually becomes the gen- 
eral form of administration, the foundation of towns — the 
true mark of Helleno-Roman civilisation, which embraces 
the Greek mercantile cities and the military colonies of 
Rome as well as the grand settlements of Alexander and 
the Alexandrids — suddenly breaks off with the emergence 
of the Parthian government in the East, and even the ex- 
isting Greek cities of the Parthian empire wane in the 
further course of development. There, as here, the rule 
more and more prevails over the exceptions. 

The religion of Iran with its worship — approximating to 
monotheism — of the "highest of the gods, who 
has made heaven and earth and men and for 
these everything good," with its absence of images and its 
spirituality, with its stern morality and truthfulness, with 
its influence upon practical activity and energetic conduct 
of life, laid hold of the minds of its confessors in quite 
another and deeper way than the religions of the West 
ever could ; and, while neither Zeus nor Jupiter maintained 
their ground in presence of a developed civilisation, the 
faith among the Parsees remained ever young till it suc- 
cumbed to another gospel — that of the confessors of Mo- 
hammed — or at any rate retreated before it to India. It 
is not our task to set forth how the old Mazda-faith, which 
the Achaemenids professed, and the origin of which falls 
in prehistoric time, was related to that which the sacred 
books of the Persians having their origin probably under 
the later Achaemenids — the Avesta — announce as the doc- 
trine of the wise Zarathustra ; for the epoch, when the 
West is placed in contact with the East, only the later 
form of religion comes under consideration. That the 
Avesta took shape, not in the east of Iran, in Bactria, but 
probably in Media, may be regarded as an assured result 
of recent investigation. But the national religion and the 
national state were bound up with one another in Iran 
more closely than even among the Celts. It has already 
been noticed that the legitimate kingship in Iran was at 
the same time a religious institution, that the supreme 

Chap. IX.] The Euphrates Frontier. 


ruler of the land was conceived as specially called to the 
government by the supreme deity of the land, and even in 
some measure divine. On the coins of a national type 
there appears regularly the great fire-altar, and hovering 
over it the winged god Ahura Mazda, alongside of him in 
lesser size, and in an attitude of prayer, the king, and over- 
against the king the imperial banner. In keeping with 
this, the ascendency of the nobility in the Parthian em- 
pire goes hand in hand with the privileged position of the 
clergy. The priests of this religion, the Magians, appear 
already in the documents of the Achaemenids and in the 
narratives of Herodotus, and have, probably with right, 
always been regarded by the Occidentals as a national Per- 
sian institution. The priesthood was hereditary, and at 
least in Media, presumably also in other provinces, the col- 
lective body of the priests was accounted, somewhat like 
the Levites in the later Israel, as a separate portion of the 
people. Even under the rule of the Greeks the old religion 
of the state and the national priesthood maintained their 
place. When the first Seleucus wished to found the new 
capital of his empire, the already mentioned Seleucia, he 
caused the Magians to fix day and hour for it, and it was 
only after those Persians, not very willingly, had cast the 
desired horoscope, that the king and his army, in accord- 
ance with their indication, accomplished the solemn lay- 
ing of the foundation-stone of the new Greek city. Thus 
by his side stood the priests of Ahura Mazda as counsel- 
lors, and they, not those of the Hellenic Olympus, were 
interrogated in public affairs, so far as these concerned 
divine things. As a matter of course this was all the more 
the case with the Arsacids. We have already observed 
that in the election of king, along wdth the council of the 
nobility, that of the priests took part. King Tiridates of 
Armenia, of the house of the Arsacids, came to Rome at- 
tended by a train of Magians, and travelled and took food 
according to their directions, even in company with the 
emperor Nero, who gladly allowed the foreign wise men to 
preach their doctrine and to conjure spirits for him. From 


The Euphrates Frontier. [Book VIII. 

this certainly it does not follow that the priestly order as 
such exercised an essentially determining influence on the 
management of the state ; but the Mazda-faith was by no 
means re-established only by the Sassanids ; on the con- 
trary, amidst all change of dynasties, and amidst all its own 
development, the religion of the land of Iran remained in 
its outline the same. 

The language of the land in the Parthian empire was 
the native language of Iran. There is no 
Language. tracc pointing to any foreign language having 
ever been in public use under the Arsacids. On the 
contrary, it is the Iranian land-dialect of Babylonia and 
the writing peculiar to this — as both were developed be- 
fore, and in, the Arsacid period under the influence of the 
language and writing of the Aramaean neighbours — which 
are covered by the appellation Pahlavi, i.e. Parthava, and 
thereby designated as those of the empire of the Parthians. 
Even Greek did not become an imperial language there. 
None of the rulers bear even as a second name a Greek 
one ; and, had the Arsacids made this language their own, 
we should not have failed to find Greek inscriptions in 
their empire. Certainly their coins show down to the time 
of Claudius exclusively,^ and predominantly even later, 
Greek legends, as they show also no trace of the religion 
of the land, and in standard attach themselves to the 
local coinage of the Roman east provinces, while they re- 
tain the division of the year as well as the reckoning by 
years just as these had been regulated under the Seleucids. 
But this must rather be taken as meaning that the great- 
kings themselves did not coin at all,^ and these coins, which 

^ The oldest known coin with Pahlavi writing was struck in 
Claudius's time under Vologasus I. ; it is bilingual, and gives to the 
king in Greek his full title, but only the name Arsaces, in Iranian 
merely the native individual name shortened {Yol.'). 

Usually this is restricted to the large silver money, and the 
small silver and most of the copper are regarded as of royal coinage. 
But by this view a singular secondary part in coinage is assigned to 
the great-king. More correctly perhaps the former coinage is con- 
ceived of as predominantly destined for dealings abroad, the latter 

Chap. IX.] The Euphrates Frontier. 


in fact served essentially for intercourse with the western 
neighbours, were struck by the Greek towns of the em- 
pire in the name of the sovereign. The designation of the 
king on these coins as " friend of Greeks " [(juXikXrjv), 
which already meets us early/ and is constant from the 
time of Mithradates I., i.e. from the extension of the state 
as far as the Tigris, has a meaning only, if it is the Par- 
thian Greek city that is speaking on these coins. It may 
be conjectured that a secondary position was conceded in 
public use to the Greek language in the Parthian empire 
alongside of the Persian, similar to that which it possessed 
in the Eoman state by the side of Latin. The gradual 
disappearance of Hellenism under the Parthian rule may 
be clearly followed on these urban coins, as well in the 
emergence of the native language alongside and instead of 
the Greek, as in the debasement of language which be- 
comes more and more prominent.^ 

As to extent the kingdom of the Arsacids was far in- 
ferior, not merely to the great state of the 
Parthian em- Achacmcnids, but also to that of their imme- 
diate predecessors, the state of the Seleucids. 
Of its original territory they possessed only the larger 
eastern half ; after the battle with the Parthians, in which 
king Antiochus Sidetes, a contemporary of the Gracchi, 
fell, the Syrian kings did not again seriously attempt to 
assert their rule beyond the Euphrates ; but the country on 
this side of the Euphrates remained with the Occidentals. 

Both coasts of the Persian Gulf, even the Arabian, were 
in possession of the Parthians, and the navi- 

^ gation was thus completely in their power ; 

the rest of the Arabian peninsula did not obey either the 
Parthians or the Romans ruling over Egypt, 
as predominantly for internal intercourse ; the diversities subsisting 
between the two kinds are also explained in this way. 

*The first ruler that bears it is Phraapates about 188 B.C. (Percy 
Gardner, Parthian Coinage, p. 27). 

2 Thus there stands on the coins of Gotarzes (under Claudius) 
TwTep^TjS fiaffiXevs flaaiAeooV vhs K€Ka\ovfj.€fos ^Apral^dvov, On the later 
ones the Greek legend is often quite unintelligible. 


The Ewphrates Frontier. 

[Book VIII. 

To describe the struggle of the nations for the posses- 
sion of the Indus valley, and of the regions 
Sriudus" bordering on it, to the west and east, so far as 
the wholly fragmentary tradition allows of a 
description at all, is not the task of our survey ; but the 
main lines of this struggle, which constantly goes by the 
side of that waged for the Euphrates valley, may the less 
be omitted in this connection, as our tradition does not 
allow us to follow out in detail the circumstances of Iran 
to the east in their influence on western relations, and it 
hence appears necessary at least to realize for ourselves its 
outlines. Soon after the death of Alexander the Great, 
the boundary between Iran and India was drawn by the 
agreement of his marshal and coheir Seleucus with Chan- 
dragupta, or in Greek Sandracottos, the founder of the 
empire of the Indians. According to this the latter ruled 
not merely over the Ganges-valley in all its extent and the 
whole north-west of India, but in the region of the Indus, 
at least over a part of the upland valley of what is now 
Cabul, further over Arachosia or Afghanistan, presumably 
also over the waste and arid Gedrosia, the modern Beloo- 
chistan, as well as over the delta and mouths of the Indus ; 
the documents hewn in stone, by which Chandragupta's 
grandson, the orthodox Buddha- worshipper Asoka, incul- 
cated the general moral law on his subjects, have been 
found, as in all this widely extended domain, so particu- 
larly in the region of Peshawur.^ The Hindoo Koosh, the 

' While the kingdom of Darius, according to his inscriptions, in- 
cludes in it the Gadara (the Gandh'ira of the Indians, TavZap7Tis of 
the Greeks on the Cabul river) and the Hidu (the dwellers by the 
Indus), the former are in one of the inscriptions of Asoka adduced 
among his subjects, and a copy of his great edict has been found in 
Kapurdi Giri or rather in Shahbaz Garhi (Yusufzai- district), nearly 
27 miles north-west of the point where the Cabul river falls into 
the Indus at Attock. The seat of the government of these north- 
west provinces of Asoka's kingdom was (according to the inscription 
C. 1. Indicar. i. p 91) Takkhasila, Ta^iAa of the Greeks, some 40 
miles E.S.E. of Attock, the seat of government for the south-west- 
ern provinces was Ujjeni ('O^tjj/tj). The eastern part of the Cabul 

Chap. IX. J 

The Eujphrates Frontier. 


Parapanisus of the ancients, and its continuation to the 
east and west, thus separated with their mighty chain — 
pierced only by few passes — Iran and India. But this 
agreement did not long subsist. 

In the earlier period of the Diadochi the Greek rulers of 
the kingdom of Bactra, which took a mighty 
empTre".^"'^'^" impulse ou its breaking off from the Seleucid 
state, crossed the frontier mountains, brought 
a considerable part of the Indus valley into their power, 
and perhaps established themselves still farther inland in 
Hindostan, so that the centre of gravity of this empire was 
shifted from western Iran to eastern India, and Hellen- 
ism gave way to an Indian type. The kings of this em- 
pire were called Indian, and bore subsequently non-Greek 
names ; on the coins the native Indian language and writ- 
ing appear by the side, and instead, of the Greek, just 
as in the Partho-Persian coinage the Pahlavi comes up 
alongside of the Greek. 

Then one nation more entered into the arena ; the Scy- 
thians, or, as they were called in Iran and In- 
indo-scythians. ^.^^ Sacac, brokc off from their ancestral 

settlements on the Jaxartes and crossed the mountains 
southward. The Bactrian province came at last in great 
part into their power, and at some time in the last cen- 
tury of the Eoman republic they must have established 
themselves in the modern Afghanistan and Beloochistan. 
On that account in the early imperial period the coast on 
both sides of the mouth of the Indus about Minnagara 
is called Scythian, and in the interior the district of the 
Drangae lying to the west of Candahar bears subsequently 

valley thus belonged at any rate to Asoka's empire. It is not quite 
impossible that the Khyber pass formed the boundary ; but prob- 
ably the whole Cabul valley belonged to India, and the boundary to 
the south of Cabul was formed by the sharp line of the Suleiman 
range, and farther to the south-west by the Bolan pass. Of the 
later Indo-Scythi an king Huvishka (Ooerke of the coins), who seems 
to have resided on the Yamuna in Mathura, an inscription has been 
found at Wardak not far northward from Cabul (according to infor 
mation from Oldenberg). 


The Euphrates Frontier. 

[Book VIII. 

the name ''land of the Sacae," Sacastane, the modern Se- 
istan. This immigration of the Scythians into the prov- 
inces of the Bactro-Indian empire doubtless restricted 
and injured it, somewhat as the Roman empire was af- 
fected by the first migrations of the Germans, but did not 
destroy it ; under Vespasian there still subsisted a prob- 
ably independent Bactrian state.' 

Under the Julian and Claudian emperors the Parthians 

seem to have been the leading power at the 
rmp£e:^°'^''''° mouth of the Indus. A trustworthy reporter 

from the Augustan age specifies that same 
Sacastane among the Parthian provinces, and calls the 
king of the Saco-Scythians an under-king of the Arsacids ; 
as the last Parthian province towards the east he desig- 
nates Arachosia with the capital Alexandropolis, probably 
Candahar. Soon afterwards, indeed, in Vespasian's time, 
Parthian princes rule in Minnagara. This, however, was 
for the empire on the river Indus more a change of dy- 
nasty than an annexation proper to the state of Ctesiphon. 
The Parthian prince Gondopharus, whom the Christian 
legend connects with St. Thomas, the apostle of the Par- 
thians and Indians,^ certainly ruled from Minnagara as 
far up as Peshawur and Cabul ; but these rulers use, like 
their superiors in the Indian empire, the Indian language 
alongside of the Greek, and name themselves great-kings 
like those of Ctesiphon ; they appear to have been not the 
less rivals to the Arsacids, on account of their belonging 
to the same princely house. 

' The Egyptian merchant named in note 3 makes mention, c. 47, 
of "the warlike people of the Bactrians, who have their own king."' 
At that time, therefore, Bactria was separated from the Indus-em- 
pire that was under Parthian princes. Strabo, too (xi. 11, 1, p. 
516) treats the Bactro-Indian empire as belonging to the past. 

^ Probably he is the Kaspar — in older tradition Gathaspar — who 
appears among the holy three kings from the East (Gutschmid, • 
Rhein. Mus. xix. 162). 

^ The most definite testimony to the Parthian rule in these regions 
is found in the description of the coasts of the Red Sea drawn up 
by an Egyptian merchant under Vespasian j c. 36 : " Behind the 

Chap. IX.] 

The Ewphrates Frontier. 


This Parthian dynasty was then followed in the Indian 
^ . ^ empire after a short interval by what is desig- 
Sacae on the nated in Indian tradition as that of the Sacae 
^^^^ king Kanerku or Kanishka, which 
begins with 78 a.d. and subsisted at least down to the 

moutli of the Indus in the interior lies the capital of Scythia Min- 
nagara ; but this is ruled by the Parthians, who constantly chase 
away one another ' (uiri) nap^coy (tvv^')^u>s aW^Aovs iuSKoKSyrcov). 
The same is repeated in a somewhat confused way, c. 41 ; it might 
here appear as if Minnagara lay in India itself above Barygaza, and 
Ptolemy has already been led astray by this; but certainly the 
writer, who speaks as to the interior only from hearsay, has only 
wished to say that a large town Minnagara lay inland not far from 
Barygaza, and much cotton was brought thence to Barygaza. The 
numerous traces also of Alexander, which occur according to the 
same authority in Minnagara, can be found only on the Indus, 
not in Gujerat. The position of Minnagara on the lower Indus 
not far from Hyderabad, and the existence of a Parthian rule 
there under Vespasian, appear hereby assured. — With this we may 
be allowed to combine the coins of king Gondopharus or Hyn- 
dopherres, who in a very old Christian legend is converted to 
Christianity by St. Thomas, the apostle of the Parthians and In- 
dians, and in fact appears to belong to the first period of the Eoman 
empire (Sallet, Wu?n. Zeitschr. vi. 355 ; Gutschmid, BTiein. Mus. 
xix. 162) ; of his brother's son Abdagases (Sallet, ib. p. 365), who 
may be identical with the Parthian prince of this name in Tacitus, 
Ann. vi. 36, at any rate bears a Parthian name ; and lastly of king 
Sanabarus, who must have reigned shortly after Hyndopherres, 
perhaps was his successor. Here belongs also a number of other 
coins marked with Parthian names, Arsaces, Pacorus, Vonones. 
This coinage attaches itself decidedly to that of the Arsacids (Sallet, 
ib. p. 377) ; the silver pieces of Gondopharus and of Sanabarus — of 
the others the coins are almost solely copper — correspond exactly 
to the Arsacid drachmae. To all appearance these belong to the 
Parthian princes of Minnagara ; the appearance here of Indian 
legend alongside of the Greek, as of Pahlavi writing among the late 
Arsacids, suits this view. These, however, are not coins of sa- 
traps, but, as the Egyptian indicates, of great-kings rivalling those of 
Ctesiphon ; Hyndopherres names himself in very corrupt Greek 
^a<n\€vs ^a(ri\4(au jx4yas avTOKpdTwp, and in good Indian "Maharajah 
Rajadi Rajah." If, as is not improbable, under the Mambaros or 
Akabaros, whom the Periplus, c. 41, 52, designates as ruler of the 
coast of Barygaza, there lurks the Sanabarus of the coins, the latter 
Vol. II.— 2 


The Euphrates Frontier. [Book VIII. 

third century." They belong to the Scythians, whose im- 
migration was formerly mentioned, and on their coins the 
Scythian language takes the place of the Indian. Thus 

belongs to tlie time of Nero or Vespasian, and ruled not merely at 
tlie mouths of the Indus, but also over Gujerat. Moreover, if an 
inscription found not far from Peshawur is rightly referred to king 
Gondopharus, his rule must have extended up thither, probably as 
far as Cabul. — The fact that Corbulo in the year 60 sent the embassy 
of the Hyrcanians who had revolted from the Parthians— in order 
that they might not be intercepted by the latter — to the coast of 
the Red Sea, whence they might reach their home without setting 
foot on Parthian territory (Tacitus, Ann. xv. 25), tells in favour 
of the view that the Indus valley at that time was not subject to 
the ruler of Ctesiphon. 

1 That the great kingdom of the Arsacids of Minnagara did not 
subsist much beyond the time of Nero, is probable from the coins. 
It is questionable what rulers followed them. The Bactro-Indian 
rulers of Greek names belong predominantly, perhaps all of them, 
to the pre-Augustan epoch ; and various indigenous names e.g. 
Maues and Azes, fall in point of language and writing {e.g. the 
form of the w n) before this time. On the other hand the coins 
of the kings Kozulokadpliises and Oemokadphises, and those of 
the Sacian kings, Kanerku and his successors, while all are clearly 
characterised as belonging to one coinage by the gold stater of the 
weight of the Roman aureus, which does not previously occur in 
the Indian coinage, are to all appearance later than Gondopharus 
and Sanabarus. They show how the state of the Indus valley as- 
sumed a national Indian type in ever increasing measure in con- 
trast to the Hellenes as well as to the Iranians. The reign of these 
Kadphises will thus fall between the Indo-Parthian rulers and the 
dynasty of the Sacae, which latter begins with A.D. 78 (Oldenberg, 
in Sallet's Zeitschr. fiir Num. viii. 292). Coins of these Sacian 
kings, found in the treasure of Peshawur, name in a remarkable 
way Greek gods in a mutilated form, Hpa/ctAo, SapaTro, alongside of 
the national BouSo, The latest of their coins show the influence of 
the oldest Sassanid coinage, and might belong to the second half of 
the third century (Sallet, Zeitschr. fiir Num. vi. 224). 

^ The Indo-Greek and the Indo-Parthian rulers, just as the Kad- 
phises, make use on their coins to a large extent of the indigenous 
Indian language and writing alongside of the Greek: the Sacian 
kings on the other hand never used the Indian language and In- 
dian alphabet, but employ exclusively the Greek letters, and the 
non-Greek legends of their coins are beyond doubt Scythian. Thus 
ou Kanerku's gold pieces there sometimes stands /8o(rtAe0j fiaaiAfwv 

Chap. IX.] The Eiophrates Frontier. 


in the region of the Indus, after the Indians and Hellenes, 
Parthians and Scythians bore sway in the first three cen- 
turies of our era. But even under the foreign dynasties 
a national Indian type of state was established and held 
its gi'ound, and opposed a not less permanent barrier to 
the development of the Pai-tho-Persian power in the East 
than did the Roman state in the West. 

Towards the north and north-east Iran bordered with 
Turan. As the western and southern shores 
sc^wans. Caspian Sea and the upper valleys of 

the Oxus and Jaxartes offered an appropriate 
seat for civilisation, so the steppe round the Sea of Aral 
and the extensive plain stretching behind it belonged by 
right to the roving peoples. There were among those 
nomads probably individual tribes kindred to the Iran- 
ians ; but these have no part in the Iranian civilisation, 
and it is this element which determines the historical 
position of Ii'an, that it forms the bulwark of the peoples 
of culture againt those hordes, who, as Scythians, Sacae, 
Huns, Mongols, Turks, appear to have no other destiny 
in the world's history than that of annihilating culture. 
Bactria, the great bulwark of Iran against Turan, sufficed 
for this defence during a considerable time under its 
Greek rulers in the epoch after Alexander ; but we have 
already mentioned that subsequently, although it did not 
perish, it no longer availed to prevent the Scythians from 
pressing onward towards the south. With the decay of 
the Bactrian power the same task was transferred to the 
Ai'sacids. How far they responded to it it is difficult to 
say. In the first period of the empire the great-kings of 
Ctesiphon seem to have driven back the Scythians or to 

KavfjpKov, sometimes pao vavopao KavnpKi Kopauo, wliere the first two 
words must be a Scythian form of tlie Indian Raj adi Raj all, and the 
two following contain the personal and the family name (Gushana) 
of the king (Oldenberg, I.e. p. 294). Thus these Sacae were foreign 
rulers in India in another sense than the Bactrian Hellenes and 
the Parthians. Yet the inscriptions set up under them in India 
are not Scythian but Indian. 


The Eujphrates Frontier. [Book VIII. 

have brouglit tliem into subjection in the northern prov- 
inces as well as to the south of the Hindoo Koosh ; they 
wrested from them again a portion of the Bactrian terri- 
tory. But it is doubtful what limits were here fixed, and 
whether they were at all lasting. There is frequent men- 
tion of wars between the Parthians and Scythians. The 
latter, here in the first instance dwellers around the Sea 
of Aral, the forefathers of the modern Turkomans, are reg- 
ularly the aggressors, inasmuch as they partly by cross- 
ing over the Caspian Sea invade the valleys of the Cyrus 
and the Araxes, partly issuing from their steppes pillage 
the rich plains of Hyrcania and the fertile oasis of Mar- 
giana (Merv). The border-regions agreed to buy off 
the levy of arbitrary contributions by tributes, which 
were regularly called up at fixed terms, just as at present 
the Bedouins of Syria levy the kuhha from the farmers 
there. The Parthian government thus, at least in the 
earlier imperial period, was as little able as the Turkish gov- 
ernment of the present day to secure here to the peaceful 
subject the fruits of his toil, and to establish a durable 
state of peace on the frontier. Even for the imperial 
power itself these border-troubles remained an open sore ; 
often they exercised an influence on the wars of succes- 
sion of the Arsacids as well as on their disputes with Kome. 
We have set forth in its due place how the attitude of 
the Parthians to the Komans came to be 
Parthian fron- shaped and the boundaries of the two great 
tier-regions. powcrs to bc established. While the Arme- 
nians had been rivals of the Parthians, and the kingdom 
on the Araxes set itself to play the part of great-king in 
anterior Asia, the Parthians had in general maintained 
friendly relations with the Romans as the foes of their 
foes. But, after the overthrow of Mithradates and Tigranes, 
the Romans had, particularly through the arrangements 
made by Pompeius, taken up a position which was hardly 
compatible with serious and lasting peace between the two 
states. In the south Syria was not under direct Roman 
rule, and the Roman legions kept guard on the margin of 

Chap. IX. ] The Euphrates Frontier. 


the great desert which separates the lands of the coast from 
the valley of the Euphrates. In the north Cappadocia and 
Armenia were vassal-principalities of Eome. The tribes 
bordering on Armenia to the northward, the Colchians, 
Iberians, Albanians, were thereby necessarily withdrawn 
from Parthian influence, and were, at least according to 
the Eoman way of apprehending the matter, likewise Ro- 
man dependencies. The lesser Media or Atropatene 
(Aderbijan), adjoining Armenia to the south-east, and sep- 
arated from it by the Araxes, had already confronted the 
Seleucids with its ancient native dynasty reaching back to 
the time of the Achaemenids, and had even asserted its in- 
dependence ; under the Arsacids the king of this region 
appears, according to circumstances, as a vassal of the 
Parthians or as independent of these by leaning on the 
Romans. The determining influence of Rome consequent- 
ly reached as far as the Caucasus and the western shore 
of the Caspian Sea. This involved an overlapping of the 
limits indicated by the national relations. The Hellenic 
nationality had doubtless so far gained a footing on the 
south coast of the Black Sea and in the interior of Cappa- 
docia and Commagene, that here the Roman ascendency 
found in it a base of support ; but Armenia, even under 
the long years of Roman rule, remained always a non- 
Greek land, knit to the Parthian state with indestructible 
ties, by community of language and of faith, the numerous 
intermarriages of people of rank, and similarity of dress 
and of armour.^ The Roman levy and the Roman taxa- 
tion were never extended to Armenia ; at most the land 
defrayed the raising and the maintenance of its own troops, 
and the provisioning of the Roman troops stationed there. 

' Arrian, wlio, as governor of Cappadocia, had liimself wielded 
command over the Armenians {contra Al. 29), always in the 
Tactica names the Armenians and Parthians together (4, 3, 44, 1, 
as respects the heavy cavalry, the mailed Kovrocpopoi and the light 
cavalry, the aKpo^oXiaTai or lirnoTo^STai ; 34, 7 as respects the wide 
hose) ; and where he speaks of Hadrian's introduction of barbaric 
cavalry into the Roman army, he traces the mounted archers back to 
the model of " the Parthians or Armenians" (44, 1). 


The Euphrates Frontier. [Book VIII. 

The Armenian merchants formed the channel for the ex- 
change of goods over the Caucasus with Scythia, over the 
Caspian Sea with east Asia and China, down the Tigris 
with Babylonia and India, towards the west with Cap- 
padocia ; nothing would have been more natural than to 
include the politically dependent land in the domain of 
Koman tribute and customs ; yet this step was never 

The incongruity between the national and the political 
connections of Armenia forms an essential element in the 
conflict — prolonged through the whole imperial period — 
with its eastern neighbour. It was discerned doubtless 
on the Eoman side that annexation beyond the Euphrates 
was an encroachment on the family-domain of Oriental 
nationality, and was not any increase proper of power for 
Kome. But the ground or, if the phrase be preferred, the 
excuse for the continuance of such encroachment lay in 
the fact that the subsistence side by side of great states 
with equal rights was incompatible with the system of 
Koman policy, we may even say with the policy of anti- 
quity in general. The Eoman empire knew as limit, in the 
strict sense, only the sea or a land-district unarmed. To 
the weaker but yet warlike commonwealth of the Parthians 
the Komans always grudged a position of power, and took 
away from it what these in their turn could not forego ; 
and therefore the relation between Eome and Iran through 
the whole imperial period was one of perpetual feud, in- 
terruj)ted only by armistices, concerning the left bank of 
the Euphrates. 

In the treaties concluded with the Parthians by Lu- 

cullus (iv. 88) and Pompeius (iv. 152) the 
during the civil Euphrates was recognized as the boundary, 

and so Mesopotamia was ceded to them. But 
this did not prevent the Eomans from receiving the rulers 
of Edessa among their clients, and from laying claim to a 
great part of northern Mesopotamia at least for their in- 
direct rule, apparently by extending the limits of Armenia 
towards the south (iv. 174). On that account, after some 

Chap. IX.] The Euphrates Frontier. 


delay, the Parthian government began the war against the 
Eomans, in the form of declaring it against the Armenians. 
The answer to this was the campaign of Crassus, and, after 
the defeat at Carrhae (iv. 403 f.), the bringing back of 
Armenia under Parthian power ; we may add, the resump- 
tion of their claims on the western half of the Seleucid 
state, the carrying out of which, it is true, proved at that 
time unsuccessful (iv. 408). During the whole twenty 
years of civil war, in which the Roman republic perished 
and ultimately the principate was established, the state 
of war between the Eomans and Parthians continued, 
and not seldom the two struggles became intermixed. 
Pompeius had, before the decisive battle, attempted to 
gain king Orodes as ally ; but, when the latter demanded 
the cession of Syria, Pompeius could not prevail on him- 
self to deliver up the province which he had personally 
made Eoman. After the catastrophe he had nevertheless 
resolved to do so ; but accidents directed his flight not to 
Syria, but to Egypt, where he met his end (iv. 508). The 
Parthians appeared on the point of once more breaking 
into Syria ; and the later leaders of the republicans did 
not disdain the aid of the public foe. Even in Caesar's 
lifetime Caecilius Bassus, when he raised the banner of 
revolt in Syria, had at once called in the Parthians. They 
had followed this call ; Pacorus, the son of Orodes, had 
defeated Caesar's lieutenant and liberated the troops of 
Bassus besieged by him in Apamea (709). For 
this reason, as well as in order to take revenge 
for Carrhae, Caesar had resolved to go in the next spring 
personally to Syria and to cross the Euphrates ; but his 
death prevented the execution of this plan. When Cassius 
thereupon took arms in Syria, he entered into relations 
with the Parthian king ; and in the decisive battle at 
^2 Philippi (712) Parthian mounted archers joined 

in fighting for the freedom of Eome. When 
the republicans succumbed, the great-king, in the first in- 
stance, maintained a quiet attitude ; and Antonius, while 
designing probably to execute the plans of the dictator, 


The Euphrates Frontier. [Book VIII. 

had at first enough to do with the settlement of the East. 
The collision could not fail to take place ; the assailant 
this time was the Parthian king. 

In 713 when Caesar the son fought in Italy with the 
generals and the wife of Antonius, and the 
latter tarried inactive in Egypt beside queen 
in Syria and Cleopatra, Orodes responded to the pressure 
Asia Minor. ^ Komau living with him in exile, Quintus 

Labienus, and sent the latter, a son of the dictator's em- 
bittered opponent Titus Labienus, and formerly an officer 
in the army of Brutus, as well as (713) his son 
Pacorus with a strong army over the frontier. 
The governor of Syria, Decidius Saxa, succumbed to the 
unexpected attack ; the Koman garrisons, formed in great 
part of old soldiers of the republican army, placed them- 
selves under the command of their former officer ; Apamea 
and Antioch, and generally all the towns of Syria, except 
the island-town of Tyre which could not be subdued 
without a fleet, submitted ; on the flight to Cilicia Saxa, 
in order not to be taken prisoner, put himself to death. 
After the occupation of Syria Pacorus turned against 
Palestine, Labienus towards the province of Asia ; here 
too the cities far and wide submitted or were forcibly 
vanquished, with the exception of the Carian Stratonicea. 
Antonius, whose attention was claimed by the Italian com- 
plications, sent no succour to his governors, and for almost 
two years (from the end of 713 to the spring 
of 715) Syria and a great part of Asia Minor 
were commanded by the Parthian generals and by the 
republican imperator Labienus — Parihicus, as he called 
himself with shameless irony, not the Eoman who van- 
quished the Parthians, but the Roman who with Parthian 
aid vanquished his countrymen. 

Only after the threatened rupture between the two 
holders of power was averted, Antonius sent 
VentidiJsBalsus. ^ ucw army under the conduct of Publius 
Ventidius Bassus, to whom he entrusted the 
command in the provinces of Asia and Syria. The able 

Chap. IX.] 

The Eujphrates Frontier. 


general encountered in Asia Labienus alone with his 
Roman troops, and rapidly drove him out of the province. 
At the boundary between Asia and Cilicia, in the passes of 
the Taurus, a division of Parthians wished to rally their 
fugitive allies; but they too were beaten before they could 
unite with Labienus, and thereupon the latter was caught 
on his flight in Cilicia and put to death. With like good 
fortune Ventidius gained by fighting the passes of the 
Amanus on the border of Cilicia and Syria ; here Pharna- 
pates, the best of the Parthian generals, fell 
(715). Thus was Syria delivered from the 
enemy. Certainly in the following year Pacorus once 
more crossed the Euphrates ; but only to meet destruc- 
tion with the greatest part of his army in a decisive en- 
gagement at Gindarus, north-east of Antioch 
(9th June 716). It was a victory which coun- 
terbalanced in some measure the day of Carrhae, and 
one of permanent effect ; for long the Parthians did not 
again show their troops on the Roman bank of the Eu- 

If it was in the interest of Rome to extend her conquests 
towards the East, and to enter on the inherit- 
PoBition of ance of Alexander the Great there in all its 

Antonius. , , • i 

extent, the circumstances were never more 
38. favourable for doing so than in the year 716. 

The relations of the two rulers to each other 
had become re-established seasonably for that purpose, and 
even Caesar at that time had probably a sincere wish for 
an earnest and successful conduct of the war by his co- 
ruler and new son-in-law. The disaster of Gindarus had 
called forth a severe dynastic crisis among the Parthians. 
King Orodes, deeply agitated by the death of his eldest 
and ablest son, resigned the government in favour of his 
second son Phraates. The latter, in order the better to 
secure for himself the throne, exercised a reign of terror, 
to which his numerous brothers and his old father himself, 
as well as a number of the high nobles of the kingdom, 
ieU victims ; others of them left the country and sought 


The Euphrates Frontier. [Book VIII. 

protection with the Komans, among them the powerful 
and respected Monaeses. Never had Kome in the East an 
army of equal numbers and excellence as at this time : 
Antonius was able to lead over the Euphrates no fewer 
than 16 legions, about 70,000 Koman infantry, about 
40,000 auxiliaries, 10,000 Spanish and Gallic, and 6000 
Armenian horsemen; at least half of them were veteran 
troops brought up from the West, all ready to follow any- 
where their beloved and honoured leader, the victor of 
Philippi, and to crown the brilliant victories, which had 
been already achieved not by but for him over the Par- 
thians, with still greater successes under his own leader- 

In reality Antonius had in view the erection of an Asiatic 
^. . great-kingdom after the model of that of Alex- 

ander. As Crassus before his invasion had 
announced that he would extend the Roman rule as 
far as Bactria and India, so Antonius named the first son, 
whom the Egyptian queen bore to him, by the name of 
Alexander. He appears to have directly intended, on the 
one hand, to bring— excluding the completely Hellenised 
provinces of Bithynia and Asia — the whole imperial terri- 
tory in the East, so far as it was not already under depend- 
ent petty princes, into this form ; and on the other hand 
to make' all the regions of the East once occupied by Occi- 
dentals subject to himself in the form of satrapies. Of 
eastern Asia Minor the largest portion and the military 
primacy were assigned to the most warlike of the princes 
there, the Galatian Amyntas (i. 362). Alongside of the 
Galatian prince stood the princes of Paphlagonia, the de- 
scendants of Deiotarus, dispossessed from Galatia ; Pole- 
mon, the new prince in Pontus, and the husband of Pytho- 
doris the granddaughter of Antonius ; and moreover, as 
hitherto, the kings of Cappadocia and Commagene. Anto- 
nius united a great part of Cilicia and Syria, as well as of 
Cyprus and Cyrene, with the Egyptian state, to which he 
thus almost restored its limits as they had been under the 
Ptolemies ; and as he had made queen Cleopatra, Caesar's 

Chap. IX.] 

The Euphrates Frontier. 


mistress, his own or rather his wife, so her illegitimate 
child by Caesar, Caesarion, already earlier recognised as 
joint ruler of Egypt,' obtained the reversion of the old 
kingdom of the Ptolemies, and her illegitimate son by 
Antonius, Ptolemaeus Philadelphus, obtained that of Syria. 
To another son, whom she had borne to Antonius, the 
already mentioned Alexander, Armenia was for the present 
assigned as a payment to account for the rule of the East 
conceived as in reserve for him. With this great-kingdom 
organised after the Oriental fashion'' he thought to com- 
bine the principate over the West. He himself did not 
assume the name of king, on the contrary bore in presence 
of his countrymen and the soldiers only those titles which 
also belonged to Caesar. But on imperial coins with a 
Latin legend Cleopatra is called queen of kings, her sons 
by Antonius at least kings ; the coins show the head of his 
eldest son along with that of his father, as if the hereditary 
character were a matter of course ; the marriage and the 
succession of the legitimate and the illegitimate children 
are treated by him, as was the usage with the great-kings 
of the East, or, as he himself said, with the divine freedom 

' Caesar's illegitimate son TlroXefxatos 6 koX Ka7ffap Oehs (piXoirdrayp 
<piXoix-l)T(>}p, as his royal designation runs {G. I. Or. 4717), entered 
on the joint rule of Egypt in the Egyptian year 29 Aug. 711/2 as the 
era shows (Wescher, Biillett. clelV Inst. 1866, p. 199; Krall, Wiener 
Staclieii., v. 313). As he came in place of Ptolemaeus the younger, 
the husband and brother of his mother, the setting aside of the lat- 
ter by Cleopatra, of which the particulars are not known, must have 
taken place just then, and have furnished the occasion to proclaim 
him as king of Egypt. Dio also, xlvii. 31, places his nomination in 
the summer of 712 before the battle of Philippi. It 
was thus not the work of Antonius, but sanctioned by 
the two rulers in concert at a time when it could not but be their 
object to meet the wishes of the queen of Egypt, who certainly had 
from the outset ranged herself on their side. 

^ This is what Augustus means when he says that he had brought 
again to the empire the provinces of the East in great part distri- 
buted among kings {Mon. Ancyr. 5, 41 : provindas omnis, quae trans 
Hadrianum mare wrgunt ad oi'ientem, Cyrenasque, iam ex parte 
magna regibus eas possidentibus . , . reciperavi). 


The Euphrates Frontier. 

[Book VIII. 

of his ancestor Herakles •} the said Alexander and his twin 
sister were named by him, the former Helios, the latter 
Selene, after the model of those same great-kings, and, as 
once upon a time the Persian king bestowed on the refu- 
gee Themistocles a number of Asiatic cities, so he be- 
stowed on the Parthian Monaeses, who went over to him, 
three cities of Syria. In Alexander too the king of the 
Macedonians and the king of kings of the East went in 
some measure side by side, and to him too the bridal bed 
in Susa was the reward for the camp tent of Gaugamela ; 
but the Roman copy shows in its exactness a strong ele- 
ment of caricature. 

Whether Antonius apprehended his position in this 
way, immediately on his taking up the government in the 

^ The decorum, which was as characteristic of Augustus as its 
opposite was of his colleague, did not fail him here. Not merely in 
the case of Caesarion was the paternity, which the dictator himself 
had virtually acknowledged, afterwards offically denied; the chil- 
dren also of Antonius by Cleopatra, where indeed nothing was to be 
denied, were regarded doubtless as members of the imperial house, 
but were never formally acknowledged as children of Antonius. On 
the contrary the son of the daughter of Antonius by Cleopatra, the 
subsequent king of MauretaniaPtolemaeus, is called in the Athenian 
inscription, 0. Z ^. iii. 555, grandson of Ptolemaeus; for UTo\e/j.a(ov 
€Kyovos cannot well in this connection be taken otherwise. This 
maternal grandfather was invented in Rome, that they might be 
able officially to conceal the real one. Any one who prefers— as O. 
Hirschfeld proposes— to take eKyovos as great-grandson, and to refer 
it to the maternal great-grandfather, comes to the same result ; for 
then the grandfather is passed over, because the mother was in the 
legal sense fatherless. — Whether the fiction, which is in my view 
more probable, went so far as to indicate a definite Ptolemaeus, pos- 
sibly to prolong the life of the last Lagid who died in 
712, or whether they were content with inventing a 
father without entering into particulars, cannot be decided. But 
the fiction was adhered to in this respect, that the son of Antonius's 
daughter obtained the name of the fictitious grandfather. The cir- 
cumstance that in this case preference was given to the descent from 
the Lagids over that from Massinissa may probably have been occa- 
sioned more by regard to the imperial house, which treated the ille- 
gitimate child as belonging to it, than by the Hellenic inclination 
of the father. 

Chap. IX.] The Euphrates Frontier. 


East, cannot be decided ; it may be conjectured that the 
creation of a new Oriental great-kingdom in 
£7thrpa?-'^ connection with the Occidental principate 
mian war. ripened in his mind gradually, and that the idea 
was only thought out completely, after, in the 
year 717, on his return from Italy to Asia, he 
had once more entered into relations with the last queen 
of the Lagid house not to be again broken off. But his 
temperament was not equal to such an enterprise. One 
of those men of military capacity, who knew how, in pres- 
ence of the enemy, and especially in a position of difficulty, 
to strike prudently and boldly, he lacked the will of the 
statesman, the sure grasp and resolute pursuit of a politi- 
cal aim. Had the dictator Caesar assigned to him the 
problem of subduing the East, he would probably have 
solved it : the marshal was not fitted to be the ruler. 
After the expulsion of the Parthians from Syria, almost 
two years (summer of 716 to summer of 718) 
' ■ elapsed without any step being taken towards 

the object aimed at. Antonius himself, inferior also in 
this respect that he grudged to his generals important 
successes, had removed the conqueror of Labienus and 
of Pacorus, the able Ventidius, immediately after this last 
success, and taken the chief command in person in order 
to pursue and to miss the pitiful honour of occupying 
Samosata, the capital of the small Syrian dependent state, 
Commagene ; annoyed at this he left the East, in order to 
negotiate in Italy with his father-in-law as to the future 
arrangements, or to enjoy life with his young spouse 
Octavia. His governors in the East were not inactive. 
Publius Canidius Crassus advanced from Armenia towards 
the Caucasus, and there subdued Pharnabazus king of the 
Iberians, and Zober king of the Albanians. Gains Sos- 
sius took in Syria the last town still adhering to the Par- 
thians, Aradus ; he further re-established in Judaea the 
rule of Herodes, and caused the pretender to the throne 
installed by the Parthians, the Hasmonean Antigonus, to 
be put to death. The consequences of the victory on 


The Euphrates Frontier. 

[Book VIII. 

Eoman territory were thus duly drawn, and the recog- 
nition of Eoman rule was enforced as far as the Caspian 
Sea and the Syrian desert. But Antonius had reserved 
for himself the beginning of the warfare against the Par- 
thians, and he came not. 

When at length, in 718, he escaped from the arms, not 
of Octavia, but of Cleopatra, and set the col- 
Parthian war of UmnS of the army in motion, a good part of 
Antonius. appropriate season of the year had already 

elapsed. Still more surprising than this delay was the 
direction which Antonius chose. All aggressive wars of 
the Romans against the Parthians, earlier and later, took 
the route for Ctesiphon, the capital of the kingdom and at 
the same time situated on its western frontier, and so the 
natural and immediate aim of opei'ation for armies march- 
ing downward on the Euphrates or on the Tigris. Anto- 
nius too might, after he had reached the Tigris through 
northern Mesopotamia, nearly along the route which Alex- 
ander had traversed, have advanced down the river upon 
Ctesiphon and Seleucia. But instead of this he preferred 
to go in a northerly direction at first towards Armenia, 
and from that point, where he united his whole military 
resources and reinforced himself in particular by the Ar- 
menian cavalry, to the table-land of Media Atropatene 
(Aderbijan). The allied king of Armenia may possibly 
have recommended this plan of campaign, seeing that the 
Armenian rulers at all times aspired to the possession of 
this neighbouring land, and King Artavazdes of Armenia 
might hope now to subdue the satrap of Atropatene of the 
same name, and to add the latter's territory to his own. 
But Antonius himself cannot possibly have been influenced 
by such considerations. He may have rather thought that 
he should be able to push forward from Atropatene into 
the heart of the enemy's country, and might regard the old 
Persian court-residences of Ecbatana and Rhagae as the 
goal of his march. But, if this was his plan, he acted 
without knowledge of the difficult ground, and altogether 
underrated his opponents' power of resistance, besides 

Chap. IX.] The Euphrates Frontier. 


which the short time available for operations in this moun- 
tainous country and the late beginning of the campaign 
weighed heavily in the scale. As a skilled and experi- 
enced officer, such as Antonius was, could hardly deceive 
himself on such points, it is probable that special political 
considerations influenced the matter. The rule of Phraates 
was tottering, as we have said ; Monaeses, of whose fidelity 
Antonius held himself assured, and whom he hoped per- 
haps to put into Phraates's place, had returned in accord- 
ance with the wish of the Parthian king to his native 
country ; ' Antonius appears to have reckoned on a rising 
on his part against Phraates, and in expectation of this 
civil war to have led his army into the interior of the Par- 
thian provinces. It would doubtless have been possible to 
await the result of this proposal in the friendly Armenia, 
and, if operations thereafter were requisite, to have at 
least the full summer-time at his disposal in the following 
year ; but this waiting was not agreeable to the hasty gen- 
eral. In Atropatene he encountered the obstinate resist- 
ance of the powerful and half independent under-king, 
who resolutely sustained a siege in his capital Praaspa or 
Phraarta (southward from the lake of Urumia, presumably 
on the lower course of the Jaghatu) ; and not only so, but 
the hostile attack brought, as it would seem, to the Par- 
thians internal peace. Phraates led on a large army to 
the relief of the assailed city. Antonius had brought with 
him a great siege-train, but impatiently hastening forward, 
he had left this behind in the custody of two legions under 
the legate Oppius Statianus. Thus he on his part made 
no progress with the siege ; but king Phraates sent his 
masses of cavalry under that same Monaeses to the rear of 

^ It is in itself credible tliat Antonius concealed the impending in- 
vasion from Phraates as long as possible, and therefore, when send- 
ing back Monaeses, declared himself ready to conclude peace on the 
basis of the restitution of the lost standards (Plutarch, 37 ; Dio, 
xlix. 24 ; Florus, ii. 20 [iv. 10]). But he knew presumably that 
this offer would not be accepted, and in no case can he have been in 
earnest with those proposals ; beyond doubt he wished for the war 
and the overthrow of Phraates. 


The Euphrates Frontier. [Book VIIL 

the enemy, against the corps of Statianus laboriously pur- 
suing its march. The Parthians cut down the covering 
force, including the general himself, took the rest prison- 
ers, and destroyed the whole train of 300 waggons. There- 
by the campaign was lost. 

The Armenian, despairing of the success of the cam- 
paign, collected his men and went home. An- 
SrufJS tonius did not immediately abandon the siege, 
and even defeated the royal army in the open 
field, but the alert horsemen escaped without substantial 
loss, and it was a victory without effect. An attempt to 
obtain from the king at least the restitution of the old and 
the newly lost eagles, and thus to conclude peace, if not 
with advantage, at least with honour, failed ; the Parthian 
did not give away his sure success so cheaply. He only 
assured the envoys of Antonius that, if the Romans would 
give up the siege, he would not molest them on their re- 
turn home. This neither honourable nor trustworthy 
promise of the enemy would hardly have induced An- 
tonius to break up. It was natural to take up quarters 
for the winter in the enemy's country, seeing that the 
Parthian troops were not acquainted with continuous 
military service, and presumably most of their forces 
would have gone home at the commencement of winter. 
But a strong basis was lacking, and supplies in the ex- 
hausted land were not secured ; above all Antonius him- 
self was not capable of such a tenacious conduct of the 
war. Consequently he abandoned the machines, which 
the besieged immediately burnt ; and entered on the diffi- 
cult retreat, either too early or too late. Fifteen days' 
march (300 Roman miles) through a hostile country sepa- 
rated the army from the Araxes, the border river of Ar- 
menia, whither in spite of the ambiguous attitude of the 
ruler the retreat could alone be directed. A hostile army 
of 40,000 horsemen, in spite of the given promise, accom- 
panied the returning force, and, with the marching off of 
the Armenians, the Romans had lost the best part of their 
cavalry. Provisions and draught animals were scarce, and 

Chap. IX.] I^Jie Euphrates Frontier. 


the season of the year far advanced. But in the perilous 
position Antonius recovered his energy and his martial 
skill, and in some measure also his good fortune in war ; 
he had made his choice, and the general as well as the 
troops solved the task in a commendable way. Had they 
not had with them a former soldier of Crassus, who, hav- 
ing become a Parthian, knew most accurately every step 
of the way, and, instead of conducting them back through 
the plain by which they had come, guided them by moun- 
tain paths, which were less exposed to cavalry attacks — 
apparently over the mountains about Tabreez — the army 
would hardly have reached its goal ; and had not Monae- 
ses, paying off in his way his debt of thanks to Antonius, 
informed him in right time of the false assurances and the 
cunning proposals of his countrymen, the Romans would 
doubtless have fallen into one of the ambushes which on 
several occasions were laid for them. 

The soldierly nature of Antonius was often brilliantly 

conspicuous during these troublesome days, 
Sie^Sreat.°^ in his dexterous use of any favourable moment, 

in his sternness towards the cowardly, in his 
power over the minds of the soldiers, in his faithful care 
for the wounded and the sick. Yet the rescue was almost 
a miracle ; already had Antonius instructed a faithful at- 
tendant in case of extremity not to let him fall alive into 
the hands of the enemy. Amidst constant attacks of the 
artful enemy, in weather of wintry cold, soon without ad- 
equate food and often without water, they in twenty-seven 
days reached the protecting frontier, where the enemy 
desisted from following them. The loss was enormous ; 
there were reckoned up in those twenty-seven days eight- 
een larger engagements, and in a single one of them the 
Eomans counted 3,000 dead and 5,000 wounded. It was 
the very best and bravest that those constant assaults on 
the vanguard and on the flanks swept away. The whole 
baggage, a third of the camp-followers, a fourth of the 
army, 20,000 foot soldiers, and 4,000 horsemen had per- 
ished in this Median campaign, in great part not through 

Vol. II.— 3 


The Ewphrates Frontier. [Book VIII. 

the sword, but through famine and disease. Even on the 
Araxes the sufferings of the unhappy troops were not yet 
at an end. Artavazdes received them as a friend, and 
had no other choice ; it would doubtless have been pos- 
sible to pass the winter there. But the impatience of 
Antonius did not tolerate this ; the march went on, and 
from the ever increasing inclemency of the season and the 
state of health of the soldiers, this last section of the ex- 
pedition from the Araxes to Antioch cost, although no en- 
emy hampered it, other 8,000 men. No doubt this cam- 
paign was a last flash of what was brave and capable in the 
character of Antonius ; but it was politically his overthrow 
all the more, as at the same time Caesar by the successful 
termination of the Sicilian war gained the dominion in the 
"West and the confidence of Italy for the present and all 
the future. 

The responsibility for the miscarriage, which Antonius 
in vain attempted to deny, was thrown by him 
Antonius in the On the dependent kings of Cappadocia and 
East. Armenia, and on the latter so far with justice, 

as his premature marching off from Praaspa had mate- 
rially increased the dangers and the losses of the retreat. 
For the plan of the campaign, however, it was not he who 
was responsible, but Antonius ; and the failure of the 
hopes placed on Monaeses, the disaster of Statianus, the 
breaking down of the siege of Praaspa, were not brought 
about by the Armenian. Antonius did not abandon the 
subjugation of the East, but set out next year 
(719) once more from Egypt. The circum- 
stances were still even now comparatively favourable. A 
friendly alliance v/as formed with the Median king Arta- 

' The account of the matter given by Strabo, xi. 13, 4, p. 524, 
evidently after the description of this war compiled by Antonius's 
comrade in arms Dellius, and, it may be conjectured, at his bidding 
(comp. ib. xi 18, 3 ; Dio, xlix. 39 \ is a very sorry attempt to jus- 
tify the beaten general. If Antonius did not take the nearest route 
to Ctesiphon, king Artavazdes cannot be brought in for the blame 
of it as a false guide ; it was a military, and doubtless still more a 
political, miscalculation of the general in chief. 

Chap. IX.] The Euphrates Frontier, 35 

vazdes ; he had not merely fallen into variance with his 
Parthian suzerain, but was indignant above all at his Ar- 
menian neighbour, and, considering the well-known exas- 
peration of Antonius against the latter, he might reckon 
on finding a support in the enemy of his enemy. Every- 
thing depended on the firm accord of the two possessors 
of power — the victory- crowned master of the West and 
the defeated ruler in the East ; and, on the news that An- 
tonius proposed to continue the war, his legitimate wife, 
the sister of Caesar, resorted from Italy to the East to 
bring up to him new forces, and to strengthen anew his 
relations to her and to her brother. If Octavia was mag- 
nanimous enough to offer the hand of reconciliation to her 
husband in spite of his relations to the Egyptian queen, 
Caesar must — as was further confirmed by the commence- 
ment, which just then took place, of the war on the north- 
east frontier of Italy — have been still ready at that time to 
maintain the subsisting relation. The brother and sister 
subordinated their personal interests magnanimously to 
those of the commonwealth. But loudly as interest and 
honour called for the acceptance of the offered hand, An- 
tonius could not prevail on himself to break off the relation 
with the Egyptian queen ; he sent back his wife, and this 
was at the same time a rupture with her brother, and, as 
we may add, an abandonment of the idea of continuing 
the war against the Parthians. Now, ere that could be 
thought of, the question of mastery between Antonius and 
Caesar had to be settled. Antonius accordingly returned 
at once from Syria to Egypt, and in the following year 
undertook nothing further towards the execution of his 
plans of Oriental conquest ; only he punished those to 
whom he assigned the blame of the miscarriage. He 
caused Ariarathes the king of Cappadocia to be executed,^ 
and gave the kingdom to an illegitimate kinsman of his, 

^ The fact of the deposition and execution, and the time, are at- 
tested by Dio, xlix. 32, and Valerius Maximus, ix. 15, ext. 2 ; the 
cause or the pretext must have been connected with the Armenian 


The Euphrates Frontier, 

[Book VIII. 

Archelaus. The like fate was intended for the Armenian. 

If Antonius in 720 appeared in Armenia, as he 
said, for the continuance of the war, this had 
simply the object of getting into his power the person of 
the king, who had refused to go to Egypt. This act of re- 
venge was ignobly executed by way of surprise, and was 
not less ignobly celebrated by a caricature of the Capito- 
line triumph exhibited in Alexandria. At that time the 
son of Antonius, destined for lord of the East, as was al- 
ready stated, was installed as king of Armenia, and mar- 
ried to the daughter of the new ally, the king of Media ; 
while the eldest son of the captive king of Armenia exe- 
cuted some time afterwards by order of queen Cleopatra, 
Artaxes, whom the Armenians had proclaimed king instead 
of his father, took refuge with the Parthians. Armenia 
and Media Atropatene were thus in the power of Antonius 
or allied with him ; the continuance of the Parthian war 
was announced doubtless, but remained postponed till 
after the overcoming of the western rival. Phraates on his 
part advanced against Media, at first without success, as 
the Koman troops stationed in Armenia afforded help to 
the Medians ; but when Antonius, in the course of his ar- 
maments against Caesar, recalled his forces from that 
quarter, the Parthians gained the upper hand, vanquished 
the Medians, and installed in Media, as well as also in Ar- 
menia, the king Artaxes, who, in requital for the execu- 
tion of his father, caused all the Romans scattered in the 
land to be seized and put to death. That Phraates did 
not turn to fuller account the great feud between Antonius 
and Caesar, while it was in preparation and was being 
fought out, was probably due to his being once more 
hampered by the troubles breaking out in his own land. 
These ended in his expulsion, and in his going to the 
Scythians of the East. Tiridates was proclaimed as great- 
king in his stead. When the decisive naval battle was 
fought on the coast of Epirus, and thereupon the overthrow 
of Antonius was completed in Egypt, this new great-king 
sat on his tottering throne in Ctesiphon, and at the oppo- 

Chap. IX. ] The Eii^phrates Frontier. 


site frontier of the empire the hordes of Turan were mak- 
ing arrangements to reinstate the earlier ruler, in which 
they soon afterwards succeeded. 

The sagacious and clear-seeing man, to whom it fell to 
liquidate the undertakings of Antonius and to 
ments^orAugus- scttlc the rclatious of the two portions of the 

tus in the East. . -, n -i. 

empu'e, needed moderation quite as much as 
energy. It would have been the gravest of errors to enter 
into the ideas of Antonius as to conquering the East, or 
even merely making further conquests there. Augustus 
perceived this ; his military arrangements show clearly 
that, while he viewed the possession of the Syrian coast as 
well as that of Egypt as an indispensable complement to 
the empire of the Mediterranean, he attached no value 
to inland possessions there. Armenia, however, had now 
been for a generation Eoman, and could, in the nature of 
the circumstances, only be Eoman or Parthian ; the coun- 
try was by its position, in a military point of view, a sally- 
port for each of the great powers into the territory of the 
other. Augustus had no thought of abandoning Armenia 
and leaving it to the Parthian s ; and, as things stood, he 
could hardly think of doing so. But, if Armenia was re- 
tained, the matter could not end there ; the local relations 
compelled the Komans further to bring under their con- 
trolling influence the basin of the river Cyrus, the terri- 
tories of the Iberians on its upper, and of the Albanians 
on its lower course — that is, the inhabitants of the modern 
Georgia and Shirvan, skilled in combat on horseback and 
on foot — and not to allow the domain of the Parthian 
power to extend to the north of the Araxes beyond Atro- 
patene. The expedition of Pompeius had already shown 
that the settlement in Armenia necessarily led the Eomans 
on the one hand as far as the Caucasus, on the other as 
far as the western shore of the Caspian Sea. The initial 
steps were everywhere taken. The legates of Antonius had 
fought with the Iberians and Albanians ; Polemon, con- 
firmed in his position by Augustus, ruled not merely over 
the coast from Pharnacea to Trapezus, but also over the 


The Euphrates Frontier. [Book VIII. 

territory of the Colchians at the mouth of the Phasis. To 
this general state of matters fell to be added the special 
circumstances of the moment, which most urgently sug- 
gested to the new monarch of Kome not merely to show 
his sword in presence of the Orientals, but also to draw it. 
That king Artaxes, like Mithradates formerly, had given 
orders to put to death all the Eomans within his bounds, 
could not be allowed to remain unrequited. The exiled 
king of Media also had now sought help from Augustus, 
as he would otherwise have sought it from Antonius. Not 
merely did the civil war and the conflict of pretenders in 
the Parthian empire facilitate the attack, but the expelled 
ruler Tiridates likewise sought protection with Augustus, 
and declared himself ready as a Eoman vassal to accept 
his kingdom in fief from the latter. The restitution of 
the Komans who had fallen into the power of the Par- 
thians at the defeats of Crassus and of the Antonians, and 
of the lost eagles, might not in themselves seem to the 
ruler worth the waging of war ; the restorer of the Roman 
state could not allow this question of military and politi- 
cal honour to drop. 

The Eoman statesman had to reckon with these facts ; 

considering the position, which Antonius took 
him!'^ *° in the East, the policy of action was impera- 
tive generally, and doubly so from the pre- 
ceding miscarriages. Beyond doubt it was desirable soon 
to undertake the organisation of matters in Rome, but for 
the undisputed monarch there subsisted no stringent com- 
pulsion to do this at once. He found himself after the 
decisive blows of Actium and Alexandria on the spot and 
at the head of a strong and victorious army ; what had to 
be done some day was best done at once. A ruler of the 
stamp of Caesar would hardly have returned to Rome 
without having restored the protectorate in Armenia, hav- 
ing obtained recognition for the Roman supremacy as far 
as the Caucasus and the Caspian Sea, and having settled 
accounts with the Parthians. A ruler of caution and en- 
ergy would have now at once organised the defence of the 

Chap, IX.] TJie Euphrates Frontier. 


frontier in the East, as the circumstances required ; it was 
from the outset clear that the four Syrian legions, together 
about 40,000 men, were not sufficient to guard the inter- 
ests of Kome simultaneously on the Euphrates, on the 
Araxes, and on the Cyrus, and that the militia of the de- 
pendent kingdoms only concealed, and did not cover, the 
want of imperial troops. Armenia by political and national 
sympathy held more to the Parthians than to the Romans ; 
the kings of Commagene, Cappadocia, Galatia, Pontus, 
were inclined doubtless on the other hand more to the 
Roman side, but they were untrustworthy and weak. Even 
a policy keeping within bounds needed for its foundation 
an energetic stroke of the sword, and for its maintenance 
the near arm of a superior Roman military power. 

Augustus neither struck nor protected ; certainly not 
because he deceived himself as to the state of 
meature?^ the case, but bccausc it was his nature to exe- 
cute tardily and feebly what he perceived to 
be necessary, and to let considerations of internal policy 
exercise a more than due influence on the relations abroad. 
The inadequacy of the protection of the frontier by the cli- 
ent-states of Asia Minor he well perceived ; and in con- 
nection therewith, already in the j^ear 729, after 
the death of king Amyntas who ruled all the in- 
terior of Asia Minor, he gave to him no successor, but placed 
the land under an imperial legate. Presumably the neigh- 
bouring more impotant client-states, and particularly Cap- 
padocia, were intended to be in like manner converted after 
the decease of the holders for the time into imperial govern- 
orships. This was a step in advance, in so far as thereby the 
militia ot these countries was incorporated with the impe- 
rial army and placed under Roman officers ; these troops 
could not exercise a serious pressure on the insecure bor- 
derlands or even on the neighbouring great-state, although 
they now counted among those of the empire. But all these 
considerations were outweighed by regard to the reduction 
of the numbers of the standing army and of the expendi- 
ture for the military system to the lowest possible measure. 


The Euphrates Frontier. [Book VIII. 

Equally insufficient, in presence of the relations of the 
moment, were the measures adopted by Augustus on his 
return home from Alexandria. He gave to the dispos- 
sessed king of the Medes the rule of the Lesser Armenia, 
and to the Parthian pretender Tiridates an asylum in 
Syria, in order through the former to keep in check the 
king Artaxes who persevered in open hostility against 
Kome, by the latter to press upon king Phraates. The 
negotiations instituted with the latter regarding the resti- 
tution of the Parthian trophies of victory were prolonged 
without result, although Phraates in the year 731 had 
promised their return in order to obtain the 

23. ^ 

release of a son who had accidentally fallen into 
the power of the Eomans. 

It was only when Augustus went in person to Syria in 

the year 734, and showed himself in earnest, 
Augustus in that the Orientals submitted. In Armenia, 

where a powerful party had risen against king 
Artaxes, the insurgents threw themselves into the arms of 
the Eomans and sought imperial investiture for Artaxes's 
younger brother Tigranes, brought up at the imperial 
court and living in Eome. When the emperor's stepson 
Tiberius Claudius Nero, then a youth of twenty-two years, 
advanced with a military force into Armenia, king Artaxes 
was put to death by his own relatives, and Tigranes re- 
ceived the imperial tiara from the hand of the emperor's 
representative, as fifty years earlier his grandfather of 
the same name had received it from Pompeius (iv. 152). 
Atropatene was again separated from Armenia and passed 
under the sway of a ruler likewise brought up in Eome, 
Ariobarzanes, son of the already-mentioned Artavazdes ; 
yet the latter appears to have obtained the land not as a 
Eoman but as a Parthian dependency. Concerning the 
organisation of matters in the principalities on the Cau- 
casus we learn nothing ; but as they are subsequently 
reckoned among the Eoman client-states, probably at 
that time the Eoman influence prevailed here also. Even 
king Phraates, now put to the choice of redeeming his 

Chap. IX.] The Euphrates Frontier, 


word or fighting, resolved with a heavy heart on the sur- 
render — keenly as it did violence to the national feelings 
of his people — of the few Koman prisoners of war still 
living and the standards won. 

Boundless joy saluted this bloodless victory achieved 
. ^ by this prince of peace. After it there sub- 

Mission of -•- ^ 

Gaius Caesar sistcd for a Considerable time a friendly re- 

to the East. . 

lation with the king of the Parthians, as indeed 
the immediate interests of the two great states came little 
into contact. In Armenia, on the other hand, the Koman 
vassal-rule, which rested only on its own basis, had a dif- 
ficulty in confronting the national opposition. After the 
early death of king Tigranes his children, or the leaders 
of the state governing under their name, joined this op- 
position. Against them another ruler Artavazdes was set 
up by the friends of the Komans ; but he was unable to 
prevail against the stronger opposing party. These Arme- 
nian troubles disturbed also the relation to the Parthians ; 
it was natural that the Armenians antagonistic to Rome 
should seek to lean on these, and the Arsacids could not 
forget that Armenia had been formerly a Parthian appan- 
age for the second son. Bloodless victories are often 
feeble and dangerous. Matters went so far that the 
g Boman government, in the year 748, commis- 

sioned the same Tiberius, who, fourteen years 
before had installed Tigranes as vassal-king of Armenia, to 
enter it once more with a military force and to regulate the 
state of matters in case of need by arms. But the quarrels 
in the imperial family, which had interrupted the subjuga- 
tion of the Germans (i. 40), interfered also here and had 
the same bad effect. Tiberius declined his stepfather's 
commission, and in the absence of a suitable princely gen- 
eral the Roman government for some years looked on, 
inactive for good or evil, at the doings of the anti-Roman 
party in Armenia under Parthian protection. 
At length, in the year 753, not merely was the 
same commission given to the elder adopted son of the em- 
peror, Gaius Caesar, at the age of twenty, but the subjuga- 


The Euphrates Frontier. [Book VIII. 

tioii of Armenia was to be, as the father hoped, the be- 
ginning of greater things ; the Oriental campaign of the 
crown-prinee of twenty was, we might almost say, to con- 
tinue the expedition of Alexander. Literati commissioned 
by the emperor or in close relations to the court, the geog- 
rapher Isidorus, himself at home at the mouth of the Eu- 
phrates, and king Juba of Mauretania, the representa- 
tive of Greek learning among the princely personages of 
the Augustan circle, dedicated — the former his informa- 
tion personally acquired in the East, the latter his literary 
collections on Arabia — to the young prince, who appeared 
to burn with the desire of achieving the conquest of that 
land— over which Alexander had met his death — as a 
brilliant compensation for a miscarriage of the Augustan 
government which a considerable time ago had there 
occurred. In the first instance for Armenia this mission 
was just as successful as that of Tiberius. The Eoman 
crown-prince and the Parthian great-king Phraataces met 
personally on an island of the Euphrates ; the Parthians 
once more gave up Armenia, the imminent danger of a 
Parthian war was averted, and the understanding, which 
had been disturbed, was at least outwardly re-established. 
Gains appointed Ariobarzanes, a prince of the Median 
princely house, as king over the Armenians, and the su- 
zerainty of Rome was once more confirmed. The Arme- 
nians, however, opposed to Rome did not submit without 
resistance ; matters came not merely to the marching in 
of the legions, but even to fighting. Before the walls of 
the Armenian stronghold Artageira the young crown- 
prince received from a Parthian officer through treachery 
the wound (2 a.d.) of which he died after months of sick- 
ness. The intermixture of imperial and dynastic policy 
punished itself anew. The death of a young man changed 
the course of great policy ; the Arabian expedition so 
confidently announced to the public fell into abeyance, 
after its success could no longer smooth the way of the 
emperor's son to the succession. Further undertakings 
on the EujDhrates were no longer thought of ; the im- 

Chap. IX.] The Eujplirates Frontier. 


mediate object — the occupation of Armenia and the re- 
estabHshment of the relations with the Parthians — was at- 
tained, however sad the shadows that fell on this success 
through the death of the crown-prince. 

The success had no more endurance than that of the 

more brilliant expedition of 734. The rulers 
^. . ^ ^ of Armenia installed by Eome were soon hard, 
manicus to the pressed by those of the counter-party with the 

secret or open participation of the Parthians, 
and supplanted. When the Parthian prince Vonones, 
reared in Rome, was called to the vacant Parthian throne, 
the Romans hoped to find in him a support ; but on that 
very account he had soon to vacate it, and in his stead 
came king Artabanus of Media, an energetic man, sprung 
on the mother's side from the Arsacids, but belonging to 
the Scythian people of the Daci, and brought up in native 
habits (about 10 a.d.). Vonones was then received by the 
Armenians as ruler, and thereby these were kept under 
Roman influence. But the less could Artabanus tolerate 
his dispossessed rival as a neighbour prince ; the Roman 
government must, in order to sustain a man in every 
respect unfitted for his position, have applied armed force 
against the Parthians as against his own subjects. Ti- 
berius, who meanwhile had come to reign, did not order 
an immediate invasion, and for the moment the anti- 
Roman party in Armenia was victorious ; but it was not 
his intention to abandon the important border-land. On 
the contrary, the annexation, probably long resolved on, 
of the kingdom of Cappadocia was carried out in the year 
17 ; the old Archelaus, who had occupied the throne there 

from the year 718, was summoned to Rome 

and was there informed that he had ceased to 
reign. Likewise the petty, but on account of the fords of 
the Euphrates important, kingdom of Commagene came 
at that time under immediate imperial administration. 
Thereby the direct frontier of the empire was pushed for- 
ward as far as the middle Euphrates. At the same time 
the crown-prince Germanicus, who had just commanded 


The Eujphrates Frontier. [Book VIII. 

with great distinction on the Rhine, went with extended 
full powers to the East, in order to organise the new 
province of Cappadocia and to restore the sunken repute 
of the imperial authority. 

This mission also attained its end soon and easily. 

Germanicus, althouf^h not supported by the 

And its results. -P a • -D- -lx. 

governor oi byria, Gnaeus Jriso, with such a 
force of troops as he was entitled to ask and had asked, 
went nevertheless to Armenia, and by the mere weight of 
his person and of his position brought back the land to 
allegiance. He allowed the incapable Vonones to fall, and, 
in accordance with the wishes of the chief men favourable 
to Rome, appointed as ruler of the Armenians a son of 
that Polemon whom Antonius had made king in Pontus, 
Zeno, or, as he was called as king of Armenia, Artax- 
ias ; the latter was, on the one hand, connected with the 
imperial house through his mother queen Pythodoris, 
a granddaughter of the triumvir Antonius, on the other 
hand, reared after the manner of the country, a vigorous 
huntsman and a brave carouser at the festal board. The 
great-king Artabanus also met the Roman prince in a 
friendly way, and asked only for the removal of his pre- 
decessor Vonones from Syria, in order to check the in- 
trigues concocted between him and the discontented Par- 
thians. As Germanicus responded to this request and 
sent the inconvenient refugee to Cilicia, where he soon 
afterwards perished in an attempt to escape, the best 
relations were established between the two great states. 
Artabanus wished even to meet personally with Ger- 
manicus at the Euphrates, as Phraataces and Gains had 
done ; but this Germanicus declined, doubtless with ref- 
erence to the easily excited suspicion of Tiberius. In 
truth the same shadow of gloom fell on this Oriental 
expedition as on the last preceding one; from this too 
the crown-prince of the Roman empire came not home 

For a time the arrangements made did their work. 
So long as Tiberius bore sway with a firm hand, and so 

Chap. IX.] The Ewphrates Frontier, 


long as king Artaxias of Armenia lived, tranquillity con- 
tinued in the East ; but in ttie last years of 
^berfuT' "^"^ old emperor, when he from his solitary isl- 
and allowed things to take their course and 
shrank back from all interference, and especially after the 
death of Artaxias (about 34), the old game once more 
began. King Artabanus, exalted by his long and pros- 
perous government and by many successes achieved 
against the border peoples of L-an, and convinced that 
the old emperor would have no inclination to begin a 
heavy war in the East, induced the Armenians to proclaim 
his own eldest son, Arsaces, as ruler ; that is, to exchange 
the Koman suzerainty for the Parthian, Indeed he seemed 
directly to aim at war with Kome ; he demanded the estate 
left by his predecessor and rival Vonones, who had died in 
Cilicia, from the Eoman government, and his letters to it 
as undisguisedly expressed the view that the East belonged 
to the Orientals, as they called by the right name the 
abominations at the imperial court, of which people in 
Kome ventured only to whisper in their most intimate 
circles. He is said even to have made an attempt to 
possess himself of Cappadocia. But he had miscalculated 
on the old lion. Tiberius was even at Capreae formidable 
not merely to his courtiers, and was not the man to let 
liimseK, and in himself Kome, be mocked 
viteiiius^^ with impunity. He sent Lucius Vitellius, the 
father of the subsequent emperor, a resolute 
officer and skilful diplomatist, to the East with plenary 
power similar to that which Gains Caesar and Germanicus 
had formerly had, and with the commission in case of need 
to lead the Syrian legions over the Euphrates. At the 
same time he applied the often tried means for giving 
trouble to the rulers of the East by insurrections and pre- 
tenders in their own land. To the Parthian prince, whom 
the Armenian nationalists had proclaimed as ruler, he op- 
posed a prince of the royal house of the Iberians, Mith- 
radates, brother of the Armenian king Pharasmanes, and 
directed the latter, as well as the prince of the Albanians, 


The Euphrates Frontier. 

[Book VIIL 

to support the Eoman pretender to Armenia with military 
force. Large bands of the Transcaucasian Sarmatae, war- 
like and easy of access to every wooer, were hired with 
Koman money for the inroads into Armenia. The Eoman 
pretender succeeded in poisoning his rival through bribed 
courtiers, and in possessing himself of the country and 
of the capital Artaxata. Artabanus sent in place of the 
murdered prince another son Orodes to Armenia, and 
attempted also on his part to procure Transcaucasian 
auxiliaries ; but only few made good their way to Armenia, 
and the bands of Parthian horsemen were not a match for 
the good infantry of the Caucasian peoples and the dreaded 
Sarmatian mounted archers. Orodes was vanquished in a 
hard pitched battle, and himself severely wounded in single 
combat with his rival. Then Artabanus in person set out 
for Armenia. But now Vitellius also put in motion the 
Syrian legions, in order to cross the Euphrates and to in- 
vade Mesopotamia, and this brought the long fermenting 
insurrection in the Parthian kingdom to an outbreak. 
The energetic and, with successes, more and more rude 
demeanour of the Scythian ruler, had offended many per- 
sons and interests, and had especially estranged from him 
the Mesopotamian Greeks and the powerful urban com- 
munity of Seleucia, from which he had taken away its 
municipal constitution, democratic after a Greek type. 
Eoman gold fostered the movement which was in prepara- 
tion. Discontented nobles had already put themselves in 
communication with the Eoman government, and besought 
from it a genuine Arsacid. Tiberius had sent the only sur- 
viving son of Phraates, of the same name with his father, 
and — after the old man, accustomed to Eoman habits, had 
succumbed to his exertions while still in Syria — in his 
stead a grandson of Phraates, likewise living in Eome, by 
name Tiridates. The Parthian prince Sinnaces, the leader 
of these plots, now renounced allegiance to the Scythians 
and set up the banner of the Arsacids. Vitellius with his 
legions crossed the Euphrates, and in his train the new 
great-king by grace of Eome. The Parthian governor of 

Chap. IX.] The Euphrates Frontier. 


Mesopotamia, Ornospades, wlio had once as an exile shared 
under Tiberius in the Pannonian wars, placed himself and 
his troops at once at the disposal of the new ruler ; Abda- 
gaeses, the father of Sinnaces, delivered over the imperial 
treasure ; very speedily Artabanus found himself aban- 
doned by the whole country, and compelled to take flight 
to his Scythian home, where he wandered about in the 
forests without settled abode, and kept himself alive with 
his bow, while the tiara was solemnly placed on the head 
of Tiridates in Ctesiphon by the princes who were, ac- 
cording to the Parthian constitution, called to crown the 

But the rule of the new great-king sent by the imperial 
foe did not last long. The government, con- 
Spirseded. ducted less by himself, young, inexperienced, 
and incapable, than by those who had made 
him king, and chiefly by Abdagaeses, soon provoked 
opposition. Some of the chief satraps had remained 
absent even from the coronation festival, and again 
brought forth the dispossessed ruler from his banish- 
ment ; with their assistance and the forces supplied by 
his Scythian countrymen Artabanus returned, and already 
in the following year (36) the whole kingdom, with the 
exception of Seleucia, was again in his power, Tiridates 
was a fugitive, and was compelled to demand from his 
Roman protectors the shelter which could not be re- 
fused to him. Vitellius once more led the legions to the 
Euphrates ; but, as the great-king appeared in person and 
declared himself ready for all that was asked, provided 
that the Roman government would stand aloof from Tiri- 
dates, peace was soon concluded. Artabanus not merely 
recognized Mithradates as king of Armenia, but presented 
also to the ef&gy of the Roman emperor the homage which 
was wont to be required of vassals, and furnished his son 
Darius as a hostage to the Romans. Thereupon the old 
emperor died ; but he had lived long enough to see this 
victory, as bloodless as complete, of his policy over the 
revolt of the East. 


The Eujplirates Frontier. 

[Book VIII. 

What the sagacity of the old man had attained was un- 
done at once by the indiscretion of his suc- 
Safu?'* cessor. Apart from the fact that he cancelled 
judicious arrangements of Tiberius, re-estab- 
lishing, e.g. the annexed kingdom of Commagene, his 
foolish envy grudged the dead emperor the success which 
he had gained ; he summoned the able governor of Syria 
as well as the new king of Armenia to Eome to answer for 
themselves, deposed the latter, and, after keeping him for 
a time a prisoner, sent him into exile. As a matter of 
course the Parthian government took action for itself, 
and once more seized possession of Armenia which was 
without a master.^ Claudius, on coming to reign in the 
year 41, had to begin afresh the work that had been done. 
He dealt with it after the example of Tiberius. Mithra- 
dates, recalled from exile, was reinstated, and directed 
with the help of his brother to possess himself of Armenia. 
The fraternal war then waged among the three sons of 
king Artabanus III. in the Parthian kingdom smoothed 
the way for the Romans. After the murder of the eldest 
son, Gotarzes and Vardanes contended over the throne for 
years ; Seleucia, which had already renounced allegiance 
to the father, defied him and subsequently his sons 
throughout seven years ; the peoples of Turan also in- 
terfered, as they always did, in this quarrel of princes 
of Iran. Mithradates was able, with the help of the 
troops of his brother and of the garrisons of the neigh- 
bouring Roman provinces, to overpower the Parthian par- 
tisans in Armenia and to make himself again master 

^ The account of the seizure of Armenia is wanting, but the fact 
is clearly apparent from Tacitus, Ann. xi. 9. To this connection 
probably belongs what Josephus, Arch. xx. 3, 3, tells of the de- 
sign of the successor of Artabanus to wage war against the Ro- 
mans, from which Izates the satrap of Adiabene vainly dissuades 
him. Josephus names this successor, probably in error, Bardanes. 
The immediate successor of Artabanus III. was, according to Taci- 
tus, Ann. xi. 8, his son of the same name, whom along with his 
son thereupon Gotarzes put out of the way ; and this Artabanus IV. 
must be here meant. 

Chap. IX.] 

The Euphrates Frontier, 


there ; ^ the land obtained a Koman garrison. After Var- 
danes had come to terms with his brother and had at leogth 
reoccupied Seleucia, he seemed as though he would march 
into Armenia ; but the threatening attitude of the Eoman 
legate of Syria withheld him, and very soon the brother 
broke the agreement and the civil war began afresh. Not 
even the assassination of the brave and, in combat with the 
peoples of Turan, victorious Vardanes put an end to it ; 
the opposition party now turned to Kome and besought 
from the government there the son of Yonones, the prince 
Meherdates then living in Eome, who thereupon was 
placed by the emperor Claudius before the assembled 
senate at the disposal of his countrymen and sent away to 
Syria with the exhortation to administer his new kingdom 
well and justly, and to remain mindful of the friendly pro- 
tectorate of Rome (49). He did not reach the position in 
which these exhortations might be applied. The Roman 
legions, which escorted him as far as the Euphrates, there 
delivered him over to those who had called him — the head 
of the powerful princely family of the Caren and the kings 
Abgarus of Edessa and Izates of Adiabene. The inex- 
perienced and un warlike youth was as little equal to the 
task as all the other Parthian rulers set up by the Romans; 
a number of his most noted adherents left him so soon as 
they learned to know him, and went to Gotarzes ; in the 
decisive battle the fall of the brave Caren turned the scale. 
Meherdates was taken prisoner and not even executed, but 

1 The statement of Petrus Patricius (/n 3 Miill. ) that King Mith- 
radates of Iberia had planned revolt from Rome, bat in order to 
preserve the semblance of fidelity, had sent his brother Cotjs to 
Claudius, and then, when the latter had given information to the 
emperor of those intrigues, had been deposed and replaced by his 
brother, is not compatible with the assured fact that in Iberia, at 
least from the year 35 (Tacitus, Ann. vi. 32) till the year 60 (Taci- 
tus, Ann. xiv. 26), Pharasmanes, and in the year 75 his son Mithra- 
dates (C Z L. iii. 6052) bore rule. Beyond doubt Petrus has con- 
fused Mithradates of Iberia and the king of the Bosporus of the 
same name (i. 343, note 1), and here at the bottom lies the narra- 
tive, which Tacitus, Ann. xii. 18, presupposes. 
Vol. II.— 4 


The Euphrates Frontier. [Book YIII. 

only, after tlie Oriental fashion, rendered incapable of gov- 
ernment by mutilation of the ears. 

Notwithstanding this defeat of Roman policy in the 
Parthian kingdom, Armenia remained with 

Armenia occu- ^ ' 

pied by the Par- the Eomans, SO long as the weak Gotarzes 
ruled over the Parthian s. But so soon as a 
more vigorous hand grasped the reins of sovereignty, and 
the internal conflict ceased, the struggle for that land was 
resumed. King Yologasus, who after the death of Gotar- 
zes and the short reign of Vonones II. succeeded this his 
father in the year 51,' ascended the throne, exceptionally, 
in full agreement with his two brothers Pacorus and Tiri- 
dates. He was an able and prudent ruler — we find him 
even as a founder of towns, and exerting himself with suc- 
cess to divert the trade of Palmyra towards his new town 
Vologasias on the lower Euphrates — averse to quick and 
extreme resolutions, and endeavouring, if possible, to keep 
peace with his powerful neighbour. But the recovery of 
Armenia was the leading political idea of the dynasty, and 
he too was ready to make use of any opportunity for real- 
ising it. 

This opportunity seemed now to present itself. The 
Armenian court had become the scene of one 

Rhadamistus. p i-\ i ii- f mx t 

of the most revolting family tragedies which 
history records. The old king of the Iberians, Pharas- 
manes, undertook to eject his brother Mithradates, the 
king of Armenia, from the throne and to put his own 
son Rhadamistus in his place. Under the pretext of a 
quarrel with his father Rhadamistus appeared at the court 
of his uncle and father-in-law, and entered into negotia- 
tions with Armenians of repute in that sense. After he 
had secured a body of adherents, Pharasmanes, in the 

^ If the coins, which, it is true, for the most part admit of being 
distinguished only by resemblance of effigy, are correctly attributed, 
those of Gotarzes reach to Sel. 362 Daesius — a.d, 51 June, and 
those of Vologasus (we know none of Vonones 11.) begin with Sel. 
362 Gorpiaeus — a.d. 51 Sept. (Percy Gardner, Parthian Coinage, 
pp. 50, 51)^ which agrees with Tacitus, Amt. xii, 14, 44. 

Chap. IX.] 

The Euphrates Frontier. 


year 52, under frivolous pretexts involved his brother in 
war, and brought the country into his own or rather his 
son's power. Mithradates placed himself under the pro- 
tection of the Koman garrison of the fortress of Gorneae/ 
Ehadamistus did not venture to attack this ; but the com- 
mandant, Caelius Pollio, was well known as worthless and 
venal. The centurion holding command under him re- 
sorted to Pharasmanes to induce him to recall his troops, 
which the latter promised, but did not keep his word. 
During the absence of the second in command Pollio com- 
pelled the king — who doubtless guessed what was before 
him — by the threat of leaving him in the lurch, to dehver 
himself into the hands of Ehadamistus. By the latter he 
was put to death, and with him his wife, the sister of 
Ehadamistus, and their children, because they broke out 
in cries of lamentation at the sight of the dead bodies of 
their parents. In this way Ehadamistus attained to sov- 
ereignty over Armenia. The Eoman government ought 
neither to have looked on at such horrors, of which its 
officers shared the guilt, nor to have tolerated that one of 
its vassals should make war on another. Nevertheless the 
governor of Cappadocia, Julius Paelignus, acknowledged 
the new king of Armenia. Even in the council of the 
governor of Syria, Ummidius Quadratus, the opinion pre- 
ponderated that it might be matter of indifference to the 
Eomans whether the uncle or the nephew ruled Armenia ; 
the legate, sent to Armenia with a legion, received only in- 
structions to maintain the statm quo till further orders. 
Then the Parthian king, on the assumption that the Eoman 
government would not be zealous to take part for king 
Ehadamistus, deemed the moment a fit one for resuming 
his old claims upon Armenia. He invested his brother Tiri- 
dates with Armenia, and the Parthian troops marching in 
possessed themselves, almost without striking a blow, of the 
two capitals, Tigranocerta and Artaxata, and of the whole 
land. When Ehadamistus made an attempt to retain the 

' Grorneae, called by the Armenians Oarhni, as the ruins (nearly 
east of Erivan) are still at present named. (Kiepert.) 


The Euphrates Frontier, 

[Book VIII. 

price of his deeds of blood, the Armenians themselves 
drove him out of the land. The Roman garrison appears 
to have left Armenia after the giving over of Gorneae ; the 
governor recalled the legion put upon the march from 
Syria, in order not to fall into conflict with the Parthians. 
When this news came to Rome (at the end of 54) the 

emperor Claudius had just died, and the min- 
cappadoS**'' Istcrs Burrus and Seneca practically governed 

for his young successor, seventeen years old. 
The procedure of Vologasus could only be answered by a 
declaration of war. In fact the Roman government sent 
to Cappadocia, which otherwise was a governorship of the 
second rank and was not furnished with legions, by way 
of exception the consular legate Gnaeus Domitius Corbulo. 
He had come rapidly into prominence as son-in-law of the 
emperor Gains, had then under Claudius been legate of 
lower Germany in the year 47 (i. 136), and was thence- 
forth regarded as one of the able commanders, not at that 
time numerous, who energetically maintained the strin- 
gency of discipline — in person a Herculean figure, equal 
to any fatigue, and of unshrinking courage in presence 
not of the enemy merely but also of his own soldiers. It 
appeared to be a sign of things becoming better that the 
government of Nero gave to him the first important com- 
mand which it had to fill. The incapable Syrian legate of 
Syria, Quadratus, was not recalled, but was directed to 
put two of his four legions at the disposal of the gover- 
nor of the neighbouring province. All the legions were 
brought up to the Euphrates, and order were given for 
the immediate throwing of bridges over the stream. The 
two regions bordering immediately on Armenia to the 
westward. Lesser Armenia and Sophene, were assigned to 
two trustworthy Syrian princes, Aristobulus, of a lateral 
branch of the Herodian house, and Sohaemus, of the 
ruling family of Hemesa, and both were placed under 
Corbulo' s command. Agrippa, the king of the remnant 
of the Jewish state still left at that time, and Antiochus, 
king of Commagene, likewise received orders to march. 

CiiAP. IX. 1 The Euphrates Frontier. 


At first, however, no fighting took place. The reason 
lay partly in the state of the Syrian legions ; 
hS^troops!"^ it was a bad confession of poverty for the 
previous administration, that Corbulo was 
compelled to describe the troops assigned to him as quite 
unserviceable. The legions levied and doing garrison 
duty in the Greek provinces had always been inferior to 
the Occidentals ; now the enervating power of the East 
with the long state of peace and the laxity of discipline 
completely demoralised them. The soldiers abode more 
in the towns than in the camps ; not a few of them were 
unaccustomed to carry arms, and knew nothing of pitch- 
ing camps and of service on the watch ; the regiments 
were far from having their full complement and contained 
numerous old and useless men ; Corbulo had, in the first 
instance, to dismiss a great number of soldiers, and to 
levy and train recruits in still larger numbers. The ex- 
change of the comfortable winter quarters on the Orontes 
for those in the rugged mountains of Armenia, and the 
sudden introduction of inexorably stern discipline in the 
camp, brought about various ailments and occasioned 
numerous desertions. In spite of all this the general 
found himself, when matters became serious, compelled to 
ask that one of the better legions of the 'West might be 
sent to him. Under these circumstances he was in no 
haste to bring his soldiers to face the enemy ; nevertheless 
it was political considerations that preponderantly influ- 
enced him in this course. 

If it had been the design of the Roman government to 
drive out the Parthian ruler at once from 
SIf wa?!^ Armenia, and to put in his place not indeed 
Ehadamistus, with whose blood-guiltiness the 
Romans had no occasion to stain themselves, but some 
other prince of their choice, the military resources of 
Corbulo would probably have at once sufficed, since king 
Vologasus, once more recalled by internal troubles, had 
led away his troops from Armenia. But this was not 
embraced in the plan of the Romans ; they wished, on the 


The EujphratGS Frontier. [Book VIII. 

contrary, rather to acquiesce in the government of Tiri- 
dates there, and only to induce and, in case of need, 
compel him to an acknowledgment of the Roman su- 
premacy ; only for this object were the legions, in case of 
extremity, to march. This in reality came very near to 
the cession of Armenia to the Parthians. What told in 
favour of this course, and what prevented it, has formerly 
been set forth (p. 37. f.). If Armenia were now arranged 
as a Parthian appanage for a second son, the recognition 
of the Roman suzerainty was little more than a formality, 
strictly taken, nothing but a screen for military and 
political honour. Thus the government of the earlier 
period of Nero, which, as is well known, was equalled by 
few in insight and energy, intended to get rid of Armenia 
in a decorous way ; and that need not surprise us. In 
fact they were in this case pouring water into a sieve. The 
possession of Armenia had doubtless been asserted and 
brought to recognition within the land itself, as among 
the Parthians, through Tiberius in the year 20 b.c., then 
by Gains in the year 2, by Germanicus in the year 18, and 
by Vitellius in the year 36. But it was just these extra- 
ordinary expeditions regularly repeated and regularly 
crowned with success, and yet never attaining to per- 
manent effect, that justified the Parthians, when in the 
negotiations with Nero they maintained that the Roman 
suzerainty over Armenia was an empty name — that the 
land was, and could be, none other than Parthian. For 
the vindication of the Roman supreme authority there was 
always needed, if not the waging of war, at least the 
threat of it ; and the constant irritation thereby produced 
made a lasting state of peace between the two neighbour- 
ing great powers impossible. The Romans had, if they 
were to act consistently, only the choice between either 
bringing Armenia and the left bank of the Euphrates in 
general effectively under their power by setting aside the 
mere mediate government, or leaving the matter to the 
Parthians, so far as was compatible with the supreme 
principle of the Roman government to acknowledge no 

Chap. IX.] 

The Euphrates Frontier. 


frontier-power with equal rights. Augustus and the rulers 
hitherto acting had decidedly declined the former alterna- 
tive, and they ought therefore to have taken the second 
course ; but this too they had at least attempted to decline, 
and had wished to exclude the Parthian royal house from 
the rule over Armenia, without being able to do so. This 
the leading statesmen of the earlier Neronian period must 
have regarded as an error, since they left Armenia to the 
Arsacids, and restricted themselves to the smallest con- 
ceivable measure of rights thereto. When the dangers 
and the disadvantages, which the retention of this region 
only externally attached to the empire brought to the 
state, were weighed against those which the Parthian rule 
over Armenia involved for the Romans, the decision might, 
especially in view of the small offensive power of the 
Parthian kingdom, well be found in the latter sense. But 
under all the circumstances this policy was consistent, and 
sought to attain in a clearer and more rational way the 
aim pursued by Augustus. 

From this standpoint we understand why Corbulo and 

Quadratus, instead of crossing the Euphrates, 
wilTwogasus. entered into negotiations with Vologasus ; and 

not less why the latter, informed doubtless of 
the real designs of the Romans, agreed to submit to the 
Romans in a similar way with his predecessor, and to de- 
liver to them as a pledge of peace a number of hostages 
closely connected with the royal house. The return tacitly 
agreed on for this was that the rule of Tiridates over Ar- 
menia should be tolerated, and that a Roman pretender 
should not be set up. So some years passed in a de facto 
state of peace. But when Vologasus and Tiridates did not 
agree to apply to the Roman government for the invest- 
ing of the latter with Armenia, ' Corbulo took the offensive 

^ Even after the attack Tiridates complained cur datis nuper ob- 
sidibus redintegrataque amicitia . . . mtere Armeniae posses- 
done depelleretur^ and Corbulo presented to him, in case of his turn- 
ing as a suppliant to the emperor, the prospect of a regnum stabile 
(Tacitus, Anil. xii. 37). Elsewhere too the refusal of the oath of 


The Eujphrates Frontier. [Book VIII. 

against Tiridates in the year 58. The very policy of with- 
drawal and concession, if it w^as not to appear to friend and 
foe as weakness, needed a foil, and so either a formal and 
solemn recognition of the Roman supremacy or, better 
still, a victory won by arms. 

In the summer of the year 58 Corbulo led an army, 

tolerably fit for fighting, of at least 30,000 
AmeniL!'^ men, over the Euphrates. The reorganisation 

and the hardening of the troops were com- 
pleted by the campaign itself, and the first winter- quar- 
ters were taken up on Armenian soil. In the spring of 59' 
he began the advance in the direction of Artaxata. At the 
same time Armenia was invaded from the north by the 
Iberians, whose king Pharasmanes, to cover his own crimes, 
had caused his son Rhadamistus to be executed, and now 
further endeavoured by good services to make his guilt be 
forgotten; and not less by their neighbours to the north- 
west, the brave Moschi, and on the south by Antiochus, 
king of Commagene. King Vologasus was detained by the 
revolt of the Hyrcanians on the opposite side of the king- 
fealty is indicated as tfie proper ground of war (Tacitus, Ann. 

xii. 34). 

' The report in Tacitus, Ann. xiii. 34-41, embraces beyond doubt 
the campaigns of 58 and 59, since Tacitus under the year 59 is silent 
as to the Armenian campaign, while under the year 60, Ann. xiv. 
23 joins on immediately to xiii. 41, and evidently describes merely 
a single campaign; generally, where he condenses in this way, he as 
a rule anticipates. That the war cannot have begun only in 59, is 
further confirmed by the fact that Corbulo observed the solar eclipse 
of 30th April 59 on Armenian soil (Plin. H. N. ii. 70, 180); had he 
not entered the country till 59, he could hardly hsfve crossed the 
enemy's frontier so early in the year. The narrative of Tacitus, Ann. 

xiii. 34-41, does not in itself show an intercalation of a year, but 
with his mode of narrating it admits the possibility that the first 
year was spent in the crossing of the Euphrates and the settling in 
Armenia, and so the winter mentioned in c. 35 is that of the year 
58-59, especially as in view of the character of the army such a be- 
ginning to the war would be quite in place, and in view of the short 
Armenian summer it was militarily convenient thus to separate the 
marching into the country and the conduct proper of the war. 

Chap. IX.] The Euphrates Frontier. 

dom, and could or would not interfere directly in the 
struggle. Tiridates offered a courageous resistance, but 
lie could do nothing against the crushing superiority of 
force. In vain he sought to throw himself on the lines of 
communication of the Komans, who obtained their neces- 
sary supplies by way of the Black Sea and the port of Tra- 
pezus. The strongholds of Armenia fell under the attacks 
of the Roman assailants, and the garrisons were cut down 
to the last man. Defeated in a pitched battle under the 
walls of Artaxata, Tiridates gave up the unequal struggle, 
and went to the Parthians. Artaxata surrendered, and 
here, in the heart of Armenia, the Roman army passed the 
winter. In the spring of 60 Corbulo broke up from thence, 
after having burnt down the town, and marched right 
across the country to its second capital Tigranocerta, 
above Nisibis, in the basin of the Tigris. The terrors of the 
destruction of Artaxata preceded him ; serious resistance 
was nowhere offered; even Tigranocerta voluntarily opened 
its gates to the victor, who here in a well-calculated way 
allowed mercy to prevail. Tiridates still made an attempt 
to return and to resume the struggle, but was repulsed 
without special exertion. At the close of the summer of 
60 all Armenia was subdued, and stood at the disposal 
of the Roman government. 

It is conceivable that people in Rome now left Tiridates 

out of account. The prince Tigranes, a great- 
Sl'rmeniS''^ graudsou ou the father's side of Herod the 

Great, on the mother's of king Archelaus of 
Cappadocia, related also to the old Marenian royal house 
on the female side, and a nephew of one of the ephemeral 
rulers of Armenia in the last years of Augustus, brought 
up in Rome, and entirely a tool of the. Roman government, 
was now (60) invested by Nero with the kingdom of Ar- 
menia, and at the emperor's command installed by Corbulo 
in its rule. In the country there was left a Roman gar- 
rison, 1000 legionaries, and from 3000 to 4000 cavalry and 
infantry of auxiliaries. A portion of the border land was 
separated from Armenia and distributed among the neigh- 


The Euphrates Frontier. [Book VIII. 

bouring kings, Polemon of Pontus and Trapezus, Aris- 
tobulas of Lesser Ai-menia, Pharasmanes of Iberia and 
Antioclius of Commagene. On the other band the new 
master of Armenia advanced, of course with consent of the 
Romans, into the adjacent Parthian province of Adiabene, 
defeated Monobazus the governor there, and appeared de- 
sirous of wresting this region also from the Parthian state. 
This turn of affairs compelled the Parthian government 
to emerge from its passiveness ; the question 

Negotiations t i ji e 

with the Par- uow concemed no longer the recovery oi 
thians. Armenia, but the integrity of the Parthian 

empire. The long-threatened collision between the two 
great states seemed inevitable. Vologasus in an assembly 
of the grandees of the empire confirmed Tiridates afresh 
as king of Armenia, and sent with him the general Monae- 
ses against the Boman usurper of the land, who was be- 
sieged by the Parthians in Tigranocerta, which the Ro- 
man troops kept in their possession. Vologasus in person 
collected the Parthian main force in Mesopotamia, and 
threatened (at the beginning of 61) Syria. Corbulo, who, 
after Quadratus's death, held the command for a time in 
Cappadocia as in Sj^ria, but had besought from the gov- 
ernment, the nomination of another governor for Cappa- 
docia and Armenia, sent provisionally two legions to Ar- 
menia to lend help to Tigranes, while he in person moved 
to the Euphrates in order to receive the Parthian king. 
Again, however, they came not to blows, but to an agree- 
ment. Vologasus, well knowing how dangerous was the 
game which he was beginning, declared himself now ready 
to enter into the terms vainly offered by the Romans be- 
fore the outbreak of the Armenian war, and to allow the in- 
vestiture of his brother by the Roman emperor. Corbulo 
entered into the proposal. He let Tigranes drop, withdrew 
the Roman troops from Armenia, and acquiesced in Tiridates 
establishing himself there, while the Parthian auxiliary 
troops likewise withdrew ; on the other hand, Vologasus 
sent an embassy to the Roman government, and declared the 
readiness of his brother to take the land in fee from Rome. 

Chap. IX.] 77^^ Eiiphrates Frontier. 


These measures of Corbulo were of a hazardous kind,' 
and led to a bad compHcation. The Koman 

The Par- . 

thianwar general may possibly have been, still more 
under Nero. thoroughly than the statesmen in Kome, im- 
pressed by the uselessness of retaining Armenia ; but after 
the Roman government had installed Tigranes as king of 
Armenia, he might not of his own accord fall back upon 
the conditions earlier laid down, least of all abandon his 
own acquisitions and withdraw the Roman troops from 
Armenia. He was the less entitled to do so, as he ad- 
ministered Cappadocia and Armenia merely ad interim, 
and had himself declared to the government that he was 
not in a position to exercise the command at once there 
and in Syria ; whereupon the consular Lucius Caesennius 
Paetus was nominated as governor of Cappadocia and was 
already on the way thither. The suspicion can hardly be 
avoided that Corbulo grudged the latter the honour of the 
final subjugation of Armenia, and wished before his arrival 
to establish a definitive solution by the actual conclusion of 
peace with the Parthians. The Roman government ac- 
cordingly declined the proposals of Vologasus and in- 
sisted on the retention of Armenia, which, as the new 
governor who arrived in Cappadocia in the course of the 
summer of 61 declared, was even to be taken under direct 
Roman administration. AVhether the Roman government 
had really resolved to go so far cannot be ascertained ; but 
this was at all events implied in the consistent following 
out of their policy. The installing of a king dependent on 
Rome was only a prolongation of the previous untenable 
state of things ; whoever did not wish the cession of Ar- 
menia to the Parthians had to contemplate the conversion 
of the kingdom into a Roman province. The war therefore 
took its course ; and on that account one of the Moesian 
legions was sent to the Cappadocian army. 

^ From the representation of Tacitus, Ann. xv. 6, the partiality 
and the perplexity are clearly seen. He does not venture to ex- 
press the surrender of Armenia to Tiridates, and only leaves the 
reader to infer it. 


The Euphrates Frontier. 

[Book VIII. 

Wlaen Paetus arrived, the two legions assigned to him 
by Corbulo were encamped on this side of the 
^^Paetus Euphrates in Cappadocia ; Armenia was evac- 
uated, and had to be reconquered. Paetus 
set at once to work, crossed the Euphrates at Mehtene 
(Malatia), advanced into Armenia, and reduced the nearest 
strongholds on the border. The advanced season of the 
year, however, compelled him soon to suspend operations 
and to abandon for this year the intended reoccupation 
of Tigranocerta ; nevertheless, in order to resume his 
march at once next spring, he, after Corbulo's example, 
took up his winter-quarters in the enemy's country at 
Khandeia, on a tributary of the Euphrates, the Arsanias, 
not far from the modern Charput, while the baggage and 
the women and children had quarters not far from it in 
the strong fortress of Arsamosata. But he had under- 
rated the difficulty of the undertaking. One, and that the 
best of his legions, the Moesian, was still on the march, 
and spent the winter on this side of the Euphrates in the 
territory of Pontus ; the two others were not those whom 
Corbulo had taught to fight and conquer, but the former 
Syrian legions of Quadratus, not having their full com- 
plement, and hardly capable of use without thorough re- 
organisation. He had withal to confront not, like Cor- 
bulo, the Armenians alone, but the main body of the 
Parthians ; Vologasus had, when the war became in earn- 
est, led the flower of his troops from Mesopotamia to Ar- 
menia, and judiciously availed himself of the strategical 
advantage that he commanded the inner and shorter lines. 
Carbulo might, especially as he had bridged over the Eu- 
phrates and constructed tetes de pont on the other bank, 
have at least hampered, or at any rate requited this march- 
ing off by a seasonable incursion into Mesopotamia ; but 
he did not stir from his positions and he left it to Paetus 
to defend himself, as best he could, against the whole 
force of his foes. The latter was neither himself military 
nor ready to accept and follow military advice, not even 
a man of resolute character ; arrogant and boastful in 

Chap. IX.] 

The Euphrates Frontier. 


onset, despairing and pusillanimous in presence of mis- 

Thus there came what could not but come. In the 
spring of 62 it was not Paetus who assumed 
ShandSai°"^^ the aggressive, but Vologasus ; the advanced 
troops who were to bar the way of the Par- 
thians were crushed by the superior force ; the attack 
was soon converted into a siege of the Eoman positions 
pitched far apart in the winter camp and the fortress. 
The legions could neither advance nor retreat ; the sol- 
diers deserted in masses ; the only hope rested on Corbu- 
lo's legions lying inactive far off in northern Syria, beyond 
doubt at Zeugma. Both generals shared in the blame of 
the disaster : Corbulo on account of the lateness of his 
starting to render help,*^ although, when he did recognise 
the whole extent of the danger, he hastened his march as 
much as possible ; Paetus, because he could not take the 
bold resolution to perish rather than to surrender, and 
thereby lost the chance of rescue that was near — in three 
days longer the 5000 men whom Corbulo was leading up 
would have brought the longed-for help. The conditions 
of the capitulation were free retreat for the Komans and 
evacuation of Armenia, with the delivering up of all for- 
tresses occupied by them, and of all the stores that were 
in their hands, of which the Parthians were urgently in 
need. On the other hand Vologasus declared himself 

^ This is said by Tacitus himself Ann. xv. 10 : nec a Corbulone 
properatum, quo gliscentibus periculis etiam subsidii laus augeretur, 
in naive unconcern at the severe censure which this praise involves. 
How partial is the tone of the whole account resting on Corbulo's 
despatches, is shown among other things by the circumstance that 
Paetus is reproached in one breath with the inadequate provision- 
ing of the camp (xv. 8) and with the surrender of it in spite of co- 
pious supplies (xv. 16), and the latter fact is inferred from this, that 
the retiring Romans preferred to destroy the stores which, according 
to the capitulation, were to be delivered to the Parthians. As the 
exasperation against Tiberius found its expression in the painting 
of Germanicus in fine colours, so did the exasperation against Nero 
in the picture of Corbulo. 


The Euphrates Frontier. 

[Book VIII. 

ready, in spite of this military success, to ask Armenia as 
a Koman fief for his brother from the imperial govern- 
ment, and on that account to send envoys to Nero.' The 
moderation of the victor may have rested on the fact that 
he had better information of Corbulo's approach than the 
enclosed army ; but more probably the sagacious man was 
not concerned to renew the disaster of Crassus and bring 
Eoman eagles again to Ctesiphon. The defeat of a Roman 
army — he knew — was not the overpowering of Rome ; and 
the real concession, which was involved in the recognition 
of Tiridates, was not too dearly purchased by the compli- 
ance as to form. 

The Roman government once more declined the offer of 

the Parthian king and ordered the continuance 
peTct™''^ of t^e war. It could not well do otherwise ; 

if the recognition of Tiridates was hazardous 
before the recommencement of war, and hardly capable of 
being accepted after the Parthian declaration of war, it now, 
as a consequence of the capitulation of Rhandeia, appeared 
directly as its ratification. From Rome the resumption of 
the struggle against the Parthians was energetically pro- 
moted. Paetus was recalled ; Corbulo, in whom public 
opinion, aroused by the disgraceful capitulation, saw only 
the conqueror of Armenia, and whom even those who knew 
exactly and judged sharply the state of the matter could 
not avoid characterising as the ablest general and one 
uniquely fitted for this war, took up again the governor- 
ship of Cappadocia, and at the same time the command 
over all the troops available for this campaign, who were 
further reinforced by a seventh legion brought up from 
Pannonia ; accordingly all the governors and princes of 
the East were directed to comply in military matters with 
his orders, so that his ofiicial authority was nearly equiva- 

' The statement of Corbiilo that Paetus bound himself on oath in 
presence of his soldiers and of the Parthian deputies to send no 
troops to Armenia till the arrival of Nero's answer, is declared by- 
Tacitus, Ann. XV. 16, unworthy of credit ; it is in keeping with the 
state of the case, and nothing was done to the contrary. 

Chap. IX.] The Euphrates Frontier, 


lent to that which had been assigned to the crown-princes 
Gains and Germanicus for their missions to the East. If 
these measures were intended to bring about a serious 
reparation of the honour of the Koman arms they missed 
their aim. How Corbulo looked at the state of affairs, is 
shown by the very agreement which he made with the Par- 
thian king not long after the disaster of Ehandeia ; the 
latter withdrew the Parthian garrisons from Armenia, the 
Romans evacuated the fortresses constructed on Mesopo- 
tamian territory for the protection of the bridges. For 
the Roman offensive the Parthian garrisons in Armenia 
were just as indifferent as the bridges of the Euphrates 
were important ; whereas, if Tiridates was to be recognised 
as a Roman vassal-king in Armenia, the latter certainly 
were superfluous and Parthian garrisons in Armenia im- 
possible. In the next spring (63) Corbulo certainly en- 
tered upon the offensive enjoined upon him, and led the 
four best of his legions at Melitene over the Euphrates 
against the Partho-Armenian main force stationed in the 
region of Arsamosata. But not much came of the fight- 
ing ; only some castles of Armenian nobles opposed to 
Rome were destroyed. On the other hand, this encounter 
led also to agreement. Corbulo took up the Parthian 
proposals formerly rejected by his government, and that, 
as the further course of things showed, in the sense that 
Armenia became once for all a Parthian appanage for the 
second son, and the Roman government, at least according 
to the spirit of the agreement, consented to bestow this 
crown in future only on an Arsacid. It was only added 
that Tiridates should oblige himself to take from his head 
the royal diadem publicly before the eyes of the two ar- 
mies in Rhandeia, just where the capitulation had been 
concluded, and to deposit it before the effigy of the em- 
peror, promising not to put it on again until he should 
have received it from his hand, and that in Rome itself. 
This was done (63). By this humiliation there was no 
change in the fact that the Roman general, instead of wag- 
ing the war intrusted to him, concluded peace on the 


The Ewphrates Frontier, 

[Book VIII. 

Tiridates in 

terms rejected by his government.^ But the statesmen 
who formerly took the lead had meanwhile died or retired, 
the personal government of the emperor was installed in 
their stead, and the solemn act in Ehandeia and the spec- 
tacle in prospect of the investiture of the Parthian prince 
with the crown of Armenia in the capital of the empire 
failed not to produce their effect on the public, and above 
all on the emperor in person. The peace was 
ratified and fulfilled. In the year 66 the Par- 
thian prince appeared according to promise in 
Rome, escorted by 3000 Parthian horsemen, bringing as 
hostages the children of his three brothers as well as those 
of Monobazus of Adiabene. Falling on his knees he sa- 
luted his liege lord seated on the imperial throne in the 
market-place of the capital, and here the latter in pres- 
ence of all the people bound the royal chaplet round his 

The conduct on both sides, cautious, and we might al- 
most say peaceful, of the last nominally ten 
Sie^Mavians?^^ years' War, and its corresponding conclusion 
by the actual transfer of Armenia to the Par- 
thians, while the susceptibilities of the mightier western 
empire were spared, bore good fruit. Armenia, under the 
national dynasty recognised by the Eomans, was more de- 
pendent on them than formerly under the rulers forced 
upon the country. A Eoman garrison was left at least 
in the district of Sophene, which most closely bordered 

^ As, according to Tacitus, Ann. xv. 25 (comp. Dio, Ixii. 22), 
Nero dismissed graciously the envoys of Vologasus, and allowed 
them to see the possibility of an understanding if Tiridates appeared 
in person, Corbulo may in this case have acted according to his in- 
structions ; but this was rather perhaps one of the turns added in 
the interest of Corbulo. That these events were brought under dis- 
cussion in the trial to which he was subjected some years after, is 
probable from the statement that one of the officers of the Armenian 
campaign became his accuser. The identity of the cohort-prefect, 
Arrius Varus, in Tacitus, Ann. xiii. 9, and of the primipilus, 
Hist. iii. 6, has been without reason disputed ; comp. on G. I. L. 
V. 867. 

Chap. IX. ] The Euphrates Frontier. 


on the Euphrates.' For the re-establishment of Artaxata 
the permission of the emperor was sought and granted, 
and the building was helped on by the emperor Nero with 
money and workmen. Between the two mighty states 
separated from each other by the Euphrates at no time has 
an equally good relation subsisted as after the conclusion 
of the treaty of Khandeia in the last years of Nero and on- 
ward under the three rulers of the Flavian house. Other 
circumstances contributed to this. The masses of Trans- 
caucasian peoples, perhaps allured by their participation 
in the last wars, during which they had found their way to 
Armenia as mercenaries, partly of the Iberians, partly of 
the Parthians, began then to threaten especially the west- 
ern Parthian provinces, but at the same time the eastern 
provinces of the Roman empire. Probably in order to 
check them, immediately after the Armenian war in the 
year 63, the annexation was ordained of the so-called king- 
dom of Pontus, i.e. the south-east corner of the coast of 
the Black Sea, with the town of Trapezus and the region 
of the Phasis. The great Oriental expedition, which this 
emperor was just on the point of beginning when the ca- 
tastrophe overtook him (68), and for which he already 
had put the flower of the troops of the West on the march, 
partly to Egypt, partly along the Danube, was meant no 
doubt to push forward the imperial frontier in other direc- 
tions ; ^ but its proper aim was the passes of the Caucasus 
above Tiflis, and the Scythian tribes settled on the north- 
ern slope, in the first instance the Alani.^ These were just 

* In Ziata (Charput) there have been found two inscriptions of a 
fort, which one of the legions led by Corbulo over the Euphrates, 
the 3d Gallica, constructed there by Corbulo's orders in the year 64 
{Eph. epigr. v. p. 25). 

Nero intended inter reliqua bella, an Ethiopian one (Plin. vi. 29, 
comp. 184). To this the sending of troops to Alexandria (Tacitus, 
Rist. i. 31, 70) had reference. 

^ As the aim of the expedition both Tacitus, Hist. i. 6, and Sue- 
tonius, M'er. 19, indicate the Caspian gates, i.e. the pass of the Cau- 
casus between Tiflis and Vladi-Kavkas at Darial, which, according 
to the legend, Alexander closed with iron gates (Plin. J3". JV. vi. 11, 
Vol. II.— 5 


The Euphrates Frontier. 

[Book VIII. 

assailing Armenia on the one side and Media on the other. 
So little w;is that expedition of Nero directed against the 
Parthians that it might rather be conceived of as under- 
taken to help them ; overagainst the wild hordes of the 
north a common defensive action was at any rate indicated 
for the two civilised states of the West and East. Volo- 
gasus indeed declined with equal friendliness the amicable 
summons of his Roman colleague to visit him, just as his 
brother had done, at Eome, since he had no liking on his 
part to appear in the Roman forum as a vassal of the Ro- 
man ruler ; but he declared himself ready to present him- 
self before the emperor when he should arrive in the East, 
and the Orientals doubtless, though not the Romans, sin- 
cerely mourned for Nero. King Vologasus addressed to 
the senate officially an entreaty to hold Nero's memory in 
honour, and, when a pseudo-Nero subsequently emerged, 
he met with sympathy above all in the Parthian state. 

Nevertheless the Parthian was not so much concerned 
about the friendship of Nero as about that of the Roman 
state. Not merely did he refrain from any encroachment 

30 ; Joseplius, Bell. Jud. vii. 7, 4 ; Procopius, Pers. i. 10). Both 
from this locality and from the whole scheme of the expedition it 
cannot possibly have been directed against the Albani on the west- 
ern shore of the Caspian Sea ; here, as well as at another passage 
{Ann. ii. 68, ad Armenios, inde Albanos Heniochosque), only the 
Alani can be meant, who in Josephus, I. c. and elsewhere appear 
just at this spot and are frequently confounded with the Caucasian 
Albani. No doubt the account of Josephus is also confused. If 
here the Albani, with consent of the king of the Hyrcanians, invade 
Media and then Armenia through the Caspian gates, the writer has 
been thinking of the other Caspian gate eastward from Rhagae ; 
but this must be his mistake, since the latter pass, situated in the 
heart of the Parthian kingdom, cannot possibly have been the aim 
of the Neronian expedition, and the Alani had their seats not on 
the eastern shore of the Caspian but to the north of the Caucasus. 
On account of this expedition the best of the Roman legions, the 
14th, was recalled from Britain, although it went only as far as Pan- 
nonia (Tacitus, Hist. ii. 11, comp. 27, 66), and a new legion, the 1st 
Italic, was formed by Nero (Suetonius, Wer. 19). One sees from 
this what was the scale on which the project was conceived. 

Chap. IX.] The JEuphrates Frontier. 


during the crises of the four-emperor-year,' but correctly 
estimating the probable result of the pending 
o/ve"sSan!^ dccisive struggle, he offered to Vespasian, 
when still in Alexandria, 40,000 mounted arch- 
ers for the conflict with Vitellius, which, of course, was 
gratefully declined. But above all he submitted without 
more ado to the arrangements which the new government 
made for the protection of the east frontier. Vespasian 
had himself as governor of Judaea become acquainted with 
the inadequacy of the military resources statedly employed 
there ; and, when he exchanged this governorship for the 
imperial power, not only was Commagene again converted, 
after the precedent of Tiberius, from a kingdom into a 
province, but the number of the standing legions in Ro- 
man Asia was raised from four to seven, to which number 
they had been temporarily brought up for the Parthian 
and again for the Jewish war. While, further, there had 
been hitherto in Asia only a single larger military com- 
mand, that of the governor of Syria, three such posts of 
high command were now instituted there. Syria, to which 
Commagene was added, retained as hitherto four legions ; 
the two provinces hitherto occupied only by troops of the 
second order, Palestine and Cappadocia, were furnished, 
the first with one the second with two legions.^ Armenia 

' In what connection lie refused to Vespasian tlie title of emperor 
(Dio, Ixvi. 11) is not clear ; possibly immediately after his insur- 
rection, before he had perceived that the Flavians were the stronger. 
His intercession for the princes of Commagene (Josephus, Bell Jud. 
vii. 7, 3) was attended by success, and so was purely personal, by 
no means a protest against the conversion of the kingdom into a 

^ The four Syrian legions were the 3d Oallica, the 6th ferrata 
(both hitherto in Syria), the 4th Scythica (hitherto in Moesia, but 
having already taken part in the Parthian as in the Jewish war), 
and the 16th Flavia (new). The one legion of Palestine was the 
lOih. fretensis (hWcierio in Syria). The two of Cappadocia were the 
12th. fulminata (hitherto in Syria, moved by Titus to Melitene, Jose- 
phus, Bell. Jud. vii. 1, 3), and the 15th ApolUnaris (hitherto in 
Pannonia, but having taken part, like the 4th Scythica, in the Par- 
thian as in the Jewish war). The garrisons were thus changed as 


The Euphrates Frontier, [Book VIII. 

remained a Roman dependent principality in possession of 
the Arsacids, but under Vespasian a Eoman garrison was 
stationed beyond the Armenian frontier in the Iberian 
fortress Harmozika near Tiflis,' and accordingly at this 
time Armenia also must have been militarily in the Roman 
power. All these measures, however little they contained 
even a threat of war, were pointed against the eastern 
neighbour. Nevertheless Vologasus was after the fall of 
Jerusalem the first to offer to the Roman crown-prince his 
congratulations on the strengthening of the Roman rule in 
Syria, and he accepted without remonstrance the encamp- 
ment of the legions in Commagene, Cappadocia, and Les- 
ser Armenia. Nay, he even once more incited Vespasian 
to that Transcaucasian expedition, and besought the send- 
ing of a Roman army against the Alani under the leader- 
ship of one of the imperial princes ; although Vespasian 
did not enter into this far-seeing plan, that Roman force 
can hardly have been sent into the region of Tiflis for any 
other object than for closing the pass of the Caucasus, and 
in so far it represented there also the interests of the Par- 
thians. In spite of the strengthening of the military posi- 
tion of Rome on the Euphrates, or even perhaps in con- 
sequence of it — for to instil respect into a neighbour is a 
means of preserving the peace — the state of peace remained 
essentially undisturbed during the whole rule of the Fla- 
vians. If — as cannot be surprising, especially when we 
consider the constant change of the Parthian dynasts — 
collisions now and then occurred, and war-clouds even 

little as possible, only two of the legions already called earlier to 
Syria received fixed stations there, and one newly instituted was 
moved thither. — After the Jewish war under Hadrian the QiYif er- 
rata was despatched from Syria to Palestine. 

' At this time (comp. G. 1. L. v. 6988), probably falls also the 
Cappadocian governorship of C. Rutilius Gallicus, of which it is 
said (Statins, i. 4, 78) : hunc . . . timuit . . . Armenia 
et patiens Latii iam pontis Araxes, with reference presumably to 
a bridge structure executed by this Roman garrison. That Gal- 
licus served under Corbulo, is from the silence of Tacitus not 

CuAP. IX.] The Eujphrates Frontier. 


made their appearance, tliey disappeared again as quickly.' 
Tiie emergence of a pseudo-Nero in the last years of Ves- 
pasian — be it was who gave the impulse to the Revelation 
of John — might almost have led to such a collision. The 
pretender, in reality a certain Terentius Maximus from 
Asia Minor, but strikingly resembling the poet- emperor 
in face, voice, and address, found not merely a conflux of 
adherents in the Roman region of the Euphrates, but also 
support among the Parthians. Among these at that time, 
as so often, several rulers seem to have been in conflict 
with each other, and one of them, Artabanus, because the 
emperor Titus declared against him, seems to have adopted 
the cause of the Roman pretender. This, however, had 
no consequences ; on the contrary, soon afterwards the 
Parthian government delivered up the pretender to the 
emperor Domitian.^ The commercial intercourse, advan- 
tageous for both parties between Syria and the lower Eu- 
phrates, where just then king Vologasus called into exist- 
ence the new emporium Vologasias or Vologasocerta, not 
far from Ctesiphon, must have contributed its part towards 
promoting the state of peace. 

Things came to a conflict under Trajan. In the earlier 
years of his government he made no essential 
war of^Trajan chauge in castcm affairs, apart from the con- 
version of the two client states hitherto sub- 
sisting on the border of the Syrian desert — the Nabataean 

^ That war threatened to break out under Vespasian in the year 75 
on the Euphrates, while M. Ulpius Trajanus, the father of the empe- 
ror, was governor of Syria, is stated by Pliny in his panegyric on the 
son, c. 14 ; probably with strong exaggeration ; the cause is unknown. 

- There are coins dated, and provided with the individual names 
of the kings, of (V)ologasus from the years 389 and 390=77-78 ; 
of Pacorus from the years 389-394 = 77-82 (and again 404-407=92- 
95); of Artabanus from the year 392=80-1. The corresponding 
historical dates are lost, with the exception of the notice connecting 
Titus and Artabanus in Zonaras, vi. 18 (comp. Suetonius, Ner. 57 ; 
Tacitus, Hist. i. 2), but the coins point to an epoch of rapid changes 
on the throne, and, apparently, of simultaneous coinage by rival 


The Eujphrates Frontier. [Book VIII. 

of Petra and the Jewish of Caesarea Paneas — into admin- 
istrative districts directly Koman (a.d. 106). The relations 
with the ruler of the Parthian kingdom at that time, king 
Pacorus, were not the most friendly, ' but it was only un- 
der his brother and successor Chosroes that a rupture 
took place, and that again concerning Armenia. The Par- 
thians were to blame for it. When Trajan bestowed the va- 
cated throne of the Armenian king on Axidares the son of 
Pacorus, he kept within the limits of his right ; but king 
Chosroes described this personage as incapable of gov- 
erning, and arbitrarily installed in his stead another son 
of Pacorus, Parthomasiris, as king.^ The answer to this 
was the Eoman declaration of war. Trajan left the capi- 
tal towards the end of the year 114,^ to put himself at the 

^ This is proved by th.e detached notice from Arrian in Suidas (s. v, 
cTrZ/cATj/ia) : 6 5e YiaKopos 6 Uapdvaluv fiaaiKevs Koi &Wa Tiva iTnK\r]/j.ara 
eTre^epe Tpaiapo) tw ySarriAe?, and hj the attention which is devoted in 
Pliny's report to the emperor, written about the year 112 {ad Trai. 
74), to the relations between Pacorus and the Dacian king Dece- 
balus. The time of the reign of this Parthian king cannot be suf- 
ficiently fixed. There are no Parthian coins with the king's name 
from the whole period of Trajan ; the coining of silver seems to 
have been in abeyance during that period. 

^ That Axidares (or Exedares) was a son of Pacorus and king of 
Armenia before Parthomasiris, but had been deposed by Chosroes, 
is shown by the remnants of Dio's account, Ixviii. 17; and to this 
point also the two fragments of Arrian (16 Miiller), the first, prob- 
ably from an address of a supporter of the interests of Axidares to 
Trajan : ^ A^iSdpr]V Se on apx^i-v XP^ 'Ap^uev/as, oij /xol So/ce? elval ae a/j.(p[- 
Xoyop, whereupon doubtless the complaints brought against Par- 
thomasiris followed ; and the answer, evidently of the emperor, 
that it is not the business of Axidares, but his, to judge as to Par- 
thomasiris, because he — apparently Axidares — had first broken the 
treaty and suffered for it. What fault the emperor imputes to Axi- 
dares is not clear ; but in Dio also Chosroes says that he has not 
satisfied either the Romans or the Parthians. 

2 The remnants of Dio's account in Xiphilinus and Zonaras, show- 
clearly that the Parthian expedition falls into two campaigns, the 
first (Dio, Ivi. 17, 1, 18, 2, 23-25), which is fixed at 115 a.d. by the 
consulate of Pedo (the date also of Malalas, p. 275, for the earth- 
quake of Antioch, 13 Dec. 164 of the Antiochene era = 115 a.d. 
agrees tlierewith), and the second (Dio. c. 26-32, 3), which is fixed 

Chap. IX.] 

The Euphrates Frontier. 


bead of the Roman troops of the East, which were cer- 
tainly once more found in the deepest degeneracy, but 
were reorganised in all haste by the emperor, and rein- 
forced besides by better legions brought up from Pan- 
nonia.' Envoys of the Parthian king met him at Athens ; 

at 116 A.D. by the conferring of the title Parthicus (c. 28, 2), took 
place between April and August of that year (see my notice in Droy- 
sen, HeUenisrnus, iii. 2, 361). That at c. 28 the titles Optimus (con- 
ferred in the course of 114 a.d.) and Parthicus are mentioned out 
of the order of time, is shown as well by their juxtaposition as by 
the later recurrence of the second honour. Of the fragments most 
belong to the first campaign ; c. 22, 3 and probably also 22, 1, 2 to 
the second. — The acclamations of imperator do not stand in the way. 
Trajan wa^ demonstrably in the year 113 imp. VL ((7. /. L. vi. 
960) ; in the year 114 imp. VII. (0. /. L. ix. 1558 et al.) ; in the 
year 115 imp. IX. {C. I. L. ix. 5894 et aL), and imp. XI. (Fabretti, 
398, 289 et al.) ; in the year 116 imp. XII. {G. L L. viii. 621 x. 
1634), and XIII. {G. I. L. iii. D. xxvii.). Dio attests an acclamation 
from the year 115 (Ixviii. 19), and one from the year 116 (Ixviii. 28); 
there is ample room for both, and there is no reason to refer imp. 
VII. precisely as has been attempted, to the subjugation of Armenia. 

^ The pungent description of the Syrian army of Trajan in Fronto 
(p. 206 f. Naber) agrees almost literally with that of the army of 
Corbulo in Tacitus, Ann. xiii. 35. " The Roman troops generally 
had sadly degenerated {ad ignamam redactus) through being long 
disused to military service ; but the most wretched of the soldiers 
were the Syrian, insubordinate, refractory, unpunctual at the call 
to arms, not to be found at their post, drunk from midday onward ; 
unaccustomed even to carry arms and incapable of fatigue, ridding 
themselves of one piece of armor after another, half naked like the 
light troops and the archers. Besides they were so demoralised by 
the defeats they had suffered that they turned their backs at the 
first sight of the Parthians, and the crescents were regarded by them, 
as it were, as giving the signal to run away." In the contrasting 
description of Trajan it is said among other things: "He did not 
pass through the tents without closely concerning himself as to the 
soldiers, but showed his contempt for the Syrian luxury, and looked 
closely into the rough doings of the Pannonians {sed contemnere — so 
we must read — Syrorum munditias, introspicere Pannoniorum in- 
scitias) ; so he judged of the serviceableness {ingeaium) of the man 
according to his bearing (cwZ^t^s)." In the Oriental army of Severus 
also the "European'' and the Syrian soldiers are distinguished 
(Dio, Ixxv. 12). 


The Ewphrates Frontier. [Book VIII. 

but they had nothing to offer except the information that 
Parthomasiris was ready to accept Armenia as a Eoman 
fief, and were dismissed. The war began. In the first 
conflicts on the Euphrates the Romans fared worst but 
when the old emperor, ready to fight and accustomed to 
victory, placed himself at the head of the troops in the 
spring of 115, the Orientals submitted to him almost with- 
out resistance. Moreover, among the Parthians civil war 
once more prevailed, and a pretender, Manisarus, had 
appeared against Chosroes. From Antioch the emperor 
marched to the Euphrates and farther northward as far as 
the most northerly legion-camp Satala in Lesser Armenia, 
whence he advanced into Armenia and took the direction 
of Artaxata. On the way Parthomasiris appeared in Ele- 
geia and took the diadem from his head, in the hope of pro- 
curing investiture through this humiliation, as Tiridates 
had once done. But Trajan was resolved to make this 
vassal-state a province, and to shift the eastern frontier of 
the empire generally. This he declared to the Parthian 
prince before the assembled army, and directed him with 
his suite to quit at once the camp and the kingdom ; there- 
upon a tumult took place, in which the pretender lost his 
life. Armenia yielded to its fate and became a Eoman 
governorship. The princes also of the Caucasian tribes, 
the Albani, the Iberi, farther on toward the Black Sea 
the Apsilae, the Colchi, the Heniochi, the Lazi, and various 
others, even those of the trans-Caucasian Sarmatae were 
confirmed in the relation of vassalage, or now subjected to 
it. Trajan thereupon advanced into the territory of the 
Parthians and occupied Mesopotamia. Here, too, all sub- 
mitted without a blow ; Batnae, Nisibis, Singara came 
into the power of the Romans ; in Edessa the emperor 
received not merely the subjection of Abgarus, the ruler 
of the land, but also that of the other dynasts, and, like 

' This is shown by the mala proelia in the passage of Fronto 
quoted, and by Die's statement, Ixviii. 19, that Trajan took Samo- 
sata without a struggle ; thus the IGth legion stationed there had 
lost it. 

Chap. IX.] 

The Euphrates Frontier. 


Armenia, Mesopotamia became a Roman province. Trajan 
took up once more liis winter quarters in Antioch, where 
a violent earthquake demanded more victims than the 
campaign of the summer. In the next spring (116) Tra- 
jan, the " victor of the Parthians," as the senate now sa- 
luted him, advanced from Nisibis over the Tigris, and oc- 
cupied, not without encountering resistance at the cross- 
ing and subsequently, the district of Adiabene ; this be- 
came the third new Eoman province, named Assyria. 
The march went onward down the Tigris to Babylonia ; 
Seleucia and Ctesiphon fell into the hands of the Romans, 
and with them the golden throne of the king and his 
daughter ; Trajan reached even the Persian satrapy of 
Mesene, and the great mercantile town at the mouth of 
the Tigris, Charax Spasinu. This region also seems to 
have been incorporated with the empire in such a way 
that the new province Mesopotamia embraced the whole 
region inclosed by the two rivers. 

Full of longing, Trajan is said now to have wished for 
himself the youth of Alexander, in order to 

Revolt of Seleu- • <? ii -n • o i • 

cia, and its Carry irom the margin oi the Persian bea his 
arms into the Indian land of marvels. But he 
soon learned that he needed them for nearer opponents. 
The great Parthian empire had hitherto scarcely con- 
fronted in earnest his attack, and ofttimes sued in vain for 
peace. But now on the way back at Babylon news reached 
the emperor of the revolt of Babylonia and Mesopotamia ; 
while he tarried at the mouth of the Tigris the whole popu- 
lation of these new provinces had risen against him ;* the 

^ It may be that at tlie same time Armenia also revolted. But 
when Gutsclimid (quoted by Dierauer in Biidinger's Untersuchungen, 
i. 179), makes Meherdotes and Sanatrukios, whom Malalas adduces 
as kings of Persia in the Trajanic war, into kings of Armenia again 
in revolt, this result is attained by a series of daring conjectures, 
which shift the names of persons and peoples as much as they trans- 
form the causal nexus of events. There are certainly found in the 
confused coil of legends of Malalas some historical facts, e.g. the in- 
stallation of Parthamaspates (who is here son of king Chosroes of 
Armenia) as king of Parthia by Trajan ; and so, too, the dates of 


The Euphrates frontier. 

[Book VIII. 

citizens of Seleucia on the Tigris, of Nisibis, indeed of 
Edessa itself, put the Eoman garrisons to death or chased 
them away and closed their gates. The emperor saw him- 
self compelled to divide his troops, and to send separate 
corps against the different seats of the insurrection; one of 
these legions under Maximus was, with its general, sur- 
rounded and cut to pieces in Mesopotamia. Yet the em- 
peror mastered the insurgents, particularly through his 
general Lusius Quietus, already experienced in the Dacian 
war, a native sheikh of the Moors. Seleucia and Edessa 
were besieged and burnt down. Trajan went so far as to 
declare Parthia a Roman vassal-state, and invested with it 
at Ctesiphon a partisan of Rome, the Parthian Parthamas- 
pates, although the Roman soldiers had not set foot on 
more than the western border of the great-kingdom. 

Then he began his return to Syria by the route along 
D th f T • ■ ^-'^^^-'^ come, detained on the way by a 

' vain attack on the Arabs in Hatra, the resi- 
dence of the king of the brave tribes of the Mesopotamian 
desert, whose mighty works of fortification and magnifi- 
cent buildings are still at the present day imposing in their 
ruins. He intended to continue the war next year, and so 
to make the subjection of the Parthian s a reality. But the 
combat in the desert of Hatra, in which the sixty -year-old 
emperor had bravely fought with the Arab horsemen, was 
to be his last. He sickened and died on the journey home 
(8th Aug. 117), without being able to complete his victory 
and to hold the celebration of it in Rome ; it was in keep- 
ing with his spirit that even after death the honour of a 
triumph was accorded to him, and hence he is the only one 
of the deified Roman emperors who even as god still bears 
the title of victory. 

Trajan had not sought war with the Parthians, but it 
had been forced upon him ; not he, but Chosroes had 

Trajan's departure from Rome in October (114), of his landing in ' 
Seleucia in December, and of bis entrance into Antioch on the 7th 
Jan. (115) may be correct. But, as this report stands, the historian 
can only decline to accept it; he cannot rectify it. 

Chap. IX.] 

The Euphrates Frontier. 

broken the agreement as to Armenia, which during the last 
forty years had been the basis of the state of 
poTiiy"''^""''*^^ peace in the region of the Euphrates. If it is 
conceivable that the Parthians did not acqui- 
esce in it, since the continuing suzerainty of the Romans 
over Armenia carried in itself the stimulus to revolt, we must 
on the other hand acknowledge that in the way hitherto 
followed further steps could not be taken than were taken 
by Corbulo ; the unconditional renunciation of Armenia, 
and — which was the necessary consequence of it — the 
recognition of the Parthian state on a footing of full 
equality, vlay indeed beyond the horizon of Eoman policy 
as much as the abolition of slavery and similar ideas that 
could not be thought of at that time. But if permanent 
peace could not be attained by this alternative, there was 
left in the great dilemma of Roman Oriental policy only the 
other course — the extension of direct Roman rule to the left 
bank of the Euphrates. Therefore Armenia now became 
a Roman province, and no less Mesopotamia. This was 
only in keeping with the nature of the case. The conver- 
sion of Armenia from a Roman vassal-state with a Roman 
garrison into a Roman governorship made not much 
change externally ; the Parthians could only be effectively 
ejected from Armenia when they lost possession of the 
neighbouring region; and above all, the Roman rule as 
well as the Roman provincial constitution found a far more 
favourable soil in the half-Greek Mesopotamia than in the 
thoroughly Oriental Armenia. Other considerations fell 
to be added. The Roman customs-frontier in Syria was 
badly constituted, and to get the international traffic from 
the great commercial marts of Syria towards the Euphrates 
and the Tigris entirely into its power was an essential gain 
to the Roman state, as indeed Trajan immediately set to 
work to institute the new customs-dues at the Euphrates 
and Tigris. ' Even in a military point of view the boun- 

^ Fronto, Princ. Mst. p. 209 Naber: cumpraesens Traianus Euplira- 
Us et Tigridis portoria equorum et camelorum trib\iitaque ordinaret, 
Ma]cer {?) caesus est This applies to tlie moment wlien Babylonia 


The Euphrates Frontier. [Book VIII. 

dary of tlie Tigris was easier of defence tlian the previous 
frontier-line whicli ran along the Syrian desert and thence 
along the Euphrates. The conversion of the region of 
Adiabene beyond the Tigris into a Roman province, where- 
by Armenia became an inland one, and the transformation 
of the Parthian empire itself into a Eoman vassal-state 
were corollaries of the same idea. It is not meant to be 
denied that in a policy of conquest consistency is a dan- 
gerous praise, and that Trajan after his fashion yielded in 
these enterprises more than was reasonable to the effort 
after external success, and went beyond the rational goal;^ 
but wrong is done to him when his demeanour in the East 
is referred to blind lust of conquest. He did what Caesar 
would have done had he lived. His policy is but the other 
side of that of Nero's statesmen, and the two are as oppo- 
site, as they are equally consistent and equally warranted. 
Posterity has justified more the policy of conquest than 
that of concession. 

For the moment no doubt it was otherwise. The Ori- 
ental conquests of Trajan's lit up the gloomy 
under Hadrian evening of the Romau empire like flashes of 
and Pius. lightning in the darkness of the night ; but, 
like these, they brought no new morning. His successor 
found himself compelled to choose between completing 
the unfinished work of subduing the Parthians or allow- 
ing it to drop. The extension of the frontier could not 
be carried out at all without a considerable increase of 
the army and of the budget ; and the shifting of the cen- 
tre of gravity to the East, thereby rendered inevitable, 
was a dubious strengthening of the empire. Hadrian and 
Pius therefore returned entirely into the paths of the 
earlier imperial period. Hadrian allowed the Roman 

and Mesopotamia revolted, while Trajan was tarrying at the month 
of the Tigris. 

' Nearly with equal warrant, Julian ( Caes. p. 328) makes the em- 
peror say that he had not taken up arms against the Parthians be- 
fore they had violated right, and Dio (Ixviii. 17) reproaches him 
with having waged the war from ambition. 

CiiAP. IX.] The Euphrates Frontier. 


vassal-king of Parthia, Parthamaspates, to drop, and por- 
tioned liim off in another way. He evacuated Assyria 
and Mesopotamia, and voluntarily gave back these prov- 
inces to their earlier ruler. He sent to him as well his 
captive daughter ; the permanent token of the victory won, 
the golden throne of Ctesiphon, even the pacific Pius re- 
fused to deliver up again to the Parthians. Hadrian as 
well as Pius earnestly endeavoured to live in peace and 
friendship with their neighbour, and at no time do the 
commercial relations between the Roman entrepots on 
the Syrain east frontier and the mercantile towns on the 
Euphrates seem to have been more lively than at this 

Armenia ceased likewise to be a Roman province, and 
returned to its former position as a Roman 

vlssaState. vassal-statc and a Parthian appanage of the 
second son. ^ The princes of the Albani, and 

the Iberians on the Caucasus, and the numerous small dy- 

' Hadrian cannot possibly have released Armenia from the posi- 
tion of a Roman dependency. The notice of his biographer, c. 21 : 
Ar menus regem habere permisit, cum sub Traiano legatum habuis- 
sent points rather to the contrary, and we find at the end of Ha- 
drian's reign a contingent of Armenians in the army of the governor 
of Cappadocia (Arrian, c. Alan. 29). Pius did not merely induce 
the Parthians by his representations to desist from the intended in- 
vasion of Armenia {vita^ 9), but also in fact invested them with 
Armenia (coins from the years 140-144, Eckhel, vii. p. 15). The 
fact also that Iberia certainly stood in the relation of dependence 
under Pius, because otherwise the Parthians could not have brought 
complaints as to its king in Rome (Dio, Ixix. 15), presupposes a like 
dependent relation for Armenia. The names of the Armenian kings 
of this period are not known. If the proximae gentes, with the rule of 
which Hadrian compensated the Parthian prince nominated as Par- 
thian king by Trajan (vita, c. 5), were in fact Armenians, which is not 
improbable, there lies in it a confirmation as well of the lasting de- 
pendence of Armenia on Rome as of the continuous rule of the Ar- 
sacids there. Even the ^AvprjXios UaKopos ^aa-iXevs fxeydXr}^ ^Ap/xeuias, 
who erected a monument in Rome (to his brother Aurelius Meri- 
thates who died there {C. I. Gr. 65§9), belongs from his name to 
the house of the Arsacids. But he was hardly the king of Armenia 
installed by Vologasus IV. and deposed by the Romans (p. 80) ; if 


The Ewphrates Frontier. [Book VIII. 

nasts in the south-eastern corner of the Black Sea likewise 
remained dependent.' Roman garrisons were stationed 
not merely on the coast in Apsarus ^ and on the Phasis, 
but, as can be shown, under Commodus in Armenia itself, 
not far from Artaxata ; in a military point of view all 
these states belonged to the district of the commandant 
of Cappadocia.^ This supremacy, however, very indefi- 
nite in its nature, seems to have been dealt with generally, 
and in particular by Hadrian," in such a way that it ap- 
peared more as a right of protection than as subjection 
proper, and at least the more powerful of these princes 
did, and left undone, in the main what pleased them. 
The common interest — which we have formerly brought 
out — in warding off the wild trans-Caucasian tribes be- 
came still more definitely prominent in this epoch, and 
evidently served as a bond in particular between Romans 
and Parthian s. Toward the end of the reign of Hadrian 
the Alani, in agreement apparently with the king of Iberia, 

the latter had come to Rome as a captive, we should know it, and 
even he would hardly have been allowed to call himself king of 
Great Armenia in a Roman inscription. 

^ As vassals holding from Trajan or Hadrian, Arrian {Peripl. c. 
15) adduces the Heniochi and Machelones (comp. Dio, Ixviii. 18 ; 
Ixxi. 14) ; the Lazi (comp. Suidas, sa\ AoijL(rLav6s), over whom also 
Pius put a king (vita, 9) ; the Apsilae ; the Abasgi ; the Sanigae, these 
all within the imperial frontier reaching as far as Dioscurias= 
Sebastopolis ; beyond it in the region of the Bosporan vassal-state, 
the Zichi or Zinchi {ib. c. 27). 

^ This is confirmed not only by Arrian, Peripl. c. 7, but by the 
officer of Hadrian's time praepositus numerorum tendentium in 
Ponto Absaro ( G. L L. x. 1202). 

^ Comp. p. 87, note 1 . The detachment probably of 1000 men 
(because under a tribune) doing garrison duty in the year 185 in 
Valarshapat (Etshmiazin) not far from Artaxata, belonged to one of 
the Cappadocian legions ((7. /. L. iii. 0052). 

^ Hadrian's efforts after the friendship of the Oriental vassal- 
princes are often brought into prominence, not without a hint that 
he was more than fairly indulgent to them {vita, c. 13, 17, 21). 
Pharasmanes of Iberia did not come to Rome on his invitation, but 
complied with that of Pius {cita Iladr. 13, 21 ; vita Pii^ 9 ; Dio, Ixix. 
15, 2, which excerpt belongs to Pius) 

Chap. IX.] 

The Euphrates Frontier. 


at that time Pharasmanes 11., on whom it primarily de- 
volved to bar the pass of the Caucasus against them, in- 
vaded the southern regions, and pillaged not only the 
territory of the Albanians and Armenians, but also the 
Parthian province of Media and the Eoman province of 
Cappadocia, though matters did not come to a v^aging 
of war in common, but the gold of the ruler then reigning 
in Parthia, Vologasus III., and the mobilising of the Cap- 
padocian army on the part of the Romans,^ induced the 
barbarians to return, yet their interests coincided, and 
the complaint which the Parthians lodged in Rome as to 
Pharasmanes of Iberia, shows the concert of the two great 

The disti^rbances of the status quo came again from the 
p th' n ar P^i'thiau sidc. The suzerainty of the Romans 
under Maitus over Armenia played a part in history similar 
to that of the German empire over Italy ; un- 
substantial as it was, it was yet constantly felt as an 
encroachment, and carried within it the danger of war. 
Already under Hadrian the conflict was imminent; the 
emperor succeeded in keeping the peace in a personal 
interview with the Parthian prince. Under Pius the 
Parthian invasion of Armenia seemed once more im- 
pending ; his earnest dissuasive was in the first instance 
successful. But even this most pacific of all emperors, 
who had it more at heart to save the life of a burgess 
than to kill a thousand foes, was obliged in the last period 
of his reign to prepare himself for the attack and to re- 
inforce the armies of the East. Hardly had he closed his 
eyes (161), when the long-tlu-eatening thunder-cloud dis- 

^ We still possess the remarkable report of the governor of Cappa- 
docia under Hadrian, Flavius Arrianus, upon the mobilising of the 
Cappadocian army against the " Scythians," among his minor writ- 
ings ; he was himself at the Caucasus and visited the passes there 
(Lydus, de Mag. iii. 53). 

This we learn from the fragments of Dio's account in Xiphilinus, 
Zonaras, and in the Excerpts ; Zonarashas preserved the correct read- 
ing 'kKavoi instead of 'AA/3af oj ; that the Alani pillaged also the terri- 
tory of the Albani, is shown by the setting of the exc. Ursin. Ixxii. 


The Euphrates Frontier. [Book VIII. 

charged itself. By command of Vologasus TV. the Persian 
general Chosroes ^ advanced into Armenia, and placed the 
Arsacid prince Pacorus on the throne. The governor of 
Cappadocia Severianns did what was his duty, and led 
on his part the Roman troops over the Euphrates. At 
Elegeia, just where a generation before the king Par- 
thomasiris, likewise placed by the Parthians on the 
Armenian throne, had humbled himself in vain before 
Trajan, the armies encountered each other ; the Roman 
was not merely beaten but annihilated in a three days' 
conflict ; the unfortunate general put himself to death, as 
Varus had formerly done. The victorious Orientals were 
not content with the occupation of Armenia, but crossed 
the Euphrates and invaded Syria ; the army stationed 
there was also defeated, and there were fears as to the 
fidelity of the Syrians. The Roman government had no 
choice. As the troops of the East showed on this occasion 
their small capacity for fighting, and were besides weak- 
ened and demoralised by the defeat which they had 
suffered, further legions were despatched to the East from 
the West, even from the Rhine, and levies were ordered in 
Italy itself. Lucius Verus, one of the two emperors who 
shortly before had come to govern, went in person to the 
East (162) to take up the chief command, and if he, neither 
warlike nor yet even faithful to his duty, showed himself 
unequal to the task, and of his deeds in the East hardly 
anything else is to be told than that he married his niece 
tliere and was ridiculed for his theatrical enthusiasm even 
by the Antiochenes, the governors of Cappadocia and 
Syria — in the former case first Statins Priscus, then 
Martins Verus, in the latter Avidius Cassius,^ the best 

^ So he is named in Lucian, Hist, conscr. 21 ; if the same calls 
{Alex. 27) Othryades, he is drawing here from a historian of the 
stamp of those whom he ridicules in that treatise, and of whom 
another Hellenised the same man as Oxyroes (IMst. conscr. c. 18). 

Syria was administered when the war broke out by L. Attidius 
Cornelianus {G. I. Gr. 4661 of the year 160 ; vita Marci, 8; G. 1. 
L. iii. 129 of the year 162), after him by Julius Verus {G. I. L. iii. 
199, probably of the year 103) and then by Avidius Cassius presum 

ClIAP. IX.] 

The Euphrates Frontier, 


generals of this epoch — managed the cause of Borne 
better than the wearer of the crown. Once more, before 
the armies met, the Romans offered peace ; willingly 
would Marcus have avoided the severe war. But Volo- 
gasus abruptly rejected the reasonable proposals ; and this 
time the pacific neighbour was also the stronger. Armenia 
was immediately recovered; already, in the year 163, 
Priscus took the capital Artaxata, and destroyed it. Not 
far from it the new capital of the country, Kainepolis, 
in Armenia Nor-Khalakli or Valarshapat (Etshmiazin) 
was built by the Romans and provided with a strong 
garrison/ In the succeeding year instead of Pacorus 
Sohaemus, by descent also an Arsacid, but a Roman sub- 
ject and Roman senator, was nominated as king of Great 
Armenia.'^ In a legal point of view nothing was changed 

ably from the year 164. The statement that the other provinces of 
the East were assigned to Cassius's command (Philostratns, xit. Soph. 
i. 13 ; Dio, Ixxi. 3), similarly to what was done to Corbulo as legate 
of Cappadocia, can only relate to the time after the departure of the 
emperor Verus ; so long as the latter held the nominal chief com- 
mand there was no room for it. 

' A fragment probably of Dio (in Suidas, s.v. Mdpnos), tells that 
Priscus in Armenia laid out the Kaiv^ TroAis and furnished it with a 
Roman garrison, his successor Martins Verus silenced the national 
movement that had arisen there, and declared this city the first of 
Armenia. This was Valarshapat {OuaKapffaTrdr or OvaXepoKTicrrri in 
Agathangelos) thenceforth the capital of Armenia. Kaivi] iroXis was, 
as Kiepert informs me, already recognized by Stilting as translation 
of the Armenian Nor-Khalakh, which second name Valarshapat 
constantly bears in Armenian authors of the fifth century alongside 
of the usual one. Moses of Chorene, following Bardesanes, makes 
the town originate from a Jewish colony brought thither under king 
Tigranes VI., who according to him reigned 150-188 ; he refers the 
enclosing of it with walls and the naming of it to his son Valarsch 
II. 188-208. That the town had a strong Roman garrison in 185 is 
shown by the inscription C. 1. L. iii. 6052. 

^ That Sohaemus was Achaemenid and Arsacid (or professed to be) 
and king's son and king, as well as Roman senator and consul, 
before he became king of Great Armenia, is stated by his con- 
temporary Jamblichus (c. 10 of the extract in Photius). Probably 
he belonged to the dynastic family of Hemesa (Josephus, Arch. xx. 
8, 4, et al.). If Jamblichus the Babylonian wrote "under him/' 
Vol. II.— 6 


The Eujphrates Frontier. [Book VIII. 

in Armenia ; yet the bonds which joined it to Rome were 
drawn tighter. 

The conflicts in Syria and Mesopotamia were more 
serious. The line of the Euphrates was ob- 
syria and Mes- stiuately defended by the Parthians ; after a 
opotamia. ]jeen combat on the right bank at Sura the 
fortress of Nicephorium (Ragga) on the left was stormed 
by the Romans. Still more vehemently was the passage 
at Zeugma contested ; but here too victory remained with 
the Romans in the decisive battle at Europus (Djerabis to 
the south of Biredjik). They now advanced on their part 
into Mesopotamia. Edessa was besieged, Dausara not far 
from it stormed ; the Romans appeared before Nisibis ; 
the Parthian general saved himself by swimming over the 
Tigris. The Romans might from Mesopotamia undertake 
the march to Babylon. The satraps forsook in part the 
banners of the defeated great-king ; Seleucia, the great 
capital of the Hellenes on the Euphrates, voluntarily 
opened its gates to the Romans, but was afterwards burnt 
down by them, because the burgesses were rightly or 
wrongly accused of an understanding with the enemy. 
The Parthian capital, Ctesiphon, was also taken and de- 
stroyed ; with good reason at the beginning of the year 
165 the senate could salute the two rulers as the Parthian 
grand-victors. In the campaign of this year Cassius even 
penetrated into Media ; but the outbreak of a pestilence, 
more especially in these regions, decimated the troops 
and compelled them to return, accelerating perhaps even 

this can doubtless only be understood to the effect that he composed 
his romance in Artaxata. That Sohaemus ruled over Armenia before 
Pacorus is nowhere stated, and is not probable, since neither Fronto s 
words (p. 127 Naber), q%iod Sohaento potius quain Vologaeso regnum 
Armeniae dedisset aut quod Pacorum regno primsset^ or those of the 
fragment from Dio (?) Ixxi. 1 : Mapnos OuTjpos rhv &ovKv5i5r}v iKni/xTrei 
KarayayeTf SJat^ov es 'Apficp'iav point to reinstatement, and the coins 
with rex Armeniis datus (Bckhel, vii. 91, comp. vita Veri, 7, 8) in 
fact exclude it. We do not know the predecessor of Pacorus, and 
are not even aware whether the throne which he took possession of 
was '"Vacant or occupied. 

Chap. IX.] 

The Euphrates Frontier. 


the conclusion of peace. The result of the war was the 
cession of the western district of Mesopotamia ; the princes 
of Edessa and of Osrhoene became vassals of Kome, and 
the town of Carrhae, which had for long Greek lean- 
ings, became a free town under Koman protection/ As 
regards extent, especially in presence of the complete suc- 
cess of the war, the increase of territory was moderate, but 
yet of importance, inasmuch as thereby the Romans 
gained a footing on the left bank of the Euphrates. We 
may add that the territories occupied were given back to 
the Parthians and the status quo was restored. On the 
whole therefore, the policy of reserve adopted by Hadrian 
was now abandoned once more, and there was a return to 
the course of Trajan. This is the more remarkable, as the 
government of Marcus certainly cannot be reproached 
with ambition and longing after aggrandisement ; what it 
did it did under compulsion and in modest limits. 

The emperor Severus pursued the same course further 
and more decidedly. The year of the three 
uJde^sevIrus. emperors, 193, had led to the war between the 
legions of the West and those of the East, and 
with Pescennius Niger the latter had succumbed. The 
Eoman vassal-princes of the East, and as well the ruler of 
the Parthians, Vologasus V., son of Sanatrucius, had, as 
was natural, recognised Niger, and even put their troops 
at his disposal ; the latter had at first gratefully declined, 
and then, when his cause took a turn to the worse, in- 
voked their aid. The other Roman vassals, above all the 
prince of Armenia, cautiously kept back ; only Abgarus, 
the prince of Edessa, sent the desired contingent. The 
Parthians promised aid, and it came at least from the 
nearest districts, from the prince Barsemias of Hatra in 
the Mesopotamian desert, and from the satrap of the 
Adiabeni beyond the Tigris. Even after Niger's death 
(194) these strangers not merely remained in the Roman 
Mesopotamia, but even demanded the withdrawal of the 

^ This is shown by the Mesopotamian royal and urban coins. 
There are no accounts in our tradition as to the conditions of peacQ. 


The Euphrates Frontier. [Book VIII. 

Eoman garrisons- stationed there and the giving back of 
this territory. - 

Thereupon Severus advanced into Mesopotamia and 
took possession of the whole extensive and 
MerpXmia. important region. From Nisibis an expe- 
dition was conducted against the Arab prince 
of Hatra, which, however, did not succeed in taking the 
fortified town. ; even beyond the Tigris against the satrap 
of Adiabene the generals of Severus accomplished nothing 
of importance. ^ But Mesopotamia, i.e. the whole region 
between the Euphrates and Tigris as far as the Chaboras, 
became a Roman province, and was occupied with two 

1 The beginning of tlie Ursinian excerpt of Dio, Ixxv. 1, 2, is 
confused. Ot ^Opporjuolj it is said, Kal ot 'ASia&rjvol airocrrdvTis koI 
Ni(TiPiv iroMopKovvres Kal ^TTT/^eVres vTrh '^eovfjpov iTrpec^ivcravro irphs 
aurhv ixerh. rht/ rod Niypov ddvarou. Osrlioene was then Roman, 
Adiabene Parthian ; from whom did the two districts revolt ? and 
whose side did the Nisibenes take ? That their opponents were 
defeated by Severus before the sending of the embassy is incon- 
sistent with the course of the narrative ; for the latter makes war 
upon them because their envoys make unsatisfactory offers to him. 
Probably the supporting of Niger by subjects of the Parthians and 
their concert with Niger's Roman partisan are now strictly appre- 
hended as a revolt from Severus ; the circumstance that the peo- 
ple afterwards maintain that they had inteuded rather to support 
Severus, is clearly indicated as a makeshift. The Nisibenes may 
have refused to co-operate, and therefore have been attacked by the 
adherents of Niger. Thus is explained what is clear from the ex- 
tract given by Xiphilinus from Dio, Ixxv. 2, that the left bank of 
the Euphrates was for Severus an enemy's land, but not Nisibis ; 
therefore the town need not have been Roman at that time ; on the 
contrary, according to all indications, it was only made Roman by 

As the wars against the Arabians and the Adiabenians were in 
fact directed against the Parthians, it was natural that the titles 
Parthicus, Arabicus, and PartJiicus Adiabenicus, should on that ac- 
count be conferred on the emperor ; they are also so found, but 
usually Parthicus is omitted,- evidently because, as the biographer 
of Severus says (c. 9), excusavit Partliicum nomen, ne Parthos laces- 
seret. With this agrees the notice certainly belonging to the year 
195 in Dio, Ixxv. 9, 6, as to the peaceful agreement with the Par- 
thians and the cession of a portion of Armenia to them. 

Chap. IX.] 

The Eujphrates Frontier. 


legions newly created on account of this extension of ter- 
ritory. The principality of Edessa continued to subsist 
as a Roman fief, but was now no longer border territory, 
but surrounded by land directly imperial. The con- 
siderable and strong city of Nisibis, thenceforth called 
after the name of the emperor and organised as a Roman 
colony, became the capital of the new province and seat 
of the governor. After an important portion of territory 
had thus been torn from the Parthian kingdom, and 
armed force had been used against two satraps dependent 
on it, the great-king made ready with his troops to op- 
pose the Romans. Severus offered peace, and ceded for 
Mesopotamia a portion of Armenia. But the decision of 
arms was thereby only postponed. As soon as Severus 
had started for the West, whither the complication with 
his co-ruler in Gaul recalled him, the Parthians broke the 
peace^ and advanced into Mesopotamia ; the prince of 
Osrhoene was driven out, the land was occupied, and the 
governor, Laetus, one of the most excellent warriors of 
the time, was besieged in Nisibis. He was in great 
danger, when Severus once more arrived in the East in 
the year 198, after Albinus had succumbed. Thereupon 
the fortune of war turned. The Parthians retreated, and 
now Severus took the offensive. He advanced into Baby- 
lonia, and won Seleucia and Ctesiphon ; the Parthian 
king saved himself with a few horsemen by flight, the 
crown-treasure became the spoil of the victors, the Par- 
thian capital was abandoned to the pillage of the Roman 
soldiers, and more than 100,000 captives were brought to 
the Roman slave market. The Arabians indeed in Hatra 
defended themselves better than the Parthian state itself ; 
in vain Severus endeavoured in two severe sieges to reduce 
the desert-stronghold. But in the main the success of the 
two campaigns of 198 and 199 was complete. By the 
erection of the province of Mesopotamia and of the great 
command there, Armenia lost the intermediate position 

^ That Armenia also fell into their power is indicated bj Herodian, 
V, 9, 2; no doubt his representation is warped and defective. 


The EujpJirates Frontier, [Book VIII. 

which it hitherto had ; it might remain in its previous re- 
lations and apart from formal incorporation. The land 
retained thus its own troops, and the imperial government 
even paid for these subsequently a contribution from the 
imperial chest/ 

The further development of these relations as neighbours 

was essentially influenced by the changes 
governStS which internal order underwent in the two 
the E ''''^^'^ empires. If under the dynasty of Nerva, and 

not less under Severus, the Parthian state, 
often torn asunder by civil war and contention for the 
crown, had been confronted by the relatively stable Ro- 
man monarchy as superior, this order of things broke 
down after Severus's death, and almost for a century there 
followed in the western empire mostly wretched and 
thoroughly ephemeral regents, who in presence of other 
countries were constantly hesitating between arrogance and 
weakness. While the scale of the West thus sank that of 
the East rose. A few years after the death of Severus (211) 
a revolution took place in Iran, which not merely, like so 
many earlier crises, overthrew the ruling regent, nor even 
merely called to the government another dynasty instead 
of the decayed Arsacids, but, unchaining the national and 
religious elements for a mightier upward flight, substituted 
for the bastard civilisation — pervaded by Hellenism — of 
the Parthian state the state-organisation, faith, manners. 

' When at the peace in 218 the old relation between Rome and Ar- 
menia was renewed, the king of Armenia gave himself the pros- 
pect of a renewal of the Roman annual moneys (Dio, Ixxviii 27 : 
Tox) TipiMrov rh apyvpiou t Kar* eros irapci rwu 'Vajp-aioov evpicTKeTO iXni- 
cavros x-fi^iaOai). Payment of tribute proper by the Romans to the 
Armenians is excluded for the period of Severus and the time be- 
fore Severus, and by no means agrees with the words of Dio ; the 
connection must be what we have indicated. In the fourth and 
fifth centuries the fortress of Biriparach in the Caucasus, which 
barred the Dariel Pass, was maintained by the Persians, who 
played the part of masters here after the peace of 364, with a Ro- 
man contribution, and this was likewise conceived as payment of 
tribute (Lydus, de Mag. iii. 52, 53 ; Priscus,//-. 31, Mull,). 

Chap. IX.] The Euphrates Frontier. 


and princes of that province which had created the old 
Persian empire, and, since its transition to the Parthian 
dynasty, preserved within it as well the tombs of Darius 
and Xerxes as the germs of the regeneration of the peo- 
ple. The re- establishment of the great-kingdom of the 
, Persians overthrown by Alexander ensued through the 
emergence of thq dynasty of the Sassanids. Let us cast a 
glance at this new shape of things before we pursue further 
the course of Komano-Parthian relations in the East. 
It has already been stated that the Parthian dynasty, 
although it had wrested Iran from Hellenism, 

The Sassanids. , t n -i n ,• , i 

was yet regarded by the nation as, so to speak, 
illegitimate. Artahshatr, or in new Persian Ardashir — so 
the official biography of the Sassanids reports — came for- 
ward to revenge the bood of Dara murdered by Alexander, 
and to bring back the rule to the legitimate family and 
re-establish it, such as it had been at the time of his fore- 
fathers before the divisional kings. Under this legend lies 
a good deal of reality. The dynasty which bears the name 
of Sasan, the grandfather of Ardashir, was no other than 
the royal dynasty of the Persian province; Ardashir's father, 
Papak or Pabek,^ and a long list of his ancestors had, 
under the supremacy of the Arsacids, swayed the sceptre 
in this ancestral land of the Iranian nation,^ had resided in 
Istachr, not far from the old Persepolis, and marked their 
coins with Iranian language and Iranian writing, and 
with the sacred emblems of the Persian national faith, 
while the great-kings had their abode in the half-Greek 
borderland, and had their coins stamped in the Greek lan- 

' Artaxares names his father Papacus in tlie inscription, quoted at 
p. 89, note 2, king ; how it is to be reconciled with this, that not 
merely does the native legend (in Agathias ii. 27) make Pabek a 
shoemaker, but also the contemporary Dio i^if in. reality Zonaras, xii. 
15, has borrowed these words from him) names Artaxares e| acpav^v 
Koi adS^cou, we do not know. Naturally the Roman authors take the 
side of the weak legitimate Arsacid against the dangerous usurper. 

^ Strabo (under Tiberius) xv. 3, 24 : pvv S'^Stj Kad" avrovs a-wea-TU' 
res oi Ilepcrat iSoctAeas €Xov(riv vTrrjKdovs krepois fiaffiK^vai^ TrpSrepov fxev 
MaKeddffif vvv Se liapQva'iois. 


The Euphrates Frontier, [Book VIII. 

guage and after the Greek style. The fundamental or- 
ganisation of the Iranian state-system — the great-kingdom 
holding superiority over the divisional kings — was under 
the two dynasties as little different as that of the empire 
of the German nation under the Saxon and the Suabian 
emperors. Only for this reason in that official version the 
time of the Arsacids is designated as that of the divisional- 
kings, and Ardashir as the first common head of all Iran 
after the last Darius, because in the old Persian empire 
the Persian province stood related alike to the other prov- 
inces and to the Parthians, as in the Roman state Italy 
stood related to the provinces, and the Persian disputed 
with the Parthian the legitimate title to the great-kingdom 
connected dejure with his province/ 

What was the relation of the Sassanid kingdom to that 
of the Arsacids in point of extent, is a question to which 
tradition gives no sufficient answer. The provinces of the 

^ When Noldeke says {Tahari, p. 449), "The subjection of the 
chief lands of the monarchy directly to the crown formed the chief 
distinction of the Sassanid kingdom from the Arsacid, which had 
real kings in its various provinces,'' the power of the great-kingdom 
beyond doubt is thoroughly dependent on the personality of the pos- 
sessor, and under the first Sassanids must have been much stronger 
than under the last decayed Arsacids. But a contrast in principle 
is not discoverable. From Mithradates I., the proper founder of 
the dynasty, onward the Arsacid ruler names himself " king of 
kings,'' just as did subsequently the Sassanid, while Alexander the 
Great and the Seleucids never bore this title. Even under them in- 
dividual vassal-kings ruled, e.g. in Persis (p. 87, note 2); but the 
vassal kingdom was not then the regular form of imperial adminis- 
tration, and the Greek rulers did not name themselves according to 
it, any more than the Caesars assumed the title of great-king on ac- 
count of Cappadocia or Numidia. The satraps of the Arsacid state 
were essentially the Marzbans of the Sassanids. Perhaps rather the 
great imperial offices, which in the Sassanid polity correspond to the 
supreme administrative posts of the Diocletiano Constantinian con- 
stitution, and probably were the model for the latter, were wanting 
to the Arsacid state; then certainly the two would be related to each 
other much as the imperial organisation of Augustus to that of Con- 
stantine. But we know too little of the Arsacid organisation to 
affirm this with certainty. 

Chap. IX.] The Euphrates Frontier, 


west collectively remained subject to the new dynasty 
after it sat firm in the saddle, and the claims 

Extent of the i • i . , , • i j i -r* j 

sassanid king- which it sct up agamst the rtomans went, as 
we shall see, far beyond the pretensions of the 
Arsacids. But how far the rule of the Sassanids reached 
towards the West, and when it advanced to the Oxus 
which was subsequently regarded as the legitimate boun- 
dary between Iran and Turan, are matters withdrawn from 
our field of vision.' 

The state-system of Iran did not undergo quite a fun- 
damental transformation in consequence of the 
saslaSdl"**^" coming in of the new dynasty. The official 
title of the first Sassanid ruler, as it is given 
uniformly in three languages under the rock-relief of Nak- 
shi-Rustam, " The Mazda-servant God Artaxares, king of 
kings of the Arians, of divine descent," ^ is substantially 

^ According to the Persian records of the last 'Sassanid period pre- 
served in the Arabic chronicle of Tabari Ardashir, after he has cut off 
with his own hand the head of Ardawan and has assumed the title 
Shahan-shah, king of kings, conquers first Hamadhan (Ecbatana) in 
Great Media, then Aderbijan (Atropatene), Armenia, Mosul (Adia- 
bene) ; and further Suristan or Sawad (Babylonia). Thence he re- 
turns to Istachr unto his Persian home, and then starting afresh 
conquers Sagistan, Gurgan (Hyrcania), Abrashahr (ISTisapur in the 
Parthian land), Merv (Margiane), Balkh (Bactra), and Charizm 
(Khiva) up to the extreme limits of Chorasan. " After he had killed 
many people and had sent their heads to the fire-temple of Anahedh 
(in Istachr), he returned from Merv to Pars and settled in Gor " 
(Feruzabad). How much of this is legend, we do not know (comp. 
Noldeke, Tabaria, p. 17, 116). 

2 The title runs in Greek ((7. 1. Or. 4675), Uiff^affvos (Mazda-ser- 
vant, treated as a proper name) d^hs 'Kpra^ap-qs fiaffiKevs (iacriXiwv 
'Apiavwv e'/c yeuovs Oewy ; with which closely agrees the title of his son 
Sapor I. (ib. 4676) only that after 'Apiavcoj/ there is inserted koI 'Am- 
piavwv, and so the extension of the rule to foreign lands is brought 
into prominence. In the title of the Arsacids, so far as it is clear 
from the Greek and Persian legends of coins, Qe6s, $a(n\€vs ^anKecau, 
Q^oirdrup (=e/c y^vovs OecSv) recur, whereas there is no prominence 
given to the Arians and, significantly, to the " Mazda-servant " ; by 
their side appear numerous other titles borrowed from the Syrian 
kings, such as e7rt^aj/rjv, St/cato?, vtK.Woip, also the Roman avTOKpdrcop. 


The Ewphrates Frontier. [Book VIII. 

that of the Arsacids, except that the Iranian nation, as al- 
ready in the old native regal title, and the indigenous god 
are now expressly named. That a dynasty having its 
liome in Persis came in lieu of one originally alien in race 
and only nationalised, was a work and a victory of national 
reaction ; but the force of circumstances placed various 
insurmountable barriers in the way of the consequences 
thence resulting, Persepolis, or, as it is now called, Ist- 
achr, becomes again nominally the capital of the empire, 
and there on the same rock- wall, alongside of the similar 
monuments of Darius, the remarkable statues and still 
more remarkable inscriptions just mentioned proclaim the 
fame of Ardashir and Shapur; but the administration 
could not well be conducted from this remote locality, and 
Ctesiphon continued still to be its centre. The new Per- 
sian government did not resume the de jure prerogative 
of the Persians, as it had subsisted under the Achaeme- 
nids ; while Darius named himself "a Persian son of a 
Persian, an Arian from Arian stock," Ardashir named him- 
self, as we saw, simply king of the Arian s. "We do not 
know whether Persian elements were introduced afresh 
into the great houses apart from the royal ; in any case 
several of them remained, like the Suren and the Caren ; 
only under the Achaemenids, not under the Sassanids these 
were exclusively Persian. 

Even in a religious point of view no change, strictly so 

called, set in ; but the faith and the priests 
pShoo'd un- gained under the Persian great-kings an in- 
nids*^^ ^^^^^ fluence and a power such as they had never 

possessed under the Parthian. It may well be 
that the twofold diffusion of foreign worships in the di- 
rection of Iran — of Buddhism from the East and of the 
Jewish-Christian faith from the West — brought by their 
very hostility a regeneration to the old religion of Mazda. 
The founder of the new dynasty, Ardashir, was, as is cred- 
ibly reported, a zealous fire-worshipper, and himself took 
priestly orders ; therefore, it is further said, from that 
time the order of the Maai became influential and arro- 

Chap. IX.] The Euphrates frontier. 


gant, while it had hitherto by no means had such honour 
and such freedom, but on the contrary had not been held 
in much account by the rulers. " Thenceforth all the 
Persians honour and revere the priests ; public affairs are 
arranged according to their counsels and oracles ; each 
treaty and each law-dispute undergoes their inspection and 
their judgment, and nothing appears to the Persian right 
and legal which has not been confirmed by a priest." Ac- 
cordingly we encounter an arrangement of spiritual admin- 
istration which reminds us of the position of the Pope and 
the bishops alongside of the Emperor and the princes. 
Each circle is placed under a chief-Magian (Magupat, lord 
of Magians, in new Persian Mobedh), and these all in turn 
under the chiefest of the chief Magians (Mobedhan-Mo- 
bedh), the counterpart of " the king of kings," and now it 
is he who crowns the king. The consequences of this priest- 
ly dominion did not fail to appear : the rigid ritual, the re- 
strictive precepts as to guilt and expiation, science resolv- 
ing itself into a wild system of oracles and of magic, 
while belonging from the first to Parsism, in all probabil- 
ity only attained to their full development at this epoch. 
Traces of the national reaction appear also in the use 
of the native language and the native customs, 
the country un- The largest Greek city of the Parthian empire, 

derthe Sassanids. J, - i ^ • i- tj 

the ancient beleucia, continued to subsist, but 
it was thenceforth called not after the name of the Greek 
marshal, but after that of its new master Beh, or better, 
Ardashir. The Greek language hitherto at any rate al- 
ways in use, although debased and no longer ruling alone, 
disappears on the emergence of the new dynasty at once 
from the coins, and only on the inscriptions of the first 
Sassanids is it still to be met with by the side of, and be- 
hind, the language proper of the land. The " Parthian 
writing," the Pahlavi, maintains its ground, but alongside 
of it comes a second little different and indeed, as the 
coins show, as properly official, probably that used hither- 
to in the Persian province, so that the oldest monuments 
of the Sassanids, like those of the Achaemenids, are tri- 


The Eujphrates Frontier. [Book VIII. 

lingual, somewhat as in the German middle ages Latin, 
Saxon, and Franconian were employed side by side. After 
king Sapor 1. (f 272) the bilingual usage disappears, and 
the second mode of writing alone retains " its place, inher- 
iting the name Pahlavi. The year of the Seleucids, and 
the names of the months belonging to it, disappear with 
the change of dynasty ; in their stead come, according to 
old Persian custom, the years of the rulers and the native 
Persian names of months.' Even the old Persian legend 
is transferred to the new Persia. The still extant " history 
of Ardashir, son of Papak," which makes this son of a 
Persian shepherd arrive at the Median court, perform 
menial offices there, and then become the deliverer of his 
peoj)le, is nothing but the old tale of Cyrus changed to 
the new names. Another fable-book of the Indian Par- 
sees is able to tell how king Iskander Kumi, i.e. " Alex- 
ander the Roman," had caused the holy books of Zara- 
thustra to be burnt, and how they were then restored by 
the pious Ardaviraf when king Ardashir had mounted the 
throne. Here the Romano-Hellene confronts the Persian ; 
the legend has, as might be expected, forgotten the ille- 
gitimate Arsacid. 

In other respects the state of things remained essen- 
tially the same. In a military point of view 
STsIsSnMs?^ in particular, the armies of the Sassanids were 
certainly not regular and trained troops, but 
the levy of men capable of arms, into which with the 
national movement a new spirit may doubtless have passed, 
but which afterwards, as before, was based in the main 
on the cavalry-service of the nobility. The administration 
too remained as it was ; the able ruler took steps with in- 
exorable sternness against the highway-robber as against 
the exacting official, and, compared at least with the later 

' Frawardin, Ardhbeheslit, etc. (Ideler, Chronologie, ii. 515). It 
is remarkable that essentially the same names of the months have 
maintained themselves in the provincial calendar of the Roman 
province Cappadocia (Ideler, i. 440) ; they must proceed from the 
time when it was a Persian satrapy. 

Chap. IX.] The Euphrates Frontier. 


Arabic and the Turkish rule, the subjects of the Sassanid 
empire found themselves prosperous and the state-chest full. 

But the alteration in the position of the new kingdom 
with reference to the Roman is significant, 
sians and the The Arsacids never felt themselves quite on 
Romans. ^ level with the Caesars. Often as the two 
states encountered each other in war and peace as powers 
equal in weight, and decidedly as the view of two great- 
powers dominated the Roman East (p. 1), there remained 
with the Roman power a precedence similar to that which 
the holy Roman empire of the German nation possessed 
throughout centuries, very much to its hurt. Acts of 
subjection, such as the Parthian kings took upon them- 
selves in presence of Tiberius (p. 47) and of Nero (55), 
without being compelled to them by extreme necessity, 
cannot be at all conceived of on the Roman side. It can- 
not be accident that a gold coin v/as never struck under 
the government of the Arsacids, and the very first Sassa- 
nid ruler practised coining in gold ; this is the most pal- 
pable sign of sovereignty unrestricted by any duties of a 
vassal. To the claim of the empire of the Caesars alone 
to the power of coining money for universal circulation 
the Arsacids without exception yielded, at least in so far 
that they themselves refrained generally from coining, and 
left coinage in silver and copper to the town or the satraps ; 
the Sassanids again struck gold pieces, as did king Da- 
rius. The great-kingdom of the East at length demanded 
its full right ; the world no longer belonged to the Ro- 
mans alone. The submissiveness of the Orientals and 
the supremacy of the Occidentals were of the past. Ac- 
cordingly, in place of the relations between Romans and 
Parthians, as hitherto, always reverting afresh to peace, 
there now came for generations embittered hostility. 

After having set forth the new state organization, with 
which the sinkinof Rome was soon to contend, 

Parthian war „ 

of severus we rcsume the thread of our narrative. An- 

Antoninus. . „ ™ 

tomnus, son and successor oi Ibeverus, not a 
warrior and statesman like his father, but a dissolute 


The Euphrates Frontier. 

[Book VIII. 

caricature of both, must have had the design — so far as in 
the case of such personages we can speak of design at all — 
to bring the East entirely into the Eoman power. It was 
not difficult to place the princes of Osrhoene and of Ar- 
menia, after they had been summoned to the imperial 
court, under arrest, and to declare these lives forfeited. 
But on the arrival of the news a revolt broke out in Ar- 
menia. The Arsacid prince Tiridates was proclaimed king, 
and invoked the protection of the Parthians. Thereupon 
Antoninus put himself at the head of a large military force, 
and appeared in the East in the year 216, to put down the 
Armenians, and in case of need also the Parthians. Tiri- 
dates himself at once gave up the cause as lost, although 
the division sent to Armenia subsequently encountered 
vehement resistance there ; and he fled to the Parthians. 
The Komans demanded his surrender. The Parthians 
were not inclined on his account to enter into a war, the 
more especially as just then the two sons of king Volo- 
gasus v., Vologasus VI. and Artabanus, were in bitter feud 
over the succession to the throne. The former yielded 
when the Roman demand was imperiously repeated, and 
delivered up Tiridates. Thereupon the emperor desired 
from Artabanus, who had meanwhile obtained recognition, 
the hand of his daughter for the express object of thus 
obtaining the kingdom by marriage, and of bringing East 
and West under one rule. The rejection of this wild 
proposal ^ was the signal for war ; the Eomans declared 
it, and crossed the Tigris. The Parthians were unpre- 
pared ; without encountering resistance the Romans burnt 
down the towns and villages in Adiabene, and ruthlessly 
destroyed even the old royal tombs at Arbela.^ But Arta- 

' Such, is tlie account of the trustworthy Dio, Ixxviii. 1 ; the 
version of Herodian, iv. 11, that Artabanus promised his daughter, 
and at the celebration of the betrothals allowed Antoninus to cut 
down the Parthians present, is unauthenticated. 

^ If there is any truth in the mention of the Cadusians in the 
biography, c. 6, the Romans induced this wild tribe, not subject to 
the government in the south-west of the Caspian Sea, to fall at the 
same time upon the Parthians, 

CriAr. IX.] 

The Euphrates Frontier. 


banus made the utmost exertions for the next campaign, 
and put into the field a powerful force in the spring of 
217. Antoninus, who had spent the winter in Edessa, was 
assassinated by his officers just as he was setting out for 
this second campaign. His successor Macrinus, uncon- 
firmed in the government and held in little repute, at the 
head, moreover, of an army defective in discipline and 
tone and shaken by the murder of the emperor, would 
gladly have rid himself of a war wantonly instigated and 
assuming very serious proportions. He sent the prisoners 
back to the Parthian king, and threw the blame of the 
outrages committed on his predecessor. But Artabanus 
was not content with this ; he demanded compensation for 
all the devastation committed, and the evacuation of 
Mesopotamia. Thus matters came to a battle at Nisibis, 
in which the Eomans had the worst. Nevertheless the 
Parthians, partly because their levy seeihed as though it 
would break up, perhaps also under the influence of 
Roman money, granted peace (218) on comparatively 
favourable terms. Rome paid a considerable war com- 
pensation (50,000,000 denarii), but retained Mesopotamia. 
Armenia remained with Tiridates, but the latter took it as 
in dependency on the Romans. In Osrhoene also the old 
princely house was reinstated. 

This was the last treaty of peace which the Arsacid 
dynasty concluded with Rome. Almost im=- 
Kmg Ardashir. j^^^-g^^g^y aftcrwards, and perhaps partly in 
consequence of this bargain, which certainly, as things 
stood, might be looked upon by the Orientals as an aban- 
donment by their own government of the victories achieved, 
the insurrection began, which converted the state of the 
Parthians into a state of the Persians. Its leader, king 
Ardashir or Artaxares (a.d. 224-241) strove for several years 
with the adherents of the old dynasty before he attained 
fall success after three great battles, in the last of which 

' The subsequently received chronology puts the beginning of the 
Sassanid dynasty in the Seleucid year 538 — 1st Oct. 226-7 a.d., or 
the fourth (full) year of Severus Alexander, reigning since spring 


The Euphrates Frontier. 

[Book VIIL 

king Artabanus fell, tie was master in the Parthian empire 
proper, and could march into the Mesopotamian desert to 
subdue the Arabs of Hatra and thence to advance against 
the Koman Mesopotamia. But the brave and independent 
Arabs defended themselves now against the Persians as 
formerly against the Roman invasion, in their huge walls 
with good success ; and Artaxares found himself led to 
operate in the first instance against Media and Armenia, 
where the Arsacids still maintained themselves, and the 
sons of Artabanus had found a refuge. It was not till 
about the year 230 that he turned against the Eomans, and 
not merely declared war against them, but demanded back 
all the provinces which had formerly belonged to the king- 
dom of his predecessors, Darius and Xerxes — in other 
words, the cession of all Asia. To emphasise his threaten- 
ing words, he led a mighty army over the Euphrates ; 
Mesopotamia was- occupied and Nisibis besieged ; the en- 
emy's cavalry appeared in Cappadocia and in Sj^ria. 

The Roman throne was then occupied by Severus Alex- 
ander, a ruler in whom nothing was warlike 
ander^"^^^^ but the name, and for whom in reality his 
mother Mamaea conducted the government. 
Urgent, almost humble proposals of peace on the part of 
the Roman government remained without effect ; nothing 
was left but the employment of arms. The masses of the 
Roman army gathered together from all the empire were 
divided ; the left wing took the direction of Armenia and 
Media, the right that of Mesene at the mouth of the Eu- 
phrates and Tigris, perhaps in the calculation that they 
might in the former as in the latter quarter have the sup- 
port of the adherents of the Arsacids ; the main army went 
to Mesopotamia. The troops were numerous enough, but 
222 (Agatliias, iv. 24). According to other data king Ardasliir num- 
bered the year from the autumn 223-4 A.d. as his first, and so doubt- 
less assumed in tliis the title of great-king (Noldeke, Tcibavia^ p. 
410). The last dated coin as yet known of the older system is of the 
year 539, When Dio wrote between 230 and 234, Artabanus was 
dead and his adherents were overpowered, and the advance of Artax- 
ares into Armenia and Mesopotamia was expected. 

Chap. IX.] The Euphrates Frontier, 


without discipline and tone ; a Roman officer of high posi- 
tion at this time himself testifies that they were pampered 
and insubordinate, refused to fight, killed their officers, 
and deserted in crowds. The main force did not get be- 
yond the Euphrates,^ for his mother represented to the 
emperor that it was not his business to fight for his sub- 
jects, but theirs to fight for him. The right wing, assailed 
in the level country by the Persian main force and aban- 
doned by the emperor, was cut up. Thereupon, when the 
emperor issued orders to the wing which had pushed for- 
ward towards Media to draw back, the latter also suffered 
severely in the winter retreat through Armenia. If the 
matter went no further than this sorry return of the great 
Oriental army to Antioch, if no complete disaster occurred, 
and even Mesopotamia remained in Roman power, this ap- 
pears due, not to the merit of the Roman troops or their 
leaders but to the fact that the Persian levy was weary of 
the conflict and went home.^ But they went not for long, 
the more especially as soon after, upon the murder of the 
last offshoot of the dynasty of Severus, the several army- 
commanders and the government in Rome began to fight 
about the occupation of the Roman throne, and consequent- 
ly were at one in their concern for the affairs of external 

^ Tlie emperor remained probably in Palmyra ; at least a Palmy- 
rene inscription, C. 1. Or. 4483, mentions the eiridTjixia deov 'AKe^dv- 

2 The incomparably wretched accounts of this war (relatively the 
best is that drawn from a common source in Herodian, Zonaras, and 
Syncellus, p. 674) do not even decide the question who remained 
victor in these conflicts. While Herodian speaks of an unexampled 
defeat of the Romans, thb Latin authorities, the Biography as well 
as Victor, Eutropius, and Rufius Festus, celebrate Alexander as the 
conqueror of Artaxerxes or Xerxes, and according to these latter the 
further course of things was favourable. Herodian vi. 6, 5, offers 
the means of adjustment. According to the Armenian accounts 
(Gutschmid, Zeitschr. der deutschen morgenldnd. Oesellschaft^ xxxi. 
47) the Arsacids with the support of the tribes of the Caucasus held 
their ground in Armenia down to the year 237 against Ardashir; this 
diversion may be correct and may have tended to the advantage of 
the Romans. 

Vol. II.— 7 


The Ewphrates Frontier. 

[Book VIII. 

foes. Under Maximinus (235-238) the Roman Mesopo- 
tamia fell into the power of Ardashir, and the Persians 
once more prepared to cross the Euphrates/ 

After the internal troubles were in some measure paci- 
fied, and Gordian III., almost still a boy, 
war Tf^Gordian. ^^^^^ protectiou of the commaudant of 
Rome and soon of his father-in-law Furius 
Timesitheus, bore undisputed sway in the whole empire, 
war was solemnly declared against the Persians, and in 
the year 242 a great Roman army advanced under the 
personal conduct of the emperor, or rather of his father- 
in-law, into Mesopotamia. It had complete success ; 
Carrhae was recovered, at Resaina between Carrhae and 
Nisibis the army of the Persian king Shahpuhr or Sapor 
(reigning 241-272), who shortly before had followed his 
father Ardashir, was routed, and in consequence of this 
victory Nisibis was occupied. All Mesopotamia was re- 
conquered ; it was resolved to march back to the 
Euphrates, and thence down the stream against the en- 
emy's capital Ctesiphon. Unhappily Timesitheus died, 
and his successor, Marcus Julius Philippus, a native of 
Arabia from the Trachonitis, used the opportunity to set 
aside the young ruler. When the army had accomplished 
the difficult march through the valley of the Chaboras 
towards the Euphrates, the soldiers in Circesium, at the 
confluence of the Chaboras with the Euphrates, did not 
find — in consequence, it is alleged, of arrangements made 
by Philippus — the provisions and stores which they had 
expected, and laid the blame of this on the emperor. 
Nevertheless the march in the direction of Ctesiphon was 
begun, but at the very first station, near Zaitha (somewhat 
below Mejadin), a number of insurgent guards killed the 

' The best account is furnished by Syncellus, p. 683 and Zonaras, 
xii. 18, drawing from the same source. With this accord the indi- 
vidual statements of Ammianus, xxiii. 5, 7, 17, and nearly so the 
forged letter of Gordian to the Senate in the Biography, c. 27, from 
which the narrative, c. 26, is ignorantly prepared \ Antioch was iu 
danger, but not iu the hands of the Persians. 

Chap. IX] 

The Euphrates Frontier, 


emperor (in the spring or summer of 244), and proclaimed 
their commandant, Philippus, as Augustus in his stead. 
The new ruler did what the soldiers or at least the 
guardsmen desired, and not merely gave up the intended 
expedition against Ctesiphon, but led the troops at once 
back to Italy. He purchased the permission to do so from 
the conquered enemy by the cession of Mesopotamia and 
Armenia, and so of the Euphrates frontier. But this con- 
clusion of peace excited such indignation that the emperor 
did not venture to put it in execution, and allowed the 
garrisons to remain in the ceded provinces.' The fact that 
the Persians, at least provisionally, acquiesced in this, 
gives the measure of what they were then able to do. It 
was not the Orientals, but the Goths, the pestilence that 
raged for fifteen years, and the dissensions of the corps- 
leaders quarrelling with one another for the crown, that 
broke the last strength of the empire. 

At this point, when the Roman East in its struggle with 
the Persian is left to its own resources, it will 
Palmyra. appropriate to make mention of a remark- 

able state, which, created by and for the desert-traffic, 
now for a short time takes up a leading part in political 
history. The oasis of Palmyra, in the native language 
Tadmor, lies half-way between Damascus and the Euphra- 
tes. It is of importance solely as intermediate station 
between the Euphrates and the Mediterranean ; this sig- 
nificance it was late in acquiring, and early lost again, so 
that the flourishing time of Palmyra coincides nearly with 
the period which we are here describing. As to the rise 
of the town there is an utter absence of tradition."^ It is 

^ So Zonaras, xii. 19, represents the course of affairs ; with this 
Zosimus, iii. 33, agrees, and the later course of things shows that 
Armenia was not quite in Persian possession. If, according to 
Euagrius, v. 7, at that time merely Lesser Armenia remained Ro- 
man, this may not be incorrect, in so far as the dependence of the 
vassal-king of Great Armenia after the peace was doubtless merely 

^ The Biblical account (1 Kings ix.l8) as to the building of the 
town Thamar in Idumaea b j king Solojnon has only been trans- 


The Euphrates Frontier. [Book VIII. 

mentioned first on occasion of the abode of Antonius in 
Syria in the year 713, when he made a vain 
attempt to possess himself of its riches ; the 
documents found there — the oldest dated Palmyrene in- 
g scription is of the year 745 — hardly reach 

much further back. It is not improbable that 
its flourishing was connected with the establishment of 
tlie Eomans in the Syrian coast-region. So long as the 
Nabataeans and the towns of Osrhoene were not directly 
Roman, the Eomans had an interest in providing another 
direct communication with the Euphrates, and this there- 
upon led necessarily by way of Palmyra. Palmyra was 
not a Roman foundation ; Antonius took as the occasion 
for that predatory expedition the neutrality of the mer- 
chants who were the medium of traffic between the two 
great states, and the Roman horsemen turned back, with- 
out having performed their work, before the chain of 
archers which the Palmyrenes opposed to the attack. But 
already in the first imperial period the city must have 
been reckoned as belonging to the empire, because the 
tax-ordinances of Germanicus and of Corbulo issued for 
Syria applied also for Palmyra ; in an inscription of the 
year 80 we meet with a Claudian phyle there ; from Ha- 
drian's time the city calls itself Hadriana Palmyra, and in 
the third century it even designates itself a colony. 

The subjection of the Palmyrenes to the empire was, 
however, of a different nature to the ordinary 

Military inde- ^ . . i l^ ^• 1 

pendenceof ouc, auQ Similar lu some measure to the client- 
Paimyra. relation of the dependent kingdoms. Even in 
Vespasian's time Palmyra is called an intermediate re- 
gion between the two great powers, and in every collision 
between the Romans and Parthians the question was 
asked, what policy the Palmyrenes would pursue. We 

ferred to Tadmor by a misunderstanding doubtless old ; at all 
events the erroneous reference of it to tliis town among the later 
Jews (2 Chron. viii. 4, and the Greek translation of 1 Kings, ix. 18) 
form the oldest testimony for its existence (Hitzig, Zeitschr. der 
dcutschen morgenl. Geselhchaft, viii. 222). 

Chap. IX.] The Ewphrates Frontier. 101 

must seek the key to its distinctive position in the relations 
of the frontier and the arrangements made for frontier-pro- 
tection. The Syrian troops, so far as they were stationed 
on the Euphrates i,tself, had their chief position at Zeugma, 
opposite to Biredjik, at the great passage of the Euphrates. 
Further down the stream, between the immediately Roman 
and the Parthian territory was interposed that of Palmyra, 
which reached to the Euphrates and included the next im- 
portant place of crossing at Sura opposite to the Mesopo- 
tamian town Nicephorium (later Callinicon, now er-Ragga). 
It is more than probable that the guarding of this impor- 
tant border-fortress as well as the securing of the desert- 
road between the Euphrates and Palmyra, and also per- 
haps of a portion of the road from Palmyra to Damascus, 
was committed to the community of Palmyra, and that it 
was thus entitled and bound to make the military arrange- 
ments necessary for this far from slight task.' Subse- 

^ This is nowhere expressly stated ; but all the circumstances tell 
in favour of it. That the Romano-Parthian frontier, before the Ro- 
mans established themselves on the left bank of the Euphrates, was 
on the right a little below Sura, is most distinctly said by Pliny 
{H. N. V. 26, 89 : a Sara proxime est Philiscum—corri-p. p. 102, note 
1 — oppidum PartJiorwn ad Eupliratem ; ah eo Selcuciam dierum decern 
navigatio), and there it remained till the erection of the province of 
Mesopotamia under Severus. The Palmy rene of Ptolemy (v. 15, 24, 
25) is a district of Coele-Syria, which seems to embrace a good part 
of the territory to the south of Palmyra, but certainly reaches as far 
as the Euphrates and includes Sura ; other urban centres besides 
Palmyra seem not to be mentioned, and there is nothing to stand in 
the way of our taking this large district as civic territory. So long 
in particular as Mesopotamia was Parthian, but subsequently also 
with reference to the adjoining desert, a permanent protection of the 
frontier could not here be dispensed with ; as indeed in the fourth 
century, according to the tenor of the Notitia, Palmyrene was strong- 
ly occupied, the northern portion by the troops of the Dux of Syria, 
Palmyra itself and the southern half by those of the Dux of Phoe- 
nice. That in the earlier imperial period no Roman troops were 
stationed here, is vouched for by the silence of authors and the ab- 
sence of inscriptions, which in Palmyra itself are numerous. If in 
the Tabula Peutingeriana it is remarked under Sura: fines exercitus 
Syriatici et commercium bar baronim, that is, "here end the Ro- 


The Euphrates Frontier. [Book VIII. 

quently doubtless the imperial troops were brought up 
closer to Palmyra, and one of the Syrian legions was 
moved to Danava between Palmyra and Damascus, and 
the Arabian legion to Bostra ; after Severus united Meso- 
potamia with the empire, even here both banks of the 
Euphrates were in the Eoman power, and the Roman ter- 
ritory on the Euphrates ended no longer at Sura but at 
Circesium, at the confluence of the Chaboras with the Eu- 
phrates above Mejadin. Then Mesopotamia also was 
strongly occupied with imperial troops. But the Meso- 
potamian legions lay on the great road in the north near 
Resaina and Nisibis, and even the Syrian and Arabian 
troops did not supersede the need for the co-operation of 
the Palmyrenes. Even the protection of Circesium and 
of this part of the bank of the Euphrates may have been 
entrusted to the Palmyrenes. It was not till after the de- 
cline of Palmyra, and perhaps in compensation for it, 
that Circesium ' was made by Diocletian a strong for- 

man garrisons and liere is the place of exchange for the trafl&c of the 
barbarians," this is only saying, what at a later time is repeated by 
Ammianus (xxiii. 3, 7 : Gallinicum munimentum robustum et com- 
mercandi opimitate gratissimum) and further by the emperor Hono- 
rius {Cod. Just iv. 63, 4), that Callinicon was one of the few entre- 
pots devoted to the Romano-barbarian frontier-traffic ; but it does not 
at all follow from this as regards the time when the Tabula originated, 
that these imperial troops were stationed there, since in fact the Pal- 
myrenes in general belonged -to the Syrian army and might be 
thought of in using the expression exercitus Syriaticus. The city 
must have furnished a force of its own in a way similar to that of 
the princes of Numidia and of Panticapaeum. By this means alone 
we come to understand as well the rejection of the troops of Anto- 
nius as the attitude of the Palmyrenes in the troubles of the third 
century, and not less the emergence of the numeri Palmyrenorum 
among the military novelties of this epoch. 

' Ammianus, xxiii. 5, 2 : Cercusium . . . Diodetianus exiguum, 
ante hoc et suspectum muris turribusque circumdedit celsis, . . . ne 
mgarentur per Syriam Persae ita ut paucis ante annis cum magnis 
provinciarum contigerat damnis. Comp. Procopius de aed. ii. 6. 
Perhaps this place is not different from the ^a\-ya or iaKiya of Isi- 
dorus of Charax {mans. Parth. 1; Steplianus Byz. s.'c.) and the 
Philiscum of Pliny (p. 101, note). 

Chap. IX.] The Euphrates Frontier. 


tress, wliich thenceforth was here the basis of frontier- 

The traces of this distinctive position of Palmyra are 
demonstrable also in its institutions. The ab- 

Administrative i /. n 5 ji -r» i 

independence scncc oi the cmperor s name on the Jr'almy- 
of Palmyra. coins is probablj to be explained not 

from it, but from the fact that the community issued al- 
most nothing but small money. But the treatment of the 
language speaks clearly. From the rule elsewhere fol- 
lowed almost without exception by the Romans — of allow- 
ing in their immediate territory only the use of the two 
imperial languages — Palmyra was excepted. Here that 
language, which in the rest of Syria and not less after the 
exile in Judaea was the usual medium of private inter- 
course, but was restricted to the latter, maintained its 
ground in public use, so long as the city existed at all. 
Essential differences cannot be shown between the Palmy- 
rene Syriac and that of the other regions just named ; the 
proper names, having not seldom an Arabic or Jewish, or 
even Persian form, show the striking mixture of peoples, 
and numerous words borrowed from Greek or Latin 
show the influence of the Occidentals. It becomes subse- 
quently a rule to append to the Syrian text a Greek one, 
which in a decree of the Palmyrene common-council of 
the year 137 is placed after the Palmyrene, but afterwards 
usually precedes it ; but mere Greek inscriptions of native 
Palmyrenes are rare exceptions. Even in votive inscrip- 
tions which Palmyrenes set up to their native gods in Eome,' 
and in tombs of Palmyrene soldiers that died in Africa or 
Britain, the Palmyrene rendering is added. So too in 

' Of tlie seven dedications, hitherto found outside of Palmyra, to 
the Palmyrene Malach Belos the three brought to light in Rome 
(a /. L. vi. 51, 710 ; G. 1. Gr. 6015) have along with a Greek or 
Latin also a Palmyrene text, two African {G. L L. viii. 2497, 8795 
add. ) and two Dacian {Ardi. epig. Mitth. aus Oesterreich^ vi. 109, 
111) merely Latin. One of the latter was set up by P. Aelius 
Theimes a duoviraUs of Sarmizegetusa, evidently a native of Pal- 
myra dm pairiis Malagbel ei Bchellahaynon et Benefal et Manavat. 


The Euphrates Frontier. [Book VIII. 

Palmyra — while the Eoman year was made the basis of 
dating as .in the rest of the empire — the names of the 
months were not the Macedonian officially received in 
Roman Syria, but those which were current in it in com- 
mon intercourse at least among the Jews, and were in use, 
moreover, among the Aramaean tribes living under Assyr- , 
ian and subsequently Persian rule.^ 

The municipal organisation was moulded in the main 
after the pattern of the Greek municipality of 
miSstrates. the Romau empire ; the designations for mag- 
istrates and counciP and even those of the 
colony are in the Palmyrene texts retained for the most 
part from the imperial languages. But in administration 
the district retained a greater independence than is else- 
where assigned to urban communities. Alongside of the 
civic officials we find, at least in the third century, the 
city of Palmyra with its territory under a separate head- 
man " of senatorial rank and Roman appointment, but 
chosen from the family of most repute in the place ; 
Septimius Hairanes, son of Odaenathus, is substantially a 
prince of the Palmyrenes,'" who was doubtless not other- 

' Whence these names of tlie months come, is not clear ; they first 
appear in the Assyrian cuneiform writing, hut are not of Assyrian 
origin. In consequence of the Assyrian rule they then remained in 
use within the sphere of the Syrian language. Variations are found ; 
the second month, the Dios of the Greek-speaking Syrians, our 
Novemher, is called among the Jews Markeshvan, among the Pal- 
myrenes Kanun (Waddington, n. 25745). We may add that these 
names of the months, so far as they came to be applied within the 
Roman empire, are adapted, like the Macedonian, to the Julian 
calendar, so that only the designation of the month differs, the 
year-heginning (1 Oct.) of the Syro-Roman year finds uniformly 
application to the Greek as to the Aramaen appellations. 

E.g. Archon, Grammateus, Proedros, Syndikos, Dekaprotoi. 

3 This is shown by the inscription of Palmyra G. I. Gr. 4491, 
4492 — Waddington 2600 = Vogue, Insc. sem. Palm. 22) set up to 
this Hairanes in the year 251 by a soldier of the legion stationed in 
Arabia. His title is in Greek o Kau-n-pnraros avvKXy]TiK6s e|a[pxos 
{=prmceps) Ua\inv]p-npa>u , in Palmyrene "illustrious senator, head 
of Tadmor." The epitaph (G. I. Gr. 4507:= Waddington 2621 = 
Vogue, 21) of the father of Hairanes, Septimios Odaenathos, son of 

Chap. IX.] The Euphrates Frontier. 105 

wise dependent on the legate of Syria than were the 
client-princes on the neighbouring imperial governors 
generally. A few years later we meet with his son,^ Sep- 
timius Odaenathus, in the like position — indeed even 
raised in rank — df hereditary prince.^ Nevertheless Pal- 
myra formed a customs-district apart, in which the cus- 
toms were leased on account, not of the state, but of the 

Hairanes, grandson of Vaballathos, great-grandson of Nassoros, 
gives to him also senatorial rank. 

' Certainly the father of this Odaenathus is nowhere named ; but 
it is as good as certain that he was the son of the Hairanes just 
named, and bore the name of his grandfather. Zosimus, too, i. 39, 
terms him a Palmyrene distinguished from the days of his fore- 
fathers by the government (^i/Spa TlaAfivprjt/hu koI e/c irpoySvwu rrjs 
TTapa Twu fia(n\€uv a^icadfUTa tIjUtjs). 

^ In the inscription Waddington 2603 = Vogue 23, which the 
guild of gold and silver workers of Palmyra set up in the year 257 
to Odaenathus he is called 6 AaixTrpoTaros vTrariKSs, and so vir con- 
sidaris, and in Greek SerrTroTr??, in Syriac mdran. The former 
designation is not a title of office, but a statement of the class in 
which he ranked ; so vir consularis stands not unf requently after 
the name quite like mr darissimus (0. I. L. x. p. 1117 and else- 
where), and 6 Xa/uLTrphraTos vnaTinS'i is found alongside of and before 
official titles of various kinds, e.g. that of the proconsul of Africa 
{G. I. Gr. 2979, where AajuLirpSraros is absent), of the imperial 
legate of Pontus and Bithynia {G. I. Gr. 3747, 3748, 3771) and of 
Palestine {G. I. Gr. 4151), of the governor of Lycia and Pamphylia 
{G. I. Gr. 4272); it is only in the age after Constantine that it is 
in combination with the name of the province employed as an 
official title {e.g. G. I. Gr. 2596, 4266e). From this, therefore, no 
inference is to be drawn as to the legal position of Odaenathus. 
Likewise, in the Syriac designation of "lord," we may not find 
exactly the ruler ; it is also given to a procurator (Waddington 2606 
= Vogue 25). 

^ Syria in the imperial period formed an imperial customs-dis- 
trict of its own, and the imperial dues were levied not merely on 
the coast but also at the Euphrates-frontier, in particular at 
Zeugma. Hence it necessarily follows that farther to the south, 
where the Euphrates was no longer in the Roman power, similar 
dues were established on the Roman eastern frontier. Now a de- 
cree of the council of Palmyra of the year 137 informs us that the 
city and its territory formed a special customs-district, and the dues 

The Euj)hrates Frontier. 

[Book VIII, 

The importance of Palmyra depended on tlie caravan- 
traffic. The heads of the caravans (crwoSiap- 

Commercial po- \ ^ • ^ > e x^i i. 

RitionofPal- ')(a.i), which Went irom Palmyra to the great 
entrepots on the Euphrates to Vologasias, the 
already mentioned Parthian foundation not far from the 
site of the ancient Babylon, and to Porath or Charax 
Spasinu, twin towns at its mouth, close on the Persian 
Gulf, appear in the inscriptions as the most respected city- 
burgesses,' and fill not merely the magistracies of their 

were levied for tlie benefit of tlie town upon all goods imported or 
exported. That tliis territory lay beyond the imperial dues is prob- 
able — first, because, if there had existed an imperial customs-line 
enclosing the Palmyrene territory, the mention of it could not well 
be omitted in that detailed enactment ; secondly, because a com- 
munity of the empire enclosed by the imperial customs-lines would 
hardly have had the right of levying dues at the boundary of its 
territory to this extent. We shall thus have to discern in the levy- 
ing of dues by the community of Palmyra the same distinctive 
position which must be attributed to it in a military point of view. 
Perhaps, on the other hand, there was an impost laid on it for the 
benefit of the imperial exchequer, possibly the delivering up of 
a quota of the produce of the dues or a heightened tribute. Ar- 
rangements similar to those for Palmyra may have existed also for 
Petra and Bostra ; for goods were certainly not admitted here free 
of dues, and according to Pliny, //. N. xii. 14, 65, imperial dues 
from the Arabic frankincense exported by way of Gaza seem only 
to have been levied at Gaza on the coast. The indolence of Roman 
administration was stronger than its fiscal zeal ; it may frequently 
have devolved the inconvenient tolls of the land-frontier away 
from itself on the communities. 

' These caravans {(xwoUai) appear on the Palmyrene inscriptions 
as fixed companies, which undertake the same journeys beyond 
doubt at definite intervals under their foreman {a-wo^iapx'r]^, Wad- 
dington, 2589, 2590 2596) ; thus a statue is erected to such a one by 
" the merchants who went down with him to Vologasias " {ol avv 
auTw KaTeXQovns els ''OXoyeaidBa e/xiropoi, Waddington, 2599 of the 
year 247), or "up from Forath (comp. Pliny, II. iV. vi. 28, 145) and 
Vologasias" {oi awai'a^duTes avrov e/j-Tropoi cnro ^opddov Ke 'OXoya- 
(Tidhos, Waddington, 2589 of the year 142), or "up from Spasinu 
Charax "(oi ahv a iT(^ avaSdvTfiS airh 'S.-iraaivou Xccpa/cos, Waddington, 
2596 of the year 193; similarly 2590 of the year 155). All these 
conductors are men of standing furnished with lists of ancestors ; 
their honorar}' monuments stand in the great colonnade beside those 

Chap. IX.] 

The Euphrates Frontier. 


home, but in part also imperial offices ; the great traders 
(apx^f^-n-opoi) and the guild of workers in gold and silver 
testify to the importance of the city for trade and manu- 
factures, and nofj less is its prosperity attested by the 
still standing temples of the city and the long colonnades 
of the city halls, as well as the massy and richly decorated 
tombs. The climate is little favourable to agriculture — 
the place lies near to the northern limit of the date palm, 
and does not derive its Greek name from it — but there 
are found in the environs the remains of great subterra- 
nean aqueducts and huge water-reservoirs artificially con- 
structed of square blocks, with the help of which the 
ground, now destitute of all vegetation, must once upon 
a time have artificially developed a rich culture. This 
riches, this national idiosyncrasy not quite set aside even 
under Roman rule, and this administrative independence, 
explain in some measure the part of Palmyra about the 
middle of the third century in the great crisis, to the 
presentation of which we now return. 

After the emperor Decius had fallen in the year 251 
when fip'hting against the Goths in Europe, 

Capture of the ^ . o.. • 

emperor Vale- the government 01 the empire, ii at that time 
there was still an empire and a government at 
all, left the East entirely to its fate. While the pirates 
from the Black Sea ravaged the coasts far and wide and 
even the interior, the Persian king Sapor again assumed 
the aggressive. While his father had been content with 
calling himself lord of Iran, he first designated himself — 
as did the succeeding rulers after his example — the great- 

of queen Zenobia and her family. Specially remarkable is one of 
them, Septimius Verodes, of whom there exists a series of honorary 
pediments of the years 262-267 (Waddington, 2606-2610) ; he too, 
was a caravan-head (aj/aKu/xiaraura ras (Xuuo^las eic TMV i^lccv KoL fxaprvp-f]- 
eiuTu vTvh roov apx^uTTopcav, Waddington, n. 2606 a ; consequently he 
defrayed the costs of the journey back for the whole company, and 
was on account of this liberality publicly praised by the wholesale 
traders). But he filled not merely the civic offices of strategos and 
agoranomos, he was even imperial procurator of the second clasiB 
(ducenarius) and argapetes (p. 113, note). 


The Euphrates Frontier. [Book VIII. 

king of Iran and non-Iran (p. 89, note), and thereby laid 
down, as it were, the programme of his policy of con- 
quest. In the year 252 or 253 he occupied Armenia, or it 
submitted to him voluntarily, beyond doubt carried like- 
wise away by that resuscitation of the old Persian faith 
and Persian habits ; the legitimate king Tiridates sought 
shelter with the Romans, the other members of the royal 
house placed themselves under the banners of the Per- 
sian.^ After Armenia thus had become Persian, the hosts 
of the Orientals overran Mesopotamia, Syria, and Cappa- 
docia ; they laid waste the level country far and wide, but 
the inhabitants of the larger towns, first of all the brave 
Edessenes, repelled the attack of enemies little equipped 
for besieging. In the West, meanwhile at least, a recog- 
nised government had been set up. The emperor Pub- 
lius Licinius Valerianus, an honest and well-disposed 
ruler, but not resolute in character or equal to dealing with 
difficulties, appeared at length in the East and resorted 
to Antioch. Thence he went to Cappadocia, which the 
Persian roving hordes evacuated. But the plague deci- 
mated his army, and he delayed long to take up the de- 
cisive struggle in Mesopotamia. At length he resolved to 
bring help to the sorely pressed Edessa, and crossed the 
Euphrates with his forces. There, not far from Edessa, 
occurred the disaster which had nearly the same signifi- 
cance for the Eoman East as the victory of the Goths at 
the mouth of the Danube and the fall of Decius — the 
capture of the emperor Valerianus by the Persians (end 
of 259 or beginning of 260).^ As to the more precise 

^ According to the Greek account (Zonaras, xii. 21) king Tiridates 
takes refuge with the Romans, but his sons take the side of the 
Persians ; according to the Armenian, king Chosro is murdered by 
his brethren, and Chosro s son, Tiridates, fled to the Romans (Gut- 
schmid, Zeitschrift der deutschen morgenl. Oesellsch. xxxi. 48). Per- 
haps the latter is to be preferred. 

^ The only fixed chronological basis is furnished by the Alexan- 
drian coins, according to which Valerian was captured between 29th 
August 259 and 28th August 260. That after his capture he was no 
longer regarded as emperor, is easily explained, seeing that the Per- 

Chap, IX.] 

The Eujphrates Frontier. 


circumstances the accounts are conflicting. According to 
one version, when he was attempting with a weak band 
to reach Edessa, he was surrounded and captured by 
the far superior Persians. According to another, he, al- 
though defeated, reached the beleaguered town, but, as he 
brought no sufficient help and the provisions came to an 
end only the more rapidly, he dreaded the outbreak of 
a military insurrection, and therefore dehvered himself 
voluntarily into the hands of the enemy. According to a 
third, he, reduced to extremities, entered into negotiations 
with Sapor ; when the Persian king declined to treat with 
envoys, he appeared personally in the enemy's camp, and 
was perfidiously made a prisoner. 

Whichever of these narratives may come nearest to the 

truth, the emperor died in the captivity of the 
oiSfan'SipiJr. Gucmy,' and the consequence of this disaster 

was the forfeiture of the East to the Persians. 
Above all Antioch, the largest and richest city of the East, 
fell for the first time since it was Roman into the power of 
the public foe, and in good part through the fault of its 
own citizens. Mareades, an Antiochene of rank, whom the 
council had expelled for the embezzlement of public mon- 
ies, brought the Persian army to his native town ; whether 
it be a fable that the citizens were surprised in the theatre 
itself by the advancing foes, there is no doubt that they not 
merely offered no resistance, but that a great part of the 
lower population, partly in consideration of Mareades, 
partly in the hope of anarchy and pillage, saw with pleas- 
ure the entrance of the Persians. Thus the city with all its 
treasures became the prey of the enemy, and fearful rav- 
ages were committed in it ; Mareades indeed also was — we 

sians compelled liim in their interests to issne orders to his former 
subjects (continuation of Dio, fr. 3). 

^ The better accounts simply know the fact that Valerian died in 
Persian capitivity. That Sapor used him as a footstool in mounting 
his horse (Lactantius, de Mort. persec. 5 ; Orosius, vii. 22, 4 ; Victor, 
Ep. 33), and finally caused him to be flayed (Lactantius, I. c. ; Aga- 
thias, iv. 23 ; Cedrenus, p. 454) is a Christian invention — a requital 
for the persecution of the Christians ordered by Valerian. 


The Euphrates Frontier. [Book VIII. 

know not why — condemned by king Sapor to perish by 
fire/ Besides numerous smaller places, the capitals of 
Cilicia and Cappadocia — Tarsus and Caesarea, the latter, 
it is stated, a town of 400,000 inhabitants — suffered the 
same fate. Endless trains of captives, who were led like 
cattle once a day to the watering, covered the desert-routes 
of the East. On the return home the Persians, it is alleged, 
in order the more rapidly to cross a ravine, filled it up with 
the bodies of the captives whom they brought with them. 
It is more credible that the great " imperial dam " (Bend- 
i-Kaiser) at Sostra (Shuster) in Susiana, by which still at 
the present day the water of the Pasitigris is conveyed to 
the higher-lying regions, was built by these captives ; as 
indeed the emperor Nero's architects had helped to build 
the capital of Armenia, and generally in this domain the 
Occidentals always maintained their superiority. The Per- 
sians nowhere encountered resistance from the empire ; but 
Edessa still held out, and Caesarea had bravely defended 
itself, and had only fallen by treachery. The local resist- 
ance gradually passed beyond a mere defensive behind 
the walls of towns, and the breaking up of the Persian 
hosts, brought about by the wide extent of the conquered 
territory, was favourable to the bold partisan. A self-ap- 
pointed Koman leader, Callistus,^ succeeded in a happy 
cowp de main ; with the vessels which he had brought to- 
gether in the ports of Cilicia he sailed for Pompeiopolis — 
which the Persians were just besieging, while they at the 
same time laid waste Lycaonia, — killed several thousand 
men, and possessed himself of the royal harem. This in- 

' The tradition according to which Mareades (so Ammianus, xxiii. 
5, 3 ; Mariades in Malalas, 12, p. 295 ; Mariadnes in contin. of Dio, 
fr. 1), or, as he is here called, Cjriades, had himself proclaimed as 
Augustus {Vit. trig. tyr. 1) is weakly attested ; otherwise there might 
doubtless be found in it the occasion why Sapor caused him to be 
put to death. 

^ He is called Callistus in the one tradition, doubtless traceable to 
Dexippus, in Syncellus, p. 716, and Zonaras, xii. 23, on the other 
hand, Ballista in the biographies of the emperors and in Zonaras, 
xii. 24. 

Chap. IX.] The Euphrates Frontier. Ill 

duced the king, under pretext of celebrating a festival that 
might not be put off, to go home at once in such haste 
that, in order not to be detained, he purchased from the 
Edessenes free passage through their territory in return 
for all the Roman gold money which he had captured as 
booty. Odaenathus, prince of Palmyra, inflicted consider- 
able losses on the bands returning home from Antioch be- 
fore they crossed the Euphrates. But hardly was the most 
urgent danger from the Persians obviated, when two of 
the most noted among the army leaders of the East, left to 
themselves, Fulvius Macrianus, the officer who admin- 
istered the chest and the depot of the army in Samosata,' 
and the Callistus just mentioned, renounced allegiance to 
the son and co-regent and now sole ruler Gallienus — for 
whom, it is true, the East and the Persians were non-exist- 
ent — and, themselves refusing to accept the purple, pro- 
claimed the two sons of the former, Fulvius Macrianus and 
Fulvius Quietus, emperors (261). This step taken by the 
two distinguished generals had the effect of obtaining rec- 
ognition for the two young emperors in Egypt and in all 
the East, with the exception of Palmyra, the prince of 
which took the side of Gallienus. One of them, Macri- 
anus, went off with his father to the West, in order to 
install this new government also there. But soon fortune 
turned ; in Illyricum Macrianus lost a battle and his life, 
not against Gallienus, but against another pretender. 
Odaenathus turned against the brother who remained be- 
hind in Syria ; at Hemesa, where the armies met, tho 
soldiers of Quietus replied to the summons to surrender 
that they would rather submit to anything than deliver 
themselves into the hands of a barbarian. Nevertheless 
Callistus, the general of Quietus, betrayed his master to 

' He was, according to the most trustworthy account, procurator 
summarum (eVi ruv Ka96xov ^aaiXeus : Dionysius in Eusebius, 

H. E. vii. 10, 5), and so finance -minister with equestrian rank ; 
the continuator of Dio {fr. 3 Miill. ) expresses this in the language 
of the later age by Kofx-qs tcHv drjaavpwv koI ec^eCTws'r^ ayopa rov 


The Eujphrates Frontier. 

[Book VIII. 

the Palmyrene/ and thus ended also his short govern- 

Therewith Palmyra stepped into the first place in the East. 

Gallienus, more than sufficiently occupied by 

Government of ' . . , _„ _ ; .,5 

odaenathus in the barbarians of the West and the military in- 
surrections everywhere breaking out there, gave 
to the prince of Palmyra, who alone had preserved fidelity 
to him in the crisis just mentioned, an exceptional position 
without a parallel, but under the prevailing circumstances 
readily intelligible ; he, as hereditary prince, or, as he was 
now called, king of Palmyra, became, not indeed joint ruler, 
but independent lieutenant of the emperor for the East.^ 
The local administration of Palmyra was conducted under 

' At least according to the report, wliicli forms the basis of the im- 
perial biographies ((oita Gallieni, 3, and elsewhere). According to 
Zonaras, xii. 24, the only author who mentions besides the end of 
Callistus, Odaenathus caused him to be put to death. 

^ That Odaenathus, as well as after him his son Vaballathus (apart, 
of course, from the time after the rupture with Aurelian), were by 
no means August! (as the mt. Gallieni^ 12, erroneously states), is 
shown both by the absence of the name of Augustus on the coins 
and by the title possible only for a subject, v{ir) c{pnsularis) = v{iTa- 
TiKos), which, like the father (p. 105, note 2), the son still bears. 
The position of governor is designated on the coins of the son by 
im{perator) cl{ux) R{omanorum) = avT{oKpdrwp) a-irpaTir/'''^); in agree- 
ment therewith Zonaras (xii. 23, and again xii. 24) and Syncellus 
p. 716) state that Gallienus appointed Odaenathus, on account of 
his victory over the Persians and Ballista, as (rrpaT7]'yhs ttjs ^cfas, or 
• ifrrfs avaroXris ; and the biographer of Gallienus, 10, that he ohtinuit 
t >tiii8 Orientis imperium. By this is meant all the Asiatic provinces 
and Egypt ; the added imperator — avroKparoop (comp. Trifj. tyr. 15, 
G, post reditum de Perside — Herodes son of Odaenathus — cum patre 
imperator est a2)pellatus) is intended beyond doubt to express the 
i'reer handling of power, different from the usual authority of the 
governor. — To this was added further the now formally assumed 
title of a king of Palmyra {Ti'ig. tyr. 15, 2 : adsumpto 7iomine rer/ah), 
Avhich also the son bears, not on the Egyptian, but on the Syrian 
coins. The circumstance that Odaenathus is probably called melekh 
malM^ "king of kings," on an inscription set up in August 271, and 
so after his death and during the war of his adherents with Aurelian 
(Vogue, n. 28), belongs to the revolutionary demonstrations of this 
period and forms no proof for the earlier time. 

Chap. IX.] 

The Euphrates Frontier. 


him by another Palmyrene, at the same time as imperial 
procurator and as his deputy.' Therewith the whole im- 
perial power, so far as it still subsisted at all in the East, 
lay in the hand of the "barbarian," and the latter with his 
Palmyrenes, who were strengthened by the remains of the 
Roman army corps and the levy of the land, re-established 
the sway of Rome alike rapidly and brilliantly. Asia and 
Syria were already evacuated by the enemy. Odaenathus 
crossed the Euphrates, relieved at length the brave Edes- 
senes, and retook from the Persians the conquered towns 
' The numerous inscriptions of Septimius Vorodes, set up in tlie 
years 262 to 267 (Waddington, 2606-2610), and so in the lifetime of 
Odaenathus, all designate him as imperial procurator of the second 
class (ducenarius), but at the same time partly by the title apya-n-ervs, 
which Persian word, current also among the Jews, signifies "lord 
of a castle," " viceroy" (Levy, Zeitsch. der deutschen morgenl. Gesell- 
scJiaft, xviii. 90; Noldeke, zZ). xxiv. 107), partly as Si/caioSJrrys rfjs 
fj.T}TpoKo\(av'ias which, beyond doubt, is in substance at any rate, if 
not in language, the same office. Presumably we must understand 
by it that office on account of which the father of Odaenathus is 
called the " head of Tadmor " (p. 105, note 1) ; the one chief of Pal- 
myra competent for martial law and for the administration of jus- 
tice ; only that, since extended powers were given to the position 
of Odaenathus, this post as a subordinate office is filled by a man of 
equestrian rank. The conjecture of Sachau {Zeitschr. der d. morgenl. 
Oesellsch. xxxv. 738) that this Vorodes is the "Wurud" of a cop- 
per coin of the Berlin cabinet, and that both are identical with the 
elder son of Odaenathus, Herodes, who was killed at the same time 
with his father, is liable to serious difficulties. Herodes and Orodes 
are different names (in the Palmyrene inscription, Waddington, 
2610, the two stand side by side) ; the son of a senator cannot well 
fill an equestrian office ; a procurator coining money with his image 
is not conceivable even for this exceptional state of things. Prob- 
ably the coin is hot Palmyrene at all. "It is," von Sallet writes to 
me, "probably older than Odaenathus, and belongs perhaps to an 
Arsacid of the second century A. D.; it shows a head with a head- 
dress similar to the Sassanid ; the reverse, S C in a chaplet of lau- 
rel, appears imitated from the coins of Antioch."— If subsequently, 
after the breach with Rome in 271, on an inscription of Palmyra 
(Waddington, 2611) two generals of the Palmyrenes are distin-' 
guished, 6 ix4yas a-Tpa.TrjKa.T'ns, the historically known Zabdas, and 6 
iudd^e (rTpaTr}\dT'ns, Zabbaeos, the latter is, it may be presumed, just 
the Argapetes. 

Vol. II.— 8 


The Euphrates Frontier. 

[Book VIII. 

Nisibis and Carrhae (264). Probably Armenia also was 
at that time brought back under Eoman allegiance. ^ Then 
he took — for the first time since Gordianus — the offensive 
against the Persians, and marched on Ctesiphon. In two 
different campaigns the capital of the Persian kingdom was 
invested by him, and the neighbouring region laid waste, 
and there was a successful battle with the Persians under 
its walls. Even the Goths, whose predatory raids ex- 
tended into the interior, retired when he set out for Cap- 
padocia. A development of power of this sort was a bless- 
ing for the hard-pressed empire, and at the same time a 
serious danger. Odaenathus no doubt observed all due 
formalities towards his Eoman lord-paramount, and sent 
the captured of&cers of the enemy and the articles of booty 
to Rome for the emperor, who did not disdain to triumph 
over them ; but in fact the East under Odaenathus was not 
much less independent than the West under Postumus, 
and we can easily understand how the officers favourably 
disposed towards Rome made opposition to the Palmyrene 
vice-emperor,^ and on the one hand there was talk of at- 
tempts of Odaenathus to attach himself to the Persians, 

' The state of the case speaks in favour of this ; evidence is want- 
ing. In the imperial biographies of this epoch the Armenians are 
wont to be adduced among the border peoples independent of Rome 
{Valer. 6; Trig. tyr. 30, 7, 18; Aurel. 11, 27, 28, 41) ; but this is 
one of their quite untrustworthy elements of embellishment. 

2 This more modest account (Butropius, ix, 10 ; vita Gallieni^ 10 ; 
Trig. tyr. 15, 4 ; Zos. i. 39, who alone attests the two expeditions) 
must be preferred to that which mentions the capture of the city 
(Syncellus, p. 716). 

^ This is shown by the accounts as to Carinus (cont. of Dio, p. 8) 
and as to Rufinus (p. 115, note 2). That after the death of Odae- 
nathus Ileraclianus, a general acting on Gallienus's orders against 
the Persians, was attacked and conquered by Zenobia {vita Oallieni^ 
13, 5), is in itself not impossible, seeing that the princes of Palmyra 
possessed de iure the chief command in all the East, and such an 
action, even if it were suggested by Gallienus, might be treated as 
offending against this right, and this would clearly indicate the 
strained relation ; but the authority vouching it is so bad that little 
stress caii be laid on it. 

Chap. IX.] 

The Euphrates Frontier. 


which were alleged to have broken down only through 
Sapor's arrogance/ while on the other hand the assassina- 
tion of Odaenathus at Hemesa in 266-7 was referred to 
instigation of the Roman government.^ The real mur- 
derer was a brother's son of Odaenathus, and there are no 
proofs of the participation of the government. At any rate 
the crime made no change in the position of affairs. 

The wife of the deceased, the queen Bat Zabbai, or in 
Greek, Zenobia, a beautiful and sagacious 
of^J^nobfJ!*^ woman of masculine energy,^ in virtue of the 
hereditary right to the principate claimed for 
the son of herself and Odaenathus, still in boyhood, Vabal- 
lathus or Athenodorus * — the elder, Herodes, had perished 
with his father — the position of the deceased, and in fact 

^ This we learn from the characteristic narrative of Petrus,/n 10, 
which is to be placed before /r. 11. 

^ The account of the continuator of Dio, fr. 7, that the old Odae- 
nathus was put to death, as suspected of treason, by one (not else- 
where mentioned) Rufinus, and that the younger, when he had 
impeached this person at the bar of the emperor Gallienus, was 
dismissed on the declaration of Rufinus that the accuser deserved 
the same fate, cannot be correct as it stands. But Waddington's 
proposal to substitute Gallus for Gallienus, and to recognise in the 
accuser the husband of Zenobia, is not admissible, since the father 
of this Odaenathus was Hairanes, in whose case there existed no 
ground at all for such an execution, and the excerpt in its whole 
character undoubtedly applies to Gallienus. Rather must the old 
Odaenathus have been the husband of Zenobia, and the author have 
erroneously assigned to Vaballathus, in whose name the charge was 
brought, his father's name. 

All the details which are current in our accounts of Zenobia 
originate from the imperial biographies ; and they will only be re- 
peated by such as do not know this source. 

The name Vaballathus is given, in addition to the coins and in- 
scriptions, by Polemius Silvius, p. 243 of my edition, and the bi- 
ographer of Aurelian, c. 38, while he describes as incorrect the 
statement that Odaenathus had left two sons, Timolaus and Heren- 
nianus. In reality these two persons emerging simply in the im- 
perial biographies appear along with all that is connected with them 
as invented by the writer, to whom the thorough falsification of 
these biographies is to be referred. Zosimus too, i, 59,' knows only 
of one son, who went into captivity with his mother. 


The Ewphrates Frontier, [Book VIII. 

carried her point as well in Rome as in the East : the reg- 
nal years of the son are reckoned from the death of the 
father. For the son, not capable of government, the 
mother took part in counsel and action, ^ and she did not 
restrict herself to preserving the state of possession, but 
on the contrary her courage or her arrogance aspired to 
mastery over the whole imperial domain of the Greek 
tongue. In the command over the East, which was com- 
mitted to Odaenathus and inherited from him by his son, 
the supreme authority over Asia Minor and Egypt may 
doubtless have been included ; but de facto Odaenathus 
had in his power only Syria and Arabia, and possibly Ar- 
menia, Cilicia, and Cappadocia. Now an influential Egyp- 
tian, Timagenes, summoned the queen to occupy Egypt ; 
accordingly she despatched her chief general Zabdas with 
an army of, it is alleged, 70,000 men to the Nile. The 
land resisted with energy ; but the Palmyrenes defeated 
the Egyptian levy and possessed themselves of Egypt, A 
Eoman admiral Probus attempted to dislodge them again, 
and even vanquished them, so that they set out for Syria ; 
but, when he attempted to bar their way at the Egyptian 
Babylon not far from Memphis, he was defeated by the 
better local knowledge of the Palmyrene general Tima- 
genes, and he put himself to death. ^ When about the be- 

* Whether Zenobia claimed for herself formal joint-rule, cannot 
be certainly determined. In Palmyra she names herself still after 
the rupture with Rome merely fiaaiKiaa-t] (Waddington, 2611, 2628), 
in the rest of the empire she may have laid claim to the title Au- 
gusta, 2ei8a<rTrj ; for, though there are no coins of Zenobia from the 
period prior to the breach with Rome, yet on the one hand the 
Alexandrian inscription with $a(riAi(ra7}s Koi (iaaiK^ws irpoaraldvTuv 
(Eph. epigr. iv. p. 25, p. 33) cannot lay any claim to official redac- 
tion, and on the other hand the inscription of Byblos, G. L Or. 
4503 b — Waddington, n. 2611, gives in fact to Zenobia the title 
SejSafTTi^ alongside of Claudius or Aurelian, while it refuses it to Va- 
ballathus. This is so far intelligible, as Augusta was an honorary 
designation, Augustus an official one, and thus that might well be 
conceded to the wife which was refused to the husband. 

So Zosimus, i. 44, narrates the course of events with which Zo- 
jaaras, xii. 27, and Syncellus, p. 721, in the main agree. The report 

Chap. IX.] The Euphrates Frontier. 


ginning of the year 270, after the death of the emperor 
Claudius Aurelian came in his stead, the Palmyrenes bore 
sway over Alexandria. In Asia Minor too they made prep- 
arations to establish themselves ; their garrisons v^ere 
pushed forward as far as Ancyra in Galatia, and even in 
Chalcedon opposite Byzantium they had attempted to as- 
sert the rule of their queen. All this happened without 
the Palmyrenes renouncing the Roman government, nay 
probably on the footing that the control of the East com- 
mitted by the Roman government to the prince of Palmyra 
was realised in this way, and they taxed the Roman offi- 
cers, who resisted the extension of the Palmyrene rule, 
with rebellion against the imperial orders ; the coins struck 
in Alexandria name Aurelianus and Vaballathus side by 
side, and give the title of Augustus only to the former. 
In substance, no doubt, the East here detached itself from 
the empire, and the latter was divided into two in the exe- 
cution of an ordinance wrung from the wretched Gallienus 
by necessity. 

The vigorous and prudent emperor, to whom the do- 
minion now had fallen, broke at once with 
tti'^'^Paim^^nes* Palmyrcuc co-ordinate government, which 
then could not but have and had as its conse- 
quence, that Vaballathus himself was proclaimed by his 
people as emperor. Egypt was already, at the close of the 
year 270, brought back to the empire after hard struggles 
by the brave general Probus, afterwards the successor of 
Aurelian.' It is true that the second city of the empire, 

in the life of Claudius, c. 11, is more displaced tlian properly con- 
tradictory ; the first half is only indicated by the naming of Saba ; 
the narrative begins with the successful attempt of Timagenes to 
ward off the attack of Probus (here Probatus). The view taken of 
this by me in Sallet {Palmyra, p. 44) is not tenable. 

1 The determination of the date depends on the fact that the 
usurpation-coins of Vaballathus cease already in the fifth year of his 
Egyptian reign, i.e. 29th August 270-71; the fact that they are very 
rare speaks for the beginning of the year. With this essentially 
agrees the circumstance that the storming of the Prucheion (which, 
we may add, was no part of the city, but a locality close by the city 


The Euphrates Frontier, [Book VIII. 

Alexandria, paid for this victory almost with its existence, 
as will be set forth in the following section. More diffi- 
cult was the reduction of the remote Syrian oasis. All 
other Oriental wars of the imperial period had chiefly 
been waged by imperial troops having their home in the 
East ; here, where the West had once more to subdue the 
revolted East, there fought once more, as in the time of 
the free republic. Occidentals against Orientals,' the sol- 
diers of the Ehine and of the Danube with those of the 
Syrian desert. The mighty expedition began, apparently 
toward the close of the year 271 ; without encountering 
resistance the Roman army arrived at the frontier of 
Cappadocia ; here the town of Tyana, which barred the 
Cilician passes, gave serious opposition. After it had 
fallen, and Aurelian, by gentle treatment of the inhabi- 
tants, had smoothed his way to further successes, he 
crossed the Taurus, and, passing through Cilicia, arrived 
in Syria. If Zenobia, as is not to be doubted, had reck- 
oned on active support from the side of the Persian king, 
she found herself deceived. The aged king Shapur did 
not interfere in this war, and the mistress of the Roman 
East continued to be left to her own military resources, of 

on tlie side of tlie great oasis; Hieronymus, vit. Hilarionis^ c 33, 
34, vol. ii. p. 32 Vail.) is put bj Eusebius in his Chronicle in the 
first year of Claudius, by Ammianus, xxii. 16, 15, under Aurelian ; 
the most exact report in Eusebius, H. Ecd. vii. 32, is not dated. 
The reconquest of Egypt by Probus stands only in his biography, c. 
9 ; it may have happened as it is told, but it is possible also that in 
this thoroughly falsified source the history of Timagenes has been 
mutatis mutandis transferred to the emperor. 

' This is perhaps what the report on the battle of Hemesa, ex- 
tracted by Zosimus, i. 52, wished to bring out, when it enumerates 
among the troops of Aurelian the Dalmatians, Moesians, Panno- 
nians, Noricans, Raetians, Mauretanians, and the guard. When he 
associates with these the troops of Tyana and some divisions from 
Mesopotamia, Syria, Phoenice, Palestine, this applies beyond doubt 
to the Cappadocian garrisons, which had joined after the capture of 
Tyana, and to some divisions of the armies of the East favourably 
disposed to Rome, who went over to Aurelian upon his marching 
into Syria. 

Chap. IX.] The Eujphrates Frontier, 


which perhaps even a portion took the side of the legiti- 
mate Augustus. At Antioch the Palmyrene chief force 
under the general Zabdas stopped the emperor's way ; 
Zenobia herself was present. A successful combat against 
the superior Palmyi:ene cavalry on the Orontes delivered 
into the hands of Aurelian the town, which not less than 
Tyana received full pardon — he justly recognised that the 
subjects of the empire were hardly to be blamed, when 
they had submitted to the Palmyrene prince appointed as 
commander in chief by the Eoman government itself. The 
Palmyrenes, after having engaged in a conflict on their 
retreat at Daphne, the suburb of Antioch, marched off, and 
struck into the great route which leads from the capi- 
tal of Syria to Hemesa and thence through the desert to 

Aurelian summoned the queen to submit, pointing to 
the notable losses endured in the conflicts on 
Hemlsa.* Oroutcs. Thcsc wcrc Eomans only, an- 

swered the queen ; the Orientals did not yet 
admit that they were conquered. At Hemesa ' she took 
her stand for the decisive battle. It was long and bloody; 
the Roman cavalry gave way and broke up in flight ; but 
the legions decided, and victory remained with the Ro- 
mans. The march was more difficult than the conflict. 
The distance from Hemesa to Palmyra amounts in a direct 
line to seventy miles, and, although at that epoch of highly 
developed Syrian civilisation the region was not waste in 
the same degree as at present, the march of Aurelian still 
remains a considerable feat, especially as the light horse- 
men of the enemy swarmed round the Roman army on all 
sides. Aurelian, however, reached his goal, and began the 

* By mistake Eutropius, ix. 13, places the decisive battle haud 
longe db AntibcMa : the mistake is heightened in Rufius, c. 24 (on 
whom Hieronymus, chron. a. Ahr. 2289 depends), and in Syncellus, 
p. 721, by the addition apud ImmaSy eV "ififxais, which place, lyin^ 
33 Roman miles from Antioch on the road to Chalcis, is far away 
from Hemesa. The two chief accounts, in Zosimus and the biog- 
rapher of Aurelian, agree in all essentials. 


The Euphrates Frontier, [Book VIII. 

siege of the strong and well-provisioned city ; more diffi- 
cult than the siege itself was the bringing up of provi- 
sions for the besieging army. At length the courage of 
the princess sank, and she escaped from the city to seek 
aid from the Persians. Fortune still further helped the 
emperor. The pursuing Roman cavalry took her captive 
with her son, just when she had arrived at the Euphrates 
and was about to embark in the rescuing boat ; and the 
town, discouraged by her flight, capitulated (272). Aure- 
lian granted here too, as in all this campaign, full pardon 
to the subdued burgesses. But a stern punishment was 
decreed over the queen and her functionaries and officers. 
Zenobia, after she had for years borne rule with masculine 
energy, did not now disdain to invoke a woman's privileges, 
and to throw the responsibility on her advisers, of whom 
not a few, including the celebrated scholar, Cassius Lon- 
ginus, perished under the axe of the executioner. She 
herself might not be wanting from the triumphal proces- 
sion of the emperor, and she did not take the course of 
Cleopatra, but marched in golden chains, as a spectacle to 
the Roman multitude, before the chariot of the victor to 
the Roman capitol. But before Aurelian could celebrate 
his victory he had to repeat it. 

A few months after the surrender the Palmj^renes once 

more rose, killed the small Roman garrison 
o/paimyra. scrviug there, and proclaimed one Antiochus ' 

as ruler, while they at the same time at- 
tempted to induce the governor of Mesopotamia, Marcel- 
linus, to revolt. The news reached the emperor when he 
had just crossed the Hellespont. He returned at once, 
and stood, earlier than friend or foe had anticipated, once 

^ This is tlie name given by Zosimus, i. 60, and Polemius Silvius, 
p. 243 ; the Achilleus of the biographer of Aurelian, c. 31, seems a 
confusion with the usurper of the time of Diocletian. — That at the 
same time in Egypt a partisan of Zenobia and at the same time 
robber-chief, by name Firmus, rose against the government, is 
doubtless possible, but the statement rests only on the imperial bi- 
ographies, and the details added sound very suspiciously. 

Chap. IX.] The Euphrates Frontier, 121 

more before the walls of the insurgent city. The rebels 
had not been prepared for this ; there was this time no 
resistance, but also no mercy. Palmyra was destroyed, 
the commonwealth dissolved, the walls razed, the orna- 
ments of the glorious temple of the sun transferred to 
the temple which, in memory of this victory, the emperor 
built to the sun-god of the East in Rome ; only the for- 
saken halls and walls remained, as they still stand in part 
at the present day. This occurred in the year 273. * The 
flourishing of Palmyra was artificial, produced by the 
routes assigned to traffic and the great public buildings 
dependent on it. Now the government withdrew its hand, 
from the unhappy city. Traffic sought and found other 
paths ; as Mesopotamia was then viewed as a Roman 
province and soon came again to the empire, and the 
territory of the Nabataeans as far as the port of Aelana 
was in Roman hands, this intermediate station might be 
dispensed with, and the traffic may have betaken itself 
instead to Bostra or Beroea (Aleppo). The short meteor- 
like splendour of Palmyra and its princes was immediately 
followed by the desolation and silence which, from that 
time down to the present day, enwrap the miserable desert- 
village and the ruins of its colonnades. 

The ephemeral kingdom of Palmyra was in its origin as 
in its fall closely bound up with the relations of the Ro- 
mans to the non-Roman East, but not less a part of the 

' The chronology of these events is not quite settled. The rarity 
of the Syrian coins of Vaballathus as Augustus shows that the 
rupture with Aurelian (end of 270) was soon followed by the con- 
quest. According to the dated inscriptions of Odaenathus and 
Zenobia of August 271 (Waddington, 2611), the rule of the queen 
was at that time still intact. As an expedition of this sort, from 
the conditions of the climate, could not well take place otherwise 
than in spring, the first capture of Palmyra must have ensued in 
the spring of 272. The most recent (merely Palmyrene) inscription 
which we know from that quarter (Vogue, n. 116) is of August 272. 
The insurrection probably falls at this time ; the second capture 
and the destruction somewhere in the spring of the year 273 (in 
accordance with which, i. 180, note 1, is to be corrected). 


The JEu^hrates Frontier. [Book VIII. 

general history of the empire. For, like the western em- 
pire of Postumus, the eastern empire of Ze- 
o?carus!*^^^ nobia was one of those masses into which the 
mighty whole seemed then about to resolve 
itself. If during its subsistence its leaders endeavoured 
earnestly to set limits to the onset of the Persians, and 
indeed the development of its power was dependent on 
that very fact, not merely did it in its collapse seek deliver- 
ance from those same Persians, but probably in conse- 
quence of the revolt of Zenobia Armenia and Mesopotamia 
were lost to the Romans, and after the subjugation of 
Palmyra the Euphrates again for a time formed the 
frontier. The queen, when she arrived at it, hoped to find 
a reception among the Persians ; and Aurelian omitted to 
lead the legions over it, seeing that Gaul, along with Spain 
and Britain, still at that time refused to recognise the 
government. He and his successor Probus were not able 
to take up this struggle. But when in the year 282, after 
the premature end of the latter, the troops proclaimed 
the commander next in rank, Marcus Aurelius Carus, as 
emperor, it was the first saying of the new ruler that the 
Persians should remember this choice, and he kept it. 
Immediately he advanced with the army into Armenia and 
re-established the earlier order there. Ai the frontier of 
the land he was met by Persian envoys, who declared 
themselves ready to grant all that was reasonable ; ' but 

^ It throws no light on the position of the Armenians, that in 
descriptions otherwise thoroughly apocryphal {vita Valer. 6 ; vita 
Aurel. 27, 28) the Armenians after the catastrophe of Valerian keep 
to the Persians, and appear in the last crisis of the Palmyrenes as 
allies of Zenobia by the side of the Persians ; both are obvious con- 
sequences from the general position of things. That Aurelian did 
not subdue Armenia any more than Mesopotamia, is supported in 
this case partly by the silence of the authorities, partly by the ac- 
count of Synesius {de regno, p. 17) that the emperor Carinus (rather 
Carus) had in Armenia, close to the frontier of the Persian territory, 
summarily dismissed a Persian embassy, and that the young Persian 
king, alarmed by its report, had declared himself ready for any con- 
cession. I do not see how this narrative can be referred to Probus, 

Chap. IX. J The Euphrates Frontier. 


they were hardly Hstened to, and the march went on 
incessantly. Mesopotamia too became once more Roman, 
and the Parthian residential cities Seleucia and Ctesiphon 
were again occupied by the Romans without encountering 
lengthened resistance — to which the war between brothers 
then raging in the Persian empire contributed its part.^ 
The emperor had just crossed the Tigris, and was on the 
point of penetrating into the heart of the enemy's country, 
when he met his death by violence, presumably by the 
hand of an assassin, and thereby the campaign also met 
its end. But his successor obtained in peace the cession 
of Armenia and Mesopotamia ; ^ although Carus wore the 
purple little more than a year, he re-established the im- 
perial frontier of Severus. 

as von Gutschmid thinks {ZeitscTir. d. deutsch. morgenl. Gesell. xxxi. 
50) ; on the other hand it suits very well the Persian expedition of 

^ The reconquest of Mesopotamia is reported only by the biog- 
rapher, c. 8 ; but at the outbreak of the Persian war under Dio- 
cletian it is Roman. There is mention at the same place of internal 
troubles in the Persian empire ; also in a discourse held in the year 
289 {Pa7ieg. iii. c. 17) there is mention of the war, which is waged 
against the king of Persia — this was Bahram II. — by his own brother 
Ormies or rather Hormizd adscitis Sacis et Ruffis (?) et Gellis (comp. 
Noldeke, Tabari, p. 479). We have altogether only some detached 
notices as to this important campaign. 

^ This is stated clearly by Mamertinus {Paneg. ii. 7, comp. ii. 10, 
iii. 6) in the oration held in 289 : Syriam velut amplexn suo tegebat 
Euphrates antequam Piodetiano sponte (that is, without Diocletian 
needing to have recourse to arms, as is then further set forth) se 
dederent regna Persarum ; and further by another panegyrist of the 
year 296 {Paneg. v. 3) : Po^rtho ultra Tigrim reducto. Turns like 
that in Victor, Caes. xxxix. 33, that Galerius reUctis finibus had 
marched to Mesopotamia, or that Narseh, according to Rufius Festus, 
c. 25, ceded Mesopotamia in peace, cannot on the other hand be 
urged ; and as little, that Oriental authorities place the Roman 
occupation of Nisibis in 609 Sel. =297/8 a.d. (Noldeke, Tabar%^ p. 
50). If this were correct, the exact account as to the negotiations 
for peace of 297 in Petrus Patricius, fr. 14, could not possibly be 
silent as to the cession of Mesopotamia and merely ma'ke mention 
of the regulation of the frontier-traffic. 


The Euphrates Frontier. [Book VIII. 

Some years afterwards (293) a new ruler, Narseh, son of 
king Shapur, ascended the throne of Ctesi- 

Persian war un- , ^ ^ ^ ^ /i-r-k -ji 

der Diocletian, phon, and declared war on the Komans m the 
year 296 for the possession of Mesopotamia 
and Armenia.' Diocletian, who then had the supreme con- 
duct of the empire generally, and of the East in particular, 
entrusted the management of the war to his imperial col- 
league Galerius Maximianus, a rough but brave general. 
The beginning was unfavourable. The Persians invaded 
Mesopotamia and reached as far as Carrhae ; the Caesar 
led against them the Syrian legions over the Euphrates at 
Nicephorium ; between these two positions the armies en- 
countered each other, and the far weaker Roman force 
gave way. It was a hard blow, and the young general had 
to submit to severe reproaches, but he did not despair. 
Eor the next campaign reinforcements were brought up 
from the whole empire, and both rulers personally took 
the field ; Diocletian took his position in Mesopotamia 
with the chief force, while Galerius, reinforced by the 
flower of the Illyrian troops that had in the meantime 
come up, met, with a force of 25,000 men, the enemy in 
Armenia, and inflicted on him a decisive defeat. The camp 
and the treasure, nay, even the harem, of the great-king 
fell into the hands of the warriors, and with difficulty Nar- 
seh himself escaped from capture. In order to recover the 
women and the children the king declared himself ready 
to conclude peace on any terms ; his envoy Apharban con- 
jured the Romans to spare the Persians, saying that the 
two empires, the Roman and the Parthian, were as it were, 
the two eyes of the world, and neither could dispense with 
the other. It would have lain in the power of the Romans 
to add one more to their Oriental provinces ; the prudent 
ruler contented himself with regulating the state of pos- 

^ That Narseh broke into Armenia, at that time Roman, is stated by 
Ammianus, xxiii. 5, 11 ; for Mesopotamia the same follows from 
Eutropius, ix. 24. On the 1st March 296 peace was still subsisting, 
or at any rate the declaration of war was not yet known in the west 
{Paneg. v. 10). 

Chap. IX.] The Ewpkrates Frontier. 


session in the nortli-east. Mesopotamia remained, as a 
matter of course, in the Roman possession ; the impor- 
tant commercial intercourse with the neighbouring foreign 
land was placed under strict state-control and essentially 
directed to the strong city of Nisibis, the basis of the Ro- 
man frontier-guard in eastern Mesopotamia. The Tigris 
was recognised as boundary of the direct Roman-rule, to 
such an extent, however, that the whole of southern Ar- 
menia as far as the lake Thospitis (lake of Van) and the 
Euphrates, and so the whole upper valley of the Tigris, 
should belong to the Roman empire. This region lying in 
front of Mesopotamia did not become a province proper, 
but was administered after the previous fashion as the Ro- 
man satrapy of Sophene. Some decades later the strong 
fortress of Amida (Diarbekir) was constructed here, thence- 
forth the chief stronghold of the Romans in the region of 
the upper Tigris. At the same time the frontier between 
Armenia and Media was regulated afresh, and the suprem- 
acy of Rome over that land, as over Iberia, was once 
more confirmed. The peace did not impose important 
cessions of territory on the conquered, but it established a 
frontier favourable to the Romans, which for a consider- 
able time served in these much contested regions as a de- 
marcation of the two empires. ^ The polity of Trajan there- 

' The differences in the exceptionally good accounts, particularly 
of Petrus Patricius, fr. 14, and Ammianus, xxv. 7, 9, are probably 
only of a formal kind. The fact that the Tigris was to be the proper 
boundary of the empire, as Priscus says, does not exclude, especially 
considering the peculiar character of its upper course, the possibil- 
ity of the boundary there partially going beyond it ; on the contrary, 
the five districts previously named in Petrus appear to be adduced 
just as beyond the Tigris, and to be excepted from the following 
general definition. The districts adduced by Priscus here and, ex- 
pressly as beyond the Tigris, by Ammianus — these are in both Ar- 
zanene, Carduene, and Zabdicene, in Priscus Sophene and Intilene 
( ' rather Ingilene, in Armenia Angel, now Egil" ; Kiepert), in Am- 
mianus Moxoene and Rehimene ( ?) cannot possibly all have been 
looked on by the Romans as Persian before the peace, when at any 
rate Armenia was already Romano iuri ohnoxia (Ammianus, xxiii. 5, 
11) ; beyond doubt the more westerly of them already then formed 


The Euphrates Frontier. 

[Book VIII. 

by obtained its complete accomplisbment ; at all events 
the centre of gravity of the Koman rule shifted itself just 
at this time from the West to the East. 

a part of Roman Armenia, and stand here only in so far as they 
were, in consequence of the peace, incorporated with the empire as 
the satrapy of Sophene. That the question here concerned not the 
boundary of the cession, but that of the territory directly imperial, 
is shown by the conclusion, which settles the boundary between 
Armenia and Media. 



It was very gradually that the Eomans, after acquiring the 
western half of the coasts of the Mediterra- 
sySa!^^^*^°^ nean, resolved on possessing themselves also 
of the eastern half. Not the resistance, which 
they here encountered in comparatively slight measure, 
but a well-founded fear of the denationalising conse- 
quences of such acquisitions, led to as prolonged an effort 
as possible on their part merely to preserve decisive politi- 
cal influence in those regions, and to the incorporation 
proper at least of Syria and Egypt taking place only when 
the state was already almost a monarchy. Doubtless the 
Eoman empire became thereby geographically compact ; 
the Mediterranean Sea, the proper basis of Eome after it 
was a great power, became on all sides a Roman inland 
lake ; the navigation and commerce on its waters and 
shores formed politically an unity to the advantage of all 
that dwelt around. But by the side of geographical com- 
pactness went national bipartition. Through Greece and 
Macedonia the Roman state would never have become 
binational, any more than the Greek cities of Neapolis 
and Massalia had Hellenised Campania and Provence. 
But, while in Europe and Africa the Greek domain van- 
ishes in presence of the compact mass of the Latin, so 
much of the third continent as was drawn, with the Nile- 
valley rightfully pertaining to it, into this cycle of culture 
belonged exclusively to the Greeks, and Antioch and Al- 
exandria in particular were the true pillars of the Hellenic 
development that attained its culmination in Alexander — 
(lentres of Hellenic life and Hellenic culture, and great 


Syria and the 

[Book VIII. 

cities, as was Eome. After having set forth in the pre- 
ceding chapter the conflict between the East and West in 
and around Armenia and Mesopotamia, that filled the 
whole period of the empire, we turn to describe the re- 
lations of the Syrian regions, as they took shape at the 
same time. "What we mean is the territory which is sepa- 
rated by the mountain-chain of Pisidia, Isauria, and West- 
ern Cilicia from Asia Minor ; by the eastern continuation 
of these mountains and the Euphrates from Armenia and 
Mesopotamia, by the Arabian desert from the Parthian 
empire and from Egypt ; only it seemed fitting to deal 
with the peculiar fortunes of Judaea in a special section. 
In accordance with the diversity of political development 
under the imperial government, we shall speak in the first 
instance of Syria proper, the northern portion of this ter- 
ritory, and of the Phoenician coast that stretches along 
under the Libanus, and then of the country lying behind 
Palestine — the territory of the Nabataeans. What was to 
be said about Palmyra has already found its place in the 
preceding chapter. 

After the partition of the provinces between the em- 
peror and the senate, Syria was under im- 
Govrrmnent. perial administration, and was in the East, 
like Gaul in the West, the central seat of civil 
and military control. This governorship was from the 
beginning the most esteemed of all, and only became in 
course of time all the more thought of. Its holder, like 
the governor of the two Germanics, wielded the command 
over four legions, and while the administration of the in- 
land Gallic districts was taken away from the commanders 
of the Rhine-army and a certain restriction was involved 
in the very fact of their co-ordination, the governor of 
Syria retained the civil administration of the whole large 
province undiminished, and held for long alone in all Asia 
a command of the first rank. Under Vespasian, indeed, 
he obtained in the governors of Palestine and Cappadocia 
two colleagues likewise commanding legions ; but, on the 
other hand, through the annexation of the kingdom of 

Chap. X.] Land of the Wdbataeans, 


Commagene, and soon afterwards of the principalities in 
the Libanus, the field of his administration was increased. 
It was only in the course of the second century that a 
diminution of his prerogatives occurred, when Hadrian 
took one of the four legions from the Governor of Syria 
and handed it over to the governor of Palestine. It was 
Severus who at length withdrew the first place in the Ro- 
man military hierarchy from the Syrian governor. After 
having subdued the province — which had wished at that 
time to make Niger emperor, as it had formerly done with 
its governor Vespasian — amidst resistance from the capital 
Antioch in particular, he ordained its partition into a 
northern and a southern half, and gave to the governor of 
the former, which was called Coele-Syria, two legions, to 
the governor of the latter, the province of Syro-Phoenicia, 

Syria may also be compared with Gaul, in so far as this 
district of imperial administration was divided 
Syrian troops. ^^^^ sharply than most into pacified regions 
and border-districts needing protection. While the ex- 
tensive coast of Syria and the the western regions gen- 
erally were not exposed to hostile attacks, and the protec- 
tion on the desert frontier against the roving Bedouins 
devolved on the Arabian and Jewish princes, and subse- 
quently on the troops of the province of Arabia as also on 
the Palmyrenes, more than on the Syrian legions, the 
Euphrates-frontier required, particularly before Mesopo- 
tamia became Roman, a watch against the Parthians simi- 
lar to that on the Rhine against the Germans. But if the 
Syrian legions came to be employed on the frontier, they 
could not be dispensed with in western Syria as well.' 

^ We cannot exactly determine the standing quarters of the Syrian 
legions; yet what is here said is substantially assured. Under Nero 
the 10th legion lay at Raphaneae, north-west from Hamath (Jo- 
sephus, Bell. Jud. vii. 1, 3) ; and at that same place, or at any rate 
nearly in this region under Tiberius the 6th (Tacitus, Ann. ii. 79) ; 
probably in or near Antioch the 12th under Nero (Josephus, BelL 
Jud. ii, 18, 19). At least one legion lay on the Euphrates ; for the 
time before the annexation of Commagene Josephus attests this 
Vol. II.— 9 


Syria and the 

[Book VIII. 

The troops of the Rhine were certainly there also on ac- 
count of the Gauls ; yet the Romans might say with justi- 
fiable pride that for the great capital of Gaul and the 
three Gallic provinces a direct garrison of 1,200 men suf- 
ficed. But for the Syrian population, and especially for 
the capital of Roman Asia, it was not enough to station 
legions on the Euphrates. Not merely on the edge of the 
desert, but also in the retreats of the mountains there 
lodged daring bands of robbers, who roamed in the neigh- 
bourhood of the rich fields and large towns — not to the 
same extent as now, but constantly even then — and, often 
disguised as merchants or soldiers, pillaged the country 
houses and the villages. But even the towns themselves, 
above all Antioch, required like Alexandria garrisons of 
their own. Beyond doubt this was the reason why a div- 
ision into civil and military districts, like that enacted 
for Gaul by Augustus, was never even so mucb as at- 
tempted in Syria, and why the large self-subsistent camp- 
settlements, out of which e.g. originated Mentz on the 
Rhine, Leon in Spain, Chester in England, were alto- 
gether wanting in the Roman East. But beyond doubt 
this was also the reason why the Syrian army was so much 
inferior in discipline and spirit to that of the Western 
provinces ; why the stern discipline, which was exercised 
in the military standing camps of the West, never could 
take root in the urban cantonments of the East. When 

{Bell. Jud. vii. 1, 3), and subsequently one of the Syrian legions 
had its headquarters in Samosata (Ptolemaeus, v. 15, 11 ; inscription 
from the time of Severus, C. 1. L. vi. 1409 ; Itin. Antonini, p. 
186). Probably the staffs of most of the Syrian legions had their 
seat in the western districts, and the ever-recurring complaint that 
encamping in the towns disorganised the Syrian army, applies 
chiefly to this arrangement. It is doubtful whether in the better 
times there existed headquarters proper of the legions on the edge 
of the desert ; at the frontier-posts there detachments of the legions 
were employed, and in particular the specially disturbed district be- 
tween Damascus and Bostra was strongly furnished with legionaries 
provided on the one hand by the command of Syria, on the other 
by that of Arabia after its institution by Trajan. 

Chap. X.] Land of the N^ahataeans. 131 

stationary troops have, in addition to their more im- 
mediate destination, the task of police assigned to them, 
this of itself has a demoralising effect ; and only too often, 
where they are. expected to keep in check turbulent civic 
masses, their own discipline in fact is thereby undermined. 
The Syrian wars formerly described furnish the far from 
pleasant commentary on this ; none of them found an 
army capable of warfare in existence, and regularly there 
was need to bring up Occidental troops in order to give 
the turn to the struggle. 

Syria in the narrower sense and its adjoining lands, 
the Plain Cilicia and Phoenicia, never had 
s/ria°^^'"^ under the Boman emperors a history properly 
so called. The inhabitants of these regions 
belonged to the same stock as the inhabitants of Judaea 
and Arabia, and the ancestors of the Syrians and the 
Phoenicians were settled in a remote age at one spot with 
those of the Jews and the Arabs, and spoke one language. 
But while the latter clung to their peculiar character and 
to their language, the Syrians and the Phoenicians became 
Hellenised even before they came under Roman rule. 
This Hellenising took effect throughout in the formation 
of Hellenic polities. The foundation for this had indeed 
been laid by the native development, particularly by the 
old and great mercantile cities on the Phoenician coast. 
But above all the formation of states by Alexander and the 
Alexandrids, just like that of the Roman republic, had as 
its basis not the tribe, but the urban community ; it was 
not the old Macedonian hereditary principality, but the 
Greek polity that Alexander carried into the East ; and it 
was not from tribes, but from towns that he designed, and 
the Romans designed, to constitute their empire. The 
idea of the autonomous burgess-body is an elastic one, and 
the autonomy of Athens and Thebes was a different thing 
from that of the Macedonian and Syrian city, just as in the 
Roman circle the autonomy of free Capua had another 
import than that of the Latin colonies of the republic or 
even of the urban communities of the empire ; but the 


Syria and the 

[Book VIII. 

fundamental idea is everywhere that of self-administering 
citizenship sovereign within its own ring-waU. After the 
fall of the Persian empire, Syria, along with the neighbour- 
ing Mesopotamia, was, as the military bridge of connection 
between the West and the East, covered more than any 
other land with Macedonian settlements. The Macedonian 
names of places transferred thither to the greatest extent, 
and nowhere else recurring in the whole empire of Alex- 
ander, show that here the flower of the Hellenic conquerors 
of the East was settled, and that Syria was to become for 
this state the New-Macedonia ; as indeed, so long as the 
empire of Alexander retained a central government, this 
had there its seat. Then the troubles of the last Seleucid 
period had helped the Syrian imperial towns to greater 

These arrangements the Komans found existing. Of 
non-urban districts administered directly by the empire 
there were probably none at all in Syria according to the 
organisation planned by Pompeius, and, if the dependent 
principalities in the first epoch of the Roman rule embraced 
a great portion of the southern interior of the province, 
these were withal mostly mountainous and poorly inhabited 
districts of subordinate importance. Taken as a whole, 
for the Romans in Syria not much was left to be done as 
to the increase of urban development — less than in Asia 
Minor. Hence there is hardly anything to be told from 
the imperial period of the founding of towns in the strict 
sense as regards Syria. The few colonies which were laid 
out here, such as Berytus under Augustus and probably 
also Heliopolis, had no other object than those conducted 
to Macedonia, namely, the settlement of veterans. 

How the Greeks and the older population in Syria stood 
to one another, may be clearly traced by the 
the native Ian- very local uamcs. The majority of districts 
ftrunde?H^?" and towns here bear Greek names, in great 
lenism. part, as we have observed, derived from the 

Macedonian home, such as Pieria, Anthemusias, Arethusa, 
.Beroea, Chalcis, Edessa, Europus, Cyrrhus, Larisa, Pella, 

Chap. X.] Land of the Ncibataeans. 133 

others named after Alexander or tlie members of the Seleu- 
cid house, such as Alexandria, Antiocli, Seleucis and Seleu- 
cia, Apamea, Laodicea, Epiphaneia. The old native names 
maintain themselves doubtless side by side, as Beroea, 
previously in Aramaean Chalep, is also called Chalybon, 
Edessa or Hierapolis, previously Mabog, is called also Bam- 
byce, Epiphaneia, previously Hamat, is also called Amathe. 
But for the most part the older appellations give way be- 
fore the foreign ones, and only a few districts and larger 
places, such as Commagene, Samosata, Hemesa, Damascus, 
are without newly-formed Greek names. Eastern Cilicia 
has few Macedonian foundations to show ; but the capital 
Tarsus became early and completely Hellenised, and was 
long before the Koman time one of the centres of Hellenic 
culture. It was somewhat otherwise in Phoenicia ; the 
mercantile towns of old renown, Aradus, Byblus, Berytus, 
Sidon, Tyrus, did not properly lay aside the native names ; 
but how here too the Greek gained the upper hand, is 
shown by the Hellenising transformation of these same 
names, and still more clearly by the fact that New-Aradus 
is known to us only under the Greek name Antaradus, and 
likewise the new town founded by the Tyrians, the Sido- 
nians, and the Aradians in common on this coast only under 
the name Tripolis, and both have developed their modern 
designations Tartus and Tarabulus from the Greek. Al- 
ready in the Seleucid period the coins in Syria proper 
bear exclusively, and those of the Phoenician towns most 
predominantly, Greek legends ; and from the beginning 
of the imperial period the sole rule of Greek is here an 
established fact.^ The oasis of Palmyra alone, not merely 
separated by wide stretches of desert, but also preserving 
a certain political independence, formed, as we saw (p. 
103), an exception in this respect. But in intercourse the 
native idioms were retained. In the mountains of the Lib- 
anus and the anti-Libanus, where in Hemesa (Homs), 

' There is a coin of Byblus from the time of Augustus with G-reek 
and Phoenician legend (Imhoof-Blumer, Monnaies grecques, 1883, p. 


Syria and the 

[Book VIII. 

Chalcis, Abila (both between Berytus and Damascus) 
small princely houses of native origin ruled till towards the 
end of the first century after Christ, the native language 
had probably the sole sway in the imperial period, as in- 
deed in the mountains of the Druses so difficult of access 
the language of Aram has only in recent times yielded to 
Arabic. But tw^o thousand years ago it was in fact the 
language of the people in all Syria/ That in the case of 
the double-named towns the Syrian designation predom- 
inated in common life just as did the Greek in literature, 
appears from the fact that at the present day Beroea-Chaly- 
bon is named Haleb (Aleppo), Epiphaneia-Amathe Hamat, 
Hierapolis-Bambyce-Mabog Membid, Tyre by its Aramaean 
name Sur ; that the Syrian town known to us from docu- 
ments and authors only as Heliopolis still bears at the pres- 
ent day its primitive native name Baalbec, and, in general, 
the modern names of places have come, not from the Greek, 
but from the Aramaean. 

In like manner the worship shows the continued life of 
Syrian nationality. The Syrians of Beroea 
Worship. "bring their votive gifts with Greek legend to 
Zeus Malbachos, those of Apamea to Zeus Belos, those of 
Berytus as Eoman citizens to Jupiter Balmarcodes — all 
deities, in which neither Zeus nor Jupiter had real part. 
This Zeus Belos is no other than the Malach Belos adored 
at Palmyra in the Syriac language (p. 103, note 1). How 
vivid was, and continued to be, the hold of the native 
worship of the gods in Syria, is most clearly attested by 
the fact that the lady of Hemesa, who by her marriage- 
relationship with the house of Severus obtained for her 
grandson the imperial dignity at the beginning of the 
third century, not content with the boy's being called 
supreme Pontifex of the Roman people, urged him also to 
entitle himself before all Romans the chief priest of the 

' Johannes Chrysostomus of Antioch (f 407) points on several 
ocGSisions {de Sanctis martyr. 0pp. ed. Paris, 1718, vol. ii. p. 651; 
Ilomil. xix. ibid. p. 188) to the crepo^caula, the fidpfiapos (puvii of the 
Aaov in contrast to the language of the cultured. 

Chap. X.] Land of the Nabataeans. 


native sun-god Elagabalus. The Romans might conquer 
the Syrians ; but the Roman gods had in their own home 
yielded the field to those of Syria. 

No less are the numerous Syrian proper names that have 
come to us mainly non-Greek, and double names are not 
rare ; the Messiah is termed also Christus, the apostle 
Thomas also Didymus, the woman of Joppa raised up by 
Peter " the gazelle," Tabitha or Dorcas. But for litera- 
ture, and presumably also for business-intercourse and the 
intercourse of the cultured, the Syrian idiom was as little 
in existence as the Celtic in the West ; in these circles 
Greek exclusively prevailed, apart from the 
Latin required also in the East for the soldiers. 
A man of letters of the second half of the second century, 
whom Sohaemus the king of Armenia formerly mentioned 
(p. 81) brought to his court, has inserted in a romance, 
which has its scene in Babylon, some points of the history 
of his own life that illustrate this relation. He is, he says, 
a Syrian, not, however, one of the immigrant Greeks, but 
of native lineage on the father's and mother's side, Syrian 
by language and habits, acquainted also with the Baby- 
lonian language and with Persian magic. But this same 
man, who in a certain sense declines the Hellenic char- 
acter, adds that he had appropriated Hellenic culture ; 
and he became an esteemed teacher of youth in Syria, 
and a notable romance-writer of the later Greek litera- 

1 The extract of Photius from the romance of Jamblichus, c. 17, 
which erroneously makes the author a Babylonian, is essentially 
corrected and supplemented by the schoUon upon it. The private 
secretary of the great-king, who comes among Trajan's captives to 
Syria, becomes there tutor of Jamblichus, and instructs him in the 
" barbarian wisdom," is naturally a figure of the romance running 
its course in Babylon, which Jamblichus professes to have heard 
from this his instructor ; but characteristic of the time is the Ar- 
menian court-man-of-letters and princes' tutor (for it was doubtless 
as "good rhetor" that he was called by Sohaemus to Valarshapat) 
himself, who in virtue of his magical art not merely understands 
the charming of flies and the conjuring of spirits, but also predicts 


Syria and the 

[Book VIII. 

If subsequently the Syrian idiom again became a written 
language and developed a literature of its own, 
uferature^*' ^® traced not to an invigoration of 

national feeling, but to the immediate needs 
of the propagation of Christianity. That Syriac literature, 
which began with the translation of the writings of the 
Christian faith into Syriac, remained confined to the 
sphere of the specific culture of the Christian clergy, and 
hence took up only the small fragments of general Hel- 
lenic culture which the theologians of that time found 
conducive to, or compatible with, their ends this author- 
ship did not attain, and doubtless did not strive after, any 
higher aim than the transference of the library of the 
Greek monastery to the Maronite cloisters. It hardly 
reaches further back than to the second century of our era, 
and had its centre, not in Syria, but in Mesopotamia, 
particularly in Edessa,^ where the native language had not 
become so entirely a dialect as in the older Eoman terri- 

Among the manifold bastard forms which Hellenism as- 
sumed in the course of its diffusion at once 
S?cSS?e. civilising and degenerating, the Syro-Hellenic 
is doubtless that in which the two elements 
are most equally balanced, but perhaps at the same time 
that which has most decisively influenced the collective 
development of the empire. The Syrians received, no 

to Verus the victory over Vologasus, and at tlie same time narrates 
in Greek to the Greeks stories such as might stand in the Thousand 
and One Nights. 

^ Syriac literature consists almost exclusively of translations of 
Greek works. Among profane writings treatises of Aristotle and 
Plutarch stand in the first rank, then practical writings of a juristic 
or agronomic character, and books of popular entertainment, such 
as the romance of Alexander, the fables of Aesop, the sentences of 

The Syriac translation of the New Testament, the oldest text of 
the Syriac language known to us, probably originated in Edessa ; 
the o-TpaTtwTot of the Acts of the Apostles are here called ** Ro- 

Chap. X.] 

Land of the JSFahataeans. 


doubt, the Greek urban organisation and appropriated 
Hellenic language and habits ; nevertheless they did not 
cease to feel themselves as Orientals, or rather as organs 
of a double civilisation. Nowhere is this perhaps more 
Tombof Antio ^^^P^J Gxpressed than in the colossal tomb- 
chus of Comma- temple, which at the commencement of the 
imperial period Antiochus king of Commagene 
erected for himself on a solitary mountain-summit not far 
from the Euphrates. He names himself in the copious 
epitaph a Persian ; the priest of the sanctuary is to pre- 
sent to him the memorial-offering in the Persian dress, as 
the custom of his family demands ; but he calls the Hel- 
lenes also, like the Persians, the blessed roots of his race, 
and entreats the blessing of all the gods of Persis as of 
Macetis, that is of the Persian as well as of the Macedo- 
nian land, to rest upon his descendants. For he is the son 
of a native king of the family of the Achaemenids and of a 
Greek prince's daughter of the house of Seleucus ; and, in 
keeping with this, the images on the one hand of his pa- 
ternal ancestors back to the first Darius, on the other hand 
of his maternal back to Alexander's marshal, embellished 
the tomb in a long double row. But the gods, whom he 
honours, are at the same time Persian and Greek, Zeus 
Oromasdes, Apollon Mithras Helios Hermes, Artagnes 
Herakles Ares, and the effigy of this latter, for example, 
bears the club of the Greek hero and at the same time the 
Persian tiara. This Persian prince, who calls himself at 
the same time a friend of the Hellenes, and as loyal sub- 
ject of the emperor a friend of the Romans, as not less 
that Achaemenid called by Marcus and Lucius to the 
throne of Armenia, Sohaemus, are true representatives of 
the native aristocracy of imperial Syria, which bears in 
mind alike Persian memories and the Romano-Hellenic 
present. From such circles the Persian worship of Mithra 
reached the West. But the population, which was placed 
at the same time under this great nobility Persian or call- 
ing itself Persian, and under the government of Macedo- 
nian and later of Italian masters, was in Syria, as in Meso- 


Syria and the [Book VIIl. 

potamia and Babylonia, Aramaean ; it reminds us in va- 
rious respects of the modern Roumans in presence of the 
upper ranks of Saxons and Magyars. Certainly it was the 
most corrupt and most corrupting element in the con- 
glomerate of the Romano-Hellenic peoples. Of the so- 
called Caracalla, who was born at Lyons as son of an Afri- 
can father and a Syrian mother, it was said that he united in 
himself the vices of three races, Gallic frivolity, African 
savageness, and Syrian knavery. 

This interpenetration of the East and Hellenism, which 

has nowhere been carried out so completely 
NeoptitonSm."'^ Syria, meets us predominantly in the 

form of the good and noble becoming ruined 
in the mixture. This, however, is not everywhere the case ; 
the later developments of religion and of speculation, 
Christianity and Neoplatonism, have proceeded from the 
same conjunction ; if with the former the East penetrates 
into the West, the latter is the transformation of the Occi- 
dental philosophy in the sense and spirit of the East — a 
creation in the first instance of the Egyptian Plotinus 
(204-270) and of his most considerable disciple the Syrian 
Malchus or Porphyrins (233 till after 300), and thereafter 
pre-eminently cultivated in the towns of Syria. For a 
discussion of these two phenomena, so significant in the 
history of the world, this is not the place ; but they may 
not be forgotten in estimating the position of matters in 

The Syrian character finds its eminent expression in the 
capital of the country and, before Constanti- 
nople was founded, of the Roman East gen- 
erally — inferior as respects population only to Rome and 
Alexandria, and possibly also to the Babylonian Selucia — 
Antioch, on which it appears requisite to dwell for a mo- 
ment. The town, one of the youngest in Syria and now 
of small importance, did not become a great city by the 
natural circumstances of commerce, but was a creation of 
monarchic policy. The Macedonian conquerors called it 
into life, primarily from military considerations, as a fitting 

Chap. X.] Land of the N abataeans. 


central place for a rule which embraced at once Asia Minor, 
the region of the Euphrates, and Egypt, and sought also 
to be near to the Mediterranean.' The like aim and the 
different methods of the Seleucids and the Lagids find 
their true expression in the similarity and the contrast of 
Antioch and Alexandria ; as the latter was the centre for 
the naval power and the maritime policy of the Egyptian 
rulers, so Antioch was the centre for the continental East- 
ern monarchy of the rulers of Asia. The later Seleucids 
at different times undertook large new foundations here, 
so that the city, when it became Roman, consisted of four 
independent and walled-in districts, all of which again 
were enclosed by a common wall. Nor were immigrants 
from a distance wanting. When Greece proper fell under 
the rule of the Romans, and Antiochus the Great had vain- 
ly attempted to dislodge them thence, he granted at least 
to the emigrant Euboeans and Aetolians an asylum in his 
capital. In the capital of Syria, as in that of Egypt, a 
commonwealth in some measure independent and a priv- 
ileged position were conceded to the Jews, and the posi- 
tion of the towns as centres of the Jewish Diaspora was 
not the weakest element in their development. Once 
made a residency and the seat of the supreme administra- 
tion of a great empire, Antioch remained even in Roman 
times the capital of the Asiatic provinces of Rome. Here 
resided the emperors, when they sojourned in the East, and 
regularly the governor of Syria ; here was struck the im- 
perial money for the East, and here especially, as well as in 
Damascus and Edessa, were found the imperial manufac- 
tories of arms. It is true that the town had lost its mili- 
itary importance for the Roman empire ; and under the 

^ This is said by Diodorus, xx. 47, of the forerunner of Antioch, 
the town of Antigonea, situated about five miles farther up the river. 
Antioch was for the Syria of antiquity nearly what Aleppo is for the 
Syria of the present day, the rendezvous of inland traffic ; only that, 
in the case of that foundation, as the contemporary construction of 
the port of Seleucia shows, the immediate connection with the Med- 
iterranean was designed, and hence the town was laid out farther 
to the west. 


Syria and the 

[Book VIII. 

changed circumstances the bad communication with the 
sea was felt as a great evil, not so much on account of the 
distance, as because the port^ — the town of Seleucia, 
planned at the same time with Antioch — was little fitted 
for large traffic. The Koman emperors from the Flavians 
down to Constantius expended enormous sums to hew out 
of the masses of rocks surrounding this locality the requi- 
site docks with their tributary canals, and to provide suf- 
ficient piers ; but the art of the engineers, which at the 
mouth of the Nile had succeeded in throwing up the high- 
est mounds, contended vainly in Syria with the insur- 
mountable difficulties of the ground. As a matter of 
course the largest town of Syria took an active part in the 
manufactures and the commerce of this province, of which 
we shall have to speak further on ; nevertheless it was a 
seat of consumers more than of producers. 

In no city of antiquity was the enjoyment of life so 
much the main thing, and its duties so inci- 
dental, as in "Antioch upon Daphne," as the 
city was significantly called, somewhat as if we should say 
"Vienna upon the Prater." For Daphne' was a pleasure- 
garden, about five miles from the city, ten miles in cir- 
cumference, famous for its laurel-trees, after which it was 
named, for its old cypresses which even the Christian em- 
perors ordered to be spared, for its flowing and gushing 
waters, for its shining temple of Apollo, and its magnifi- 
cent much-frequented festival of the 10th August. The 
whole environs of the city, which lies between two wooded 
mountain-chains in the valley of the Orontes abounding in 
water, fourteen miles upward from its mouth, are even at 
the present day, in spite of all neglect, a blooming garden 
and one of the most charming spots on earth. No city in 
^ The space between Antiocli and Daplme was filled witli country- 
houses and villas (Libanius, pro rhetor, ii. p. 213 Reiske), and there 
was also here a suburb Heraclea or else Daphne (0. Miiller, Antiq. 
Antioch, p. 44 ; comp. tita Veri, 7) ; but when Tacitus, Ann. ii. 83, 
names this suburb Epidaphne, this is one of his most singular blun- 
ders. Plinius, II. iV. v. 27, 79, says correctly: Antiochia Epi- 
daphnes cognominata. 

Chap. X.] Land of the Nabataeans, 


all the empire excelled it in the splendoui? and magnifi- 
cence of its public structures. The chief street, which to 
the length of thirty-six stadia, nearly four and a half 
miles, with a covered colonnade on both sides, and a broad 
carriage-way in the middle, traversed the city in a straight 
direction along the river, was imitated in many ancient 
towns, but had not its match even in imperial Kome. As 
the water ran into every good house in Antioch,' so the 
people walked in those colonnades through the whole city 
at all seasons protected from rain as from the heat of the 
sun, and during the evening also in lighted streets, of 
which we have no record as to any other city of antiq- 

^ "That wherein we especially beat all," says the Antiochene Li- 
"banius, in the Panegyric on his home delivered under Constantius 
(i. 354 R.), after having described the springs of Daphne and the 
aqueducts thence to the city, is the water-supply of our city ; if in 
other respects any one may compete with us, all give way so soon as 
we come to speak of the water, its abundance and its excellence. In 
the public baths every stream has the proportions of a river, in the 
private several have the like, and the rest not much less. He who 
has the means of laying out a new bath does so without concern 
about a sufficient flow of water, and has no need to fear that, when 
ready, it will remain dry. Therefore every district of the city (there 
were eighteen of these) carefully provides for the special elegance 
of its bathing-establishment ; these district bathing-establishments 
are so much finer than the general ones, as they are smaller than 
these are, and the inhabitants of the district strive to surpass one an- 
other. One measures the abundance of running water by the num- 
ber of the (good) dwelling-houses ; for as many as are the dwelling- 
houses, so many are also the running waters, nay there are even in 
individual houses often several ; and the majority of the workshops 
have also the same advantage. Therefore we have no fighting at 
the public wells as to who shall come first to draw — an evil, under 
which so many considerable towns suffer, when there is a violent 
crowding round the wells and outcry over the broken jars. With 
us the public fountains flow for ornament, since every one has water 
within his doors. And this water is so clear that the pail appears 
empty, and so pleasant that it invites us to drink." 

^ "Other lights," says the same orator, p. 363, "take the place 
of the sun's light, lamps which leave the Egyptian festival of illu- 
mination far behind ; and with us night is distinguished from day 


Syria and the [Book VIII. 

But amidst all this luxury the Muses did not find them- 
selves at home ; science in earnest and not 
terests!'*^^*^ -^^^^ earnest art were never truly cultivated in 
Syria and more especially in Antioch. How- 
ever complete was the analogy in other respects between 
Egypt and Syria as to their development, their contrast in 
a Uterary point of view was sharp ; the Lagids alone en- 
tered on this portion of the inheritance of Alexander the 
Great. While they fostered Hellenic literature and pro- 
moted scientific research in an Aristotelian sense and 
spirit, the better Seleucids doubtless by their political po- 
sition opened up the East to the Greeks — the mission of 
Megasthenes to king Chandragupta in India on the part 
of Seleucus I., and the exploring of the Caspian Sea by 
his contemporary the Admiral Patrocles, were epoch-mak- 
ing in this respect — but of immediate interposition in lit- 
erary interests on the part of the Seleucids the history of 
Greek literature has nothing more to tell than that An- 
tiochus the Great, as he was called, made the poet Eu- 
phorion his librarian. Perhaps the history of Latin liter- 
ature may make a claim to serious scientific work on the 
part of Berytus, the Latin island in the sea of Oriental 
Hellenism. It is perhaps no accident that the reaction 
against the modernising tendency in literature of the Ju- 
lio-Claudian epoch, and the reintroduction of the language 
and writings of the republican time into the school as into 
literature, originated with a Berytian belonging to the 
middle class, Marcus Valerius Probus, who in the schools 
that were left in his remote home moulded himself still on 
the old classics, and then, in energetic activity more as a 
critical author than as strictly a teacher, laid the founda- 
tion for the classicism of the later imperial period. The 
same Berytus became later, and remained through the 

only by the difference of the lighting ; diligent hands find no dif- 
ference and forge on, and he who will sings and dances, so that He- 
phaestos and Aphrodite here share the night between them." In 
the street-sport which the prince Gallus indulged in, the lamps of 
Antioch were very inconvenient to him (Ammianus, xiv. 1, 9). 

Chap. X.] 

Land of the Nabataeans. 


whole period of the empire, for all the East, the seat of 
the study of jurisprudence requisite towards an official 
career. As to Hellenic literature no doubt the poetry of 
the epigram and the wit of the feuilleton were at home in 
Syria ; several of the most noted Greek minor poets, like 
Meleager, Philodemus of Gadara, and Antipater of Sidon, 
were Syrians and unsurpassed in sensuous charm as in re- 
fined versification ; and the father of ihe feuilleton litera- 
ture was Menippus of Gadara. But these performances 
lie for the most part before, and some of them consider- 
ably before, the imperial period. 

In the Greek literature of this epoch no province is so 
poorly represented as Syria ; and this is hardly 
Minor literature. accidcnt, although. Considering the univer- 
sal position of Hellenism under the empire, not much 
stress can be laid on the home of the individual writers. 
On the other hand the subordinate authorship which pre- 
vailed in this epoch — such as stories of love, robbers, pi- 
rates, procurers, soothsayers, and dreams, destitute of 
thought or form, and fabulous travels— had probably its 
chief seat here. Among the colleagues of the already- 
mentioned Jamblichus, author of the Babylonian history, 
his countrymen must have been numerous ; the contact of 
this Greek literature with the Oriental literature of a simi- 
lar kind doubtless took place through the medium of 
Syrians. The Greeks indeed had no need to learn lying 
from the Orientals ; yet the no longer plastic but fanciful 
story-telling of their later period has sprung from Sche- 
herazade's horn of plenty not from the pleasantry of the 
Graces. It is perhaps not accidentally that the satire of this 
period, when it views Homer as the father of lying travels, 
makes him a Babylonian with the proper name of Tigranes. 
Apart from this entertaining reading, of which even those 
were somewhat ashamed who spent their time in writing 
or reading it, there is hardly any other prominent name to 
be mentioned from these regions than the contemporary 
of that Jamblichus, Lucian of Commagene. He, too, wrote 
nothing except, in imitation of Menippus, essays and fugi- 

/Syria and the 

[Book VIII. 

tive pieces after a genuinely Syrian type, witty and spright- 
ly in personal banter, but wliere this is at an end, incap- 
able of saying amid his laughter the earnest truth or of 
even handling the plastic power of comedy. 

This people valued only the day. No Greek region has 

so few memorial-stones to show as Syria ; the 
?muLmentsI' g^eat Autioch, the third city in the empire, has— 

to say nothing of the land of hieroglyphics and 
obelisks — left behind fewer inscriptions than many a small 
African or Arabian village. With the exception of the 
rhetorician Libanius from the time of Julian, who is more 
well-known than important, this town has not given to 
literature a single author's name. The Tyanitic Messiah 
of heathenism, or his apostle speaking for him, was not 
wrong in terming the Antiochenes an uncultivated and 
half-barbarous people, and in thinking that Apollo would 
do well to transform them as well as their Daphne ; for 
*'in Antioch, while the cypresses knew how to whisper, men 
knew not how to speak." In the artistic sphere Antroch 
had a leading position only as respected the theatre and 
sports generally. The exhibitions which captivated the 
public of Antioch were, according to the fashion of this 
time, less strictly dramatic than noisy musical perform- 
ances, ballets, animal hunts, and gladiatorial games. The 
applauding or hissing of this public decided the reputation 
of the dancer throughout the empire. The jockeys and 
other heroes of the circus and theatre came pre-eminently 
from Syria. * The b^iUet-dancers and the musicians, as well 

' The remarkable description of tlie empire from the time of Con- 
stantius (Miiller, Geog. Min. ii. p. 213 ff. ), the only writing of the 
kind in which the state of industry meets with a certain consider- 
ation, says of Syria in this respect: "Antioch has everything that 
one desires in abundance, but especially its races. Laodicea, Bery- 
tus, Tyre, Caesarea (in Palestine) have races also. Laodicea sends 
abroad jockeys, Tyre and Berytus actors, Caesarea dancers ( jpanto- 
mimi), Heliopolis on Lebanon flute-players {clioraulae), Gaza mu, 
sicians {auditores^ by which aKpo&aara is incorrectly rendered), As. 
calon wrestlers (athletae), Castabala (strictly speaking in Cilicia) 

CnAr. X.] Land of the Nabataeans. 145 

as the jugglers and buffoons, whom Lucius Varus brought 
back from his Oriental campaign — performed, so far as his 
part went, in Antioch — to Eome, formed an epoch in the 
history of Italian theatricals. The passion with which the 
public in Antioch gave itself up to this pleasure is charac- 
teristically shown by the fact, that according to tradition 
the gravest disaster which befell Antioch in this period, its 
capture by the Persians in 260 (p. 109), surprised the bur- 
gesses of the city in the theatre, and from the top of the 
mount, on the slope of which it was constructed, the arrows 
flew into the ranks of the spectators. In Gaza, the most 
southerly town of Syria, where heathenism possessed a 
stronghold in the famous temple of Marnas, at the end of 
the fourth century the horses of a zealous heathen and of a 
zealous Christian ran at the races, and, when on that occa- 
sion "Christ beat Marnas," St. Jerome tells us, numerous 
heathens had themselves baptised. 

All the great cities of the Roman empire doubtless vied 
with each other in dissoluteness of morals ; 
Immorality, palm probably belongs to 

Antioch. The decorous Roman, whom the severe moral- 
portrait-painter of Trajan's time depicts, as he turns his 
back on his native place, because it had become a city of 
Greeks, adds that the Achaeans formed the least part of the 
filth ; that the Syrian Orontes had long discharged itself 
into the river Tiber, and flooded Rome with its language 
and its habits, its street-musicians, female harp-players 
and triangle-beaters, and the troops of its courtesans. 
The Romans of Augustus spoke of the Syrian female 
flute-player, the ambubaia,^ as we speak of the Parisian 
cocoUe. In the Syrian cities, it is stated even in the last 
age of the republic by Posidonius, an author of impor- 
tance, who was himself a native of the Syrian Apamea, 
the citizens have become disused to hard labour ; the peo- 
ple there think only of feasting and carousing, and all clubs 
and private parties serve for this purpose ; at the royal 
table a garland is put on every guest, and the latter is 
' From the Syrian word abbuho, fife. 
Vol. II.— 10 


Syria and the 

[Book VIII. 

then sprinkled with Babylonian perfume ; flute-playing 
and harp-playing sound through the streets ; the gymnas- 
tic institutes are converted into hot baths — by the latter 
is meant the institution of the so-called Thermae, which 
probably first emerged in Syria and subsequently became 
general ; they were in substance a combination of the 
gymnasium and the hot-bath. Four hundred years later 
matters went on after quite a similar fashion in Antioch. 
The quarrel between Julian and these townsmen arose not 
so much about the emperor's beard, as because in this 
city of taverns, which, as he expresses himself, has noth- 
ing in view but dancing and drinking, he regulated the 
prices for the hosts. The religious system of the Syrian 
land was also, and especially, pervaded by these dissolute 
and sensuous doings. The cultus of the Syrian gods was 
often an appanage of the Syrian brothel.^ 

It would be unjust to make the Eoman government 

responsible for this state of affairs in Syria ; 
ridSuie.^''^ it had been the same under the government 

of the Diadochi, and was merely transmitted 
to the Romans. But in the history of this age the Syro- 
Hellenic element was an essential factor, and, although its 
indirect influence was of far more weight, it still in many 
ways made itself preceptible directly in politics. Of polit- 
ical partisanship proper there can be still less talk in the 
case of the Antiochenes of this and every age, than in the 
case of the burgesses of the other great cities of the em- 
pire ; but in mocking and disputation they apparently 
excelled all others, even the Alexandrians that vied with 
them in this respect. They never made a revolution, 
but readily and earnestly supported every pretender 
whom the Syrian army set up, Vespasian against Vitellius, 

The little treatise, ascribed to Lucian, as to the Syrian goddess 
at Hierapolis adored by all the East, furnishes a specimen of the 
wild and voluptuous fable-telling which was characteristic of the 
Syrian cultus. In this narrative — the source of Wieland's Kom- 
babus — self-mutilation is at once celebrated and satirised in turn 
as an act of high morality and of pious faith. 

Chap. X.] Land of the Nabataeans. 


Casius against Marcus, Niger against Severus, always 
ready, where they thought that they had support in reserve, 
to renounce allegiance to the existing government. The 
only talent which indisputably belonged to them — their 
mastery of ridicule — they exercised not merely against 
the actors of their stage, but no less against the rulers 
sojourning in the capital of the East, and the ridicule was 
quite the same against the actor as against the emperor ; 
it applied to personal appearance and to individual pecu- 
liarities, just as if their sovereign appeared only to amuse 
them with his part. Thus there existed between the 
public of Antioch and their rulers — particularly those 
who spent a considerable time there, Hadrian, Verus, 
Marcus, Severus, Julian — so to speak, a perpetual warfare 
of sarcasm, one document of which, the reply of the last 
named emperor to the beard-mockers " of Antioch, is 
still preserved. While this imperial man of letters met 
their sarcastic sayings with satirical writings, the Antio- 
chenes at other times had to pay more severely for their 
evil speaking and their other sins. Thus Hadrian with- 
drew from them the right of coining silver ; Marcus 
withdrew the right of assembly, and closed for some 
time the theatre. Severus took even from the town the 
primacy of Syria, and transferred it to Laodicea, which 
was in constant neighbourly warfare with the capital ; 
and, if these two ordinances were soon again withdrawn, 
the partition of the province, which Hadrian had already 
threatened, was carried into execution, as we have already 
said (p. 129), under Severus, and not least because the 
government wished to humble the turbulent great city. 
This city even made a mockery of its final overthrow. 
When in the year 540 the Persian king Chosroes Nushir- 
van appeared before the walls of Antioch he was received 
from its battlements not merely with showers of arrows 
but with the usual obscene sarcasms ; and, provoked by 
this, the king not merely took the town by storm, but 
carried also its inhabitants away to his New-Antioch in 
the province of Susa, 


Syria and the 

[Book VIII. 

The brilliant aspect of the condition of Syria was the 
economic one ; in manufactures and trades 
Culture of the g^j,-^ ^^^^^ alongside of Egypt, the first place 
among the provinces of the Koman empire, 
and even claims in a certain respect precedence over 
Egypt. Agriculture throve under the permanent state of 
peace, and under a sagacious administration which di- 
rected its efforts particularly to the advancement of irriga- 
tion, to an extent which puts to shame modern civilisa- 
tion. No doubt various parts of Syria are still at the 
present day of the utmost luxuriance ; the valley of the 
lower Orontes, the rich garden round Tripolis with its 
groups of palms, groves of oranges, copses of pomegran- 
ates and jasmine, the fertile coast-plain north and south 
of Gaza, neither the Bedouins nor the Pashas have hither- 
to been able to make desolate. But their work is never- 
theless not to be estimated lightly. Apamea in the middle 
of the Orontes valley, now a rocky wilderness without 
fields and trees, where the poor flocks on the scanty past- 
urages are decimated by the robbers of the mountains, is 
strewed far and wide with ruins, and there is document- 
ary attestation that under Quirinius the governor of Syria, 
the same who is named in the Gospels, this town with its 
territory included numbered 117,000 free inhabitants. 
Beyond question the whole valley of the Orontes abound- 
ing in water — already at Hemesa it is from 30 to 40 
metres broad and one and a half to three metres deep — 
was once a great seat of cultivation. But even of the dis- 
tricts, which are now mere deserts, and where it seems to 
the traveller of the present day impossible for man to live 
and thrive, a considerable portion was formerly a field of 
labour for active hands. To the east of Hemesa, where 
there is now not a green leaf nor a drop of water, the 
heavy basalt-slabs of former oil-presses are found in quan- 
tities. While at the present day olives scantily grow only 
in the valleys of the Lebanon abounding in springs, the 
olive woods must formerly have stretched far beyond the 
valley of the Orontes. The traveller now from Hemesa to 

Chap. X.] Land of the Nabataeans. 


Palmyra carries water with liim on the back of camels, 
and all this part of the route is covered with the remains 
of former villas and hamlets.' The march of Aurelian 
along this route (p. 119) no army could now undertake. 
Of what is at present called desert a good portion is 
rather the laying waste of the blessed labour of better 
times. "All Syria," says a description of the earth from 
the middle of the fourth century, " overflows with corn, 
wine, and oil." But Syria was not even in antiquity an ex- 
porting land, in a strict sense, for the fruits of the earth, 
like Egypt and Africa, although the noble wines were sent 
away, e.g. that of Damascus to Persia, those of Laodicea, 
Ascalon, Gaza, to Egypt and from thence as far as 
Ethiopia and India, and even the Komans knew how to 
value the wine of Byblus, of Tyre, and of Gaza. 

Of far more importance for the general position of the 
province were the Syrian manufactures. A 

Manufactures. . p«ti. i«t -i , 

series oi industries, which came into account 
for export, were here at home, especially of linen, purple, 
silk, glass. The weaving of flax, practised from of old in 
Babylonia, was early transplanted thence to Syria ; as that 
description of the earth says : " Scytopolis (in Palestine), 
Laodicea, Byblus, Tyrus, Berytus, send out their linen 
into all the world," and in the tariff-law of Diocletian ac- 
cordingly there are adduced as fine linen goods those of 
the three first-named towns alongside of those of the 

' The Austrian engineer, Joseph Tschernik (Petermann's Geogr. 
Mittheil. 1875, Erganzungsheft, xliv. p. 3, 9) found basalt-slabs of oil- 
presses not merely on the desert plateau at Kala'at el-Hossn be- 
tween Hemesa and the sea, but also to the number of more than 
twenty eastward from Hemesa at el-Ferklus, where the basalt itself 
does not occur, as well as numerous walled terraces and mounds of 
ruins at the same place ; with terracings on the whole stretch of 
seventy miles between Hemesa and Palmyra. Sachau {Reise in 
,8yrien und Mesopotamien, 1883, p. 23, 55) found remains of aque- 
' ducts at different places of the route from Damascus to Palmyra. The 
■cisterns of Aradus cut in the rock, already mentioned by Strabo 
;(xvi. 2, 13, p. 753), still perform their service at the present day 
■(Renan, Phenicie^ p. 40). 


Syria and the 

fBooK VIII. 

neighbouring Tarsus and of Egypt, and the Syrian have 
precedence over all. That the purple of Tyre, however 
many competitors with it arose, always retained the first 
place, is well known ; and besides the Tyrian there were 
in Syria numerous purple dyeworks likewise famous on 
the coast above and below Tyre at Sarepta, Dora, Caesa- 
rea, even in the interior, in the Palestinian Neapolis and 
in Lydda. The raw silk came at this epoch from China 
and especially by way of the Caspian Sea, and so to 
Syria ; it was worked up chiefly in the looms of Berytus 
and of Tyre, in which latter place especially was prepared 
the purple silk that was much in use and brought a high 
price. The glass manufactures of Sidon maintained their 
primitive fame in the imperial age, and numerous glass- 
vases of our museums bear the stamp of a Sidonian man- 

To the sale of these wares, which from their nature 
belonged to the market of the world, fell to 
be added the whole mass of goods which came 
from the East by the Euphrates-routes to the West. It 
is true that the Arabian and Indian imports at this time 
turned away from this road, and took chiefly the route by 
way of Egypt ; but not merely did the Mesopotamian 
traffic remain necessarily with the Syrians ; the emporia 
also at the mouth of the Euphrates stood in regular cara- 
van-intercourse with Palmyra (p. 106), and thus made use 
of the Syrian harbours. How considerable this intercourse 
was with the eastern neighbours is shown by nothing so 
clearly as by the similarity of the silver coinage in the 
Eoman East and in the Parthian Babylonia ; in the prov- 
inces of Syria and Cappadocia the Roman government 
coined silver, varying from the imperial currency, after 
the sorts and the standards of the neighbouring empire. 
The Syrian manufactures themselves, e.g. of linen and 
silk, were stimulated by the very import of the similar 
Babylonian articles of commerce, and, like these, the 
leather and skin goods, the ointments, the spices, the slaves 
of the East, came during the imperial period to a very 

Chap. X.] 

Land of the Nabataeans. 


considerable extent by way of Syria to Italy and the "West 
in general. But this always remained characteristic of 
these primitive seats of commercial intercourse, that the 
men of Sidon and their countrymen, in this matter very 
different from the Egyptians, not merely sold their goods 
to those of other lands, but themselves conveyed them 
thither, and, as the ship-captains in Syria formed a prom- 
inent and respected class,' so Syrian merchants and Syrian 
factories in the imperial period were to be found nearly as 
much everywhere as in the remote times of which Homer 
tells. The Tyrians had such factories in the two great 
import-harbours of Italy, Ostia and Puteoli, and, as these 
themselves in their documents describe their establish- 
ments as the greatest and most spacious of their kind, so 
in the description of the earth which we have often quoted, 
Tyre is named the first place of the East for commerce 
and trafl&c ;^ in like manner Strabo brings forward as 
a specialty at Tyre and at Aradus the unusually high 
houses, consisting of many stories. Berytus and Damas- 
cus, and certainly many other Syrian and Phoenician com- 
mercial towns, had similar factories in the Italian ports. ^ 

' In Aradus, a town very populous in Strabo's time (xvi. 2, 13, p. 
753), there appears under Augustus a TrpofiovAos tcou vavapx'n(T0Lvr(»)v 
(C. 1. Gr. 4736 /i, better in Renan, Mission de Phenicie, p. 31). 

^ Totius orbis descripUo, c. 24 : nulla forte civitas Orientis est eius 
spissior in negotio. The documents of the statio ( 0. I. Gr. 5853 ; 
0. I. L. X. 1601) give a lively picture of these factories. They 
serve in the first instance for religous ends, that is, for the worship 
of the Tyrian gods at a foreign place ; for this object a tax is levied 
at the larger station of Ostia from the Tyrian mariners and mer- 
chants, and from its produce there is granted to the lesser a yearly 
contribution of 1,000 sesterces, which is employed for the rent of 
the place of meeting ; the other expenses are raised by the Tyrians 
in Puteoli, doubtless by voluntary contributions. 

^ For Berytus this is shown by the Puteolan inscription G. I. L. 
X. 1634 ; for Damascus it is at least suggested by that which is 
there set up (x. 1576) to the lupiter optimus maximus Damascenus. 
— We may add that it is here apparent with how good reason Pu- 
teoli is called Little Delos. At Delos in the last age of its pros- 
perity, that is, nearly in the century before the Mithradatic war, 


Syria and the 

[Book VIII. 

Accordingly we find, particularly in the later period of the 
empire, Syrian merchants, chiefly Apamean, settled not 
merely in all Italy but likewise in all the larger emporia 
of the West, at Salonae in Dalmatia, Apulum in Dacia, 
Malaca in Spain, but above all in Gaul and Germany, e.g. 
at Bordeaux, Lyons, Paris, Orleans, Treves, so that these 
Syrian Christians also, like the Jews, live according to 
their own customs and make use of their Greek in their 
meetings. ' 

we meet with Syrian factories and Syrian worships in quite a like 
fashion and in still greater abundance ; we find there the guild of 
the Herakleistae of Tyre (to Koivhv tQv TupiW ' Hpa/c AettTToJi/ ifinopau 
Koi vavKXvpwv, G. 1. Or. 2271) of the Poseidoniastae of Berytus (t5 
Koivhu BvpvTiav T[o(reidoovia(rT(2u ifxirSpasv Koi vavKXrjpwv koI eySoxcoji', 
Bull, de corr. Hell. vii. , p. 468), of the worshippers of Adad and 
Atargatis of Heliopolis {ih. vi. 495 f.), apart from the numerous 
memorial-stones of Syrian merchants. Comp. Homolle ih. viii. p. 
110 f. 

^ When Salvianus (towards 450) remonstrates with the Christians 
of Gaul that they are nothing better than the heathens, he points 
{de gub. Dei, iv. 14, 69) to the worthless negotiatorum et Syricorum 
omnium turbae, quae maiorem ferme civitatum universarum partem 
occupaverunt. Gregory of Tours relates that king Guntchram was 
met at Orleans by the whole body of citizens and extolled, as in 
Latin, so also in Hebrew and in Syriac (viii. 1 : June lingua Syro- 
rum, liinc Latinorum, Mnc ... . Judaeorum in diversis lavdibus 
mrie concrepabat), and that after a vacancy in the episcopal see of 
Paris a Syrian merchant knew how to procure it for himself, and 
gave away to his countrymen the places belonging to it (x. 26 : 
omnem scholam decessoris sui abiciens Syros de genere suo ecclesiasticae 
domui ministros esse statuit). Sidonius (about 450) describes the 
perverse world of Ravenna (Ep. 1, 8) with the words : fenerantur 
dericiy Syri psallunt ; negotiatores militant^ monaelii negotiantur. 
Usque hodie, says Hieronymus (in Ezech. 27, vol. v. p. 513 Vail.) 
permanet in JSyris ingeriitus negotiationis ardor^ qui per totum 
mundum lucri cupiditate discurrunt et tantam mercandi liabent 
vesaniam, ut occupato nunc orbe Romano (written towards the end 
of the fourth century) inter gladios et miserorum neces quaerant 
dintias et paupertatem periculis fugiant. Other proofs are given by 
Friedlander, SittengescMchte, ii.^ p. 67. Without doubt we may be 
allowed to add the numerous inscriptions of the West which pro- 
ceed from Syrians, even if those do not designate themselves ex- 
pressly as merchants. Instructive as to this point is the Coeme- 

Chap. X.J Land of the Ndbataeam. 


The state of things formerly described among the 
Antiochenes and the Syrian cities generally becomes in- 
telligible only on this basis. The world of rank there con- 
sisted of rich manufacturers and merchants, the bulk of 
the population of the labourers and the mariners and, as 
later the riches acquired in the East flowed to Genoa and 
Venice, so then the commercial gains of the "West flowed 
back to Tyre and Apamea. With the extensive field of 
traffic that lay open to these traders on a great scale, and 
with the on the whole moderate frontier and inland tolls, 
the Syrian export trade, embracing a great part of the 
most lucrative and most transportable articles, already 
brought enormous capital sums into their hands ; and 
their business was not confined to native goods. ^ What 
comfort of life once prevailed here we learn, not from the 

terium of the small nortli-Italian country -town Concordia of the 
fifth century ; the foreigners buried in it are all Syrians, mostly of 
Apamea (C. 1. L. iii. p. 1060) ; likewise all the Greek inscriptions 
found in Treves belong to Syrians (C. /. Gr. 9891, 9892, 9893). 
These inscriptions are not merely dated in the Syrian fashion, but 
show also peculiarities of the dialectic Greek there {Hermes, xix. 
423). — That this Syro-Christian Diaspora, standing in relation to 
the contrast between the Oriental and Occidental clergy, may not 
be confounded with the Jewish Diaspora, is clearly shown by the 
account in Gregorius ; it evidently stood much higher and belonged 
throughout to the better classes. 

' This is partly so even at the present day. The number of silk- 
workers in Horns is estimated at 8,000 (Tschernik, I.e.). 

^ One of the oldest {i.e. after Severus and before Diocletian) epi- 
taphs of this sort is the Latin-Greek one found not far from Lyons 
(Wilmanns, 2498 ; comp. Lebas-Waddington, n. 2329) of a ©aT^os o 
Koi ' lovKiavhs 2o(£5ot/ (in Latin Thaemus lulianus Sati Jil.), a native 
of Atheila {de vico AiJielani), not far from Cariatha in Syria (still 
called ' Atil, not far from Kanawfit in the Hauran), and decurio in 
Canatha, settled in Lyons {iruTpav Aelirwu ^/ce t<^S' inl ^<i)f)cp)^ and a 
wholesale trader there for Aquitanian wares {[is irpjaa-iu ix^^v eViro- 
p[io]t' ayopao'juiii' [/ueJcTT^v e/c' A/fouiTai'iTjs clbS' eVl KovynvZovvoio — liego- 
tiatori Luguduni et prov. Aquitanica). Accordingly these Syrian 
merchants must not only have dealt in Syrian goods, but have, with 
their capital and their knowledge of business, practised wholesale 
trading generally. 

154 Syria and the [Book VIH 

scanty remains of the great cities that have perished, but 
from the more forsaken than desolated region on the right 
bank of the Orontes, from Apamea on to the point where 
the river turns towards the sea. In this district of about 
a hundred miles in length there still stand the ruins of 
nearly a hundred townships, with whole streets still rec- 
ognisable, the buildings with the exception of the roofs 
executed in massive stone-work, the dwelling-houses, sur- 
rounded by colonnades, embellished with galleries and 
balconies, windows and portals richly and often tastefully 
decorated with stone arabesques, with gardens and baths 
laid out, with farm-offices in the ground-story, stables, 
wine and oil presses hewn in the rocks,' as also large 
burial chambers likewise hewn in the rock, filled with 
sarcophagi, and with the entrances adorned with pillars. 
Traces of public life are nowhere met with ; it is the 
country-dwellings of the merchants and of the manufac- 
turers of Apamea and Antioch, whose assured prosperity 
and solid enjoyment of life are attested by these ruins. 
These settlements, of quite a uniform character, belong 
throughout to the late times of the empire, the oldest to 
the beginning of the fourth century, the latest to the 
middle of the sixth, immediately before the onslaught of 
Islam, under which this prosperous and flourishing life 
succumbed. Christian symbols and Biblical language are 
everywhere met with, and likewise stately churches and 
ecclesiastical structures. The development of culture, 
however, did not begin merely under Constantine, but 
simply grew and became consolidated in those centuries. 
Certainly those stone-buildings were preceded by similiar 
villa and garden structures of a less enduring kind. The 
regeneration of the imperial government after the confused 
troubles of the third century has its expression in the up- 
ward impulse which the Syrian mercantile world then re- 
ceived ; but up to a certain degree this picture of it left 
to us may be referred also to the earlier imperial period. 

^ Characteristic is tlie Latin epigram on a press-liouse 0. /. L. iii. 
188, in this home of the " Apamean grape " {vita Elagabali, c. 21). 

Chap. X.] 

Land of the Nabataeans. 


The relations of the Jews in the time of the Roman em- 
pire were so pecuHar and, one might say, so 
little dependent on the province which was 
named in the earlier period after them, in the later rather 
by the revived ^ame of the Philistaeans or Palaestinenses, 
that, as we have already said, it appeared more suitable to 
treat of them in a separate section. The little which is to 
be remarked as to the land of Palestine, especially the not 
unimportant share of its maritime and partly also of its 
inland towns in Syrian industry and Syrian trade, has al- 
ready been mentioned in the exposition given above of 
these matters. The Jewish Diaspora had already, before 
the destruction of the temple, extended in such a way that 
Jerusalem, even while it still stood, was more a symbol than 
a home, very much as the city of Rome was for the so-called 
Roman burgesses of later times. The Jews of Antioch and 
Alexandria, and the numerous similar societies of lesser 
rights and minor repute took part, as a matter of course, 
in the commerce and intercourse of the places where they 
dwelt. Their Judaism comes into account in the case only 
perhaps so far as the feelings of mutual hatred and mutual 
contempt, which had become developed or rather increased 
since the destruction of the temple, and the repeated 
national-religious wars between Jews and non-Jews must 
have exercised their effect also in these circles. As the 
Syrian merchants resident abroad met together in the first 
instance for the worship of their, native deities, the Syrian 
Jew in Puteoli cannot well have belonged to the Syrian 
merchant-guilds there ; and, if the worship of the Syr- 
ian gods found more and more an echo abroad, that which 
benefited the other Syrians drew one barrier the more be- 
tween the Syrians believing in Moses and the Italians. If 
those Jews who had found a home outside of Palestine, 
attached themselves beyond it not to those who shared 
their dwelling-place but to those who shared their religion, 
as they could not but do, they thereby renounced the 
esteem and the toleration which the Alexandrians and the 
Antiochenes and the like met with abroad, aijd were taken 


Syria and the 

[Book VIII. 

for what they professed to be — Jews. The Palestinian Jews 
of the West, however, had for the most part not originated 
from mercantile emigration, but were captives of war or 
descendants of such, and in every respect homeless ; the 
Pariah position which the children of Abraham occupied, 
especially in the Roman capital — that of the mendicant 
Jew, whose household furniture consisted in his bundle of 
hay and his usurer's basket, and for whom no service was 
too poor and too menial — linked itself with the slave-mar- 
ket. Under these circumstances we can understand why 
the Jews during the imperial period played in the West a 
subordinate part alongside of the Syrians. The religious 
fellowship of the mercantile and proletarian immigrants 
told heavily on the collective body of the Jews, along with 
the general disparagement connected with their position. 
But that Diaspora, as well as this, had little to do with 

There remains still a frontier territory to be looked at, 
which is not often mentioned, and which yet 
Province of -^g^ dcscrvcs Consideration : it is the Roman 

Arabia ' 

province of Arabia. It bears its name wrongly ; 
the emperor who erected it, Trajan, was a man of big deeds 
but still bigger words. The Arabian peninsula, which 
separates the region of the Euphrates from the valley of 
the Nile, lacking in rain, without rivers, on all sides sur- 
rounded by a rocky coast poor in harbours, was little fitted 
for agriculture or for commerce, and in old times by far 
the greater part of it remained the undisputed heritage of 
the unsettled inhabitants of the desert. In particular the 
Romans, who understood how to restrict their possession 
in Asia as in Egypt better than any other of the changing 
powers in the ascendant, never even attempted to subdue 
the Arabian peninsula. Their few enterprises against its 
south-eastern portion, the most rich in products, and 
from its relation to India the most important also for 

Chap. X.] Land of the Nahataeans. 


commerce, will be set forth when we discuss the business- 
relations of Egypt. Koman Arabia, even as a Eoman 
client- state and especially as a Roman province, embraced 
only a moderate portion of the north of the peninsula, 
but, in addition, the land to the south and east of Palestine 
between this and the great desert till beyond Bostra. At 
the same time with this let us take into account the coun- 
try belonging to Syria between Bostra and Damascus, 
which is now usually named after the Hauran mountains, 
according to its old designation Trachonitis and Batanaea. 
These extensive regions were only to be gained for 
civilisation under special conditions. The 

Conditions of , , " .-rx * t \ j t^ i 

culture in east- stcppc-couutry proper (Hamad) to the east- 
ern Syria. -ward from the region with which we are now 
occupied as far as the Euphrates, was never taken posses- 
sion of by the Romans, and was incapable of cultivation ; 
only the roving tribes of the desert, such as at the present 
dsij the Haneze, traverse it, to pasture their horses and 
camels in winter along the Euphrates, in summer on 
the mountains south of Bostra, and often to change the 
pasture-ground several times in the year. The pastoral 
tribes settled westward of the steppe, who pursue in par- 
ticular the breeding of sheep to a great extent, stand 
already at a higher degree of culture. But there is mani- 
fold room for agriculture also in these districts. The 
red earth of the Hauran, decomposed lava, yields in its 
primitive state much wild rye, wild barley, and wild oats, 
and furnishes the finest wheat. Individual deep valleys 
in the midst of the stone-deserts, such as the " seed- field," 
the Ruhbe in the Trachonitis, are the most fertile tracts 
in all Syria ; without ploughing, to say nothing of manur- 
ing, wheat yields on the average eighty and barley a hun- 
dredfold, and twenty-six stalks from one grain of wheat 
are not uncommon. Nevertheless no fixed dwelling-place 
was formed here, because in the summer months the great 
heat and the want of water and pasture compel the in- 
habitants to migrate to the mountain pastures of the 
Hauran. But there was not wanting opportunity even for 


Syria and the 

[Book VIII. 

fixed settlement. The garden quarter around the town of 
Damascus, watered by the river Barada in its many arms, 
and the fertile even now populous districts which enclose 
it on the east, north, and south, were in ancient as in 
modern times the pearl of Syria. The plain round Bostra, 
particularly the so-called Nukra to the west of it, is at the 
present day the granaryfor Syria, although from the want 
of rain on an average every fourth harvest is lost, and the 
locusts often invading it from the neighbouring desert 
remain a scourge of the land which cannot be extermi- 
nated. Wherever the water-courses of the mountains are 
led into the plain, fresh life flourishes amidst them. 
"The fertility of this region," says one who knows it 
well, " is inexhaustible ; and even at the present day, 
where the Nomads have left neither tree nor shrub, the 
land, so far as the eye reaches, is like a garden." Even 
on the lava-surfaces of the mountainous districts the lava- 
streams have left not a few places (termed Ka' in the 
Hauran), free for cultiva.tion. 

This natural condition has, as a rule, handed over the 
country to shepherds and robbers. The necessarily no- 
madic character of a great part of the population leads to 
endless feuds, particularly about places of pasture, and to 
constant seizures of those regions which are suited for 
fixed settlement ; here, still more than elsewhere, there is 
need for the formation of such political powers as are in a 
position to procure quiet and peace on a wider scale, and 
for these there is no right basis in the population. There 
is hardly a region in the wide world in which, so much as 
in this case, civilisation has not grown up spontaneously, 
but could only be called into existence by the ascendency 
of conquest from without. When military stations hem in 
the roving tribes of the desert and force those within the 
limit of cultivation to a peaceful pastoral life, when colo- 
nists are conducted to the regions capable of culture, and 
the waters of the mountains are led by human hands into 
the plains, then, but only then, a cheerful and plentiful life 
thrives in this region, 

Chaf. X.] Land of the Nahataeans. 159 

The pre-Eoman period had not brought such blessings 
to these lands. The inhabitants of the whole 
kilastenf Syria, territory as far as Damascus belong to the 
Arabian branch of the great Semitic stock; the 
names of persons at least are throughout Arabic. In it, 
as in northern Syria, Oriental and Occidental civilisation 
met ; yet up to the time of the empire the two had made 
but little progress. The language and the writing, which 
the Nabataeans used, were those of Syria and of the Eu- 
phrates-lands, and could only have come from thence to the 
natives. On the other hand the Greek settlement in Syria 
extended itself, in part at least, also to these regions. The 
great commercial town of Damascus had become Greek 
with the rest of Syria. The Seleucids had carried the 
founding of Greek towns even into the region beyond the 
Jordan, especially into the northern Decapolis ; further to 
the south at least the old Kabbath Ammon had been con- 
verted by the Lagids into the city of Philadelphia. But 
further away and in the eastern districts bordering on the 
desert the Nabataean kings were not much more than 
nominally obedient to the Syrian or Egyptian Alexandrids, 
and coins or inscriptions and buildings, which might be 
attributed to pre-Koman Hellenism, have nowhere come 
to light. 

When Syria became Roman, Pompeius exerted himself 
to strengthen the Hellenic urban system, 

ttFoS^int which he found in existence ; as indeed the 
towns of the Decapolis subsequently reckoned 
their years from the year 690-91, in which 
Palestine had been added to the empire.^ 

But in this region the government as well as the civilisa- 

' That the Decapolis and the reorganisation of Pompeius reached 
at last as as Kanata (Kerak), north-west of Bostra, is established 
hj the testimonies of authors and by the coins dated from the Pom- 
peian era (Waddington on 2413, d). To the same town probably be- 
long the coins with the name ral3(e)iu{ia) Kduada, with the name and 
dates of the same era (Reichardt, Num. Zeitschrift, 1880, p. 53) ; this 
place would accordingly belong to the numerous ones restored by 
Gabinius (Josephus, Arch. xiv. 5, 3). Waddington no doubt (on no. 


Syria and the 

[Book VIII. 

tion continued to be left to the two vassal-states, the Jew- 
ish and the Arabian. 

Of the king of the Jews, Herod and his house, we shall 
have to speak elsewhere ; here we have to men- 
Herod beyond tion his activity in the extending of civilisa- 
the Jordan. ^^^^ toward the east. His field of dominion 
stretched over both banks of the Jordan in all its extent, 
northwards as far at least as Chelbon north-west from 
Damascus, southward as far as the Dead Sea, while the 
region farther to the east between his kingdom and the 
desert w^as assigned to the king of the Arabians. He and 
his descendants, who still bore sway here after the annex- 
ation of the lordship of Jerusalem down to Trajan, and 
subsequently resided in Caesarea Paneas in the southern 
Lebanon, had endeavoured energetically to tame the na- 
tives. The oldest evidences of a certain culture in these 
regions are doubtless the cave-towns, of which there is 
mention in the Book of Judges, large subterranean col- 
lective hiding-places made habitable by air-shafts, with 
streets and wells, fitted to shelter men and flocks, difficult 
to be found and, even when found, difficult to be reduced. 
Their mere existence shows the oppression of the peaceful 
inhabitants by the unsettled sons of the steppe. " These 
districts," says Josephus, when he describes the state of 
things in the Hauran under Augustus, " were inhabited 
by wild tribes, without towns and without fixed fields, who 
harboured with their flocks under the earth in caves with 
narrow entrance and wide intricate paths, but copiously 
supplied with water and provisions were difficult to be 
subdued." Several of these cave-towns contained as many 
as 400 head. A remarkable edict of the first or second 
Agrippa, fragments of which have been found at Canatha 

2329) assigns these coins, so far as he knew them to the second place 
of this name, the modern Kanawat the proper capital of the Hau- 
ran, to the northward of Bostra ; hut it is far from probable that the 
organisation of Pompeius and Gabinius extended so far eastward 
Presumably this second city was younger and named after the first, 
the most easterly town of the Decapolis. 

Chap. X.] Land of the N'abataeans. 161 

(Kanawat), summons the inhabitants to leave off their 
" animal-conditions " and to exchange their cavern-life for 
civilised existence. The non-settled Arabs live chiefly by 
the plundering partly of the neighbouring peasants, part- 
ly of caravans on the march ; the uncertainty was increased 
by the fact that the petty prince Zenodorus of Abila to the 
north of Damascus, in the Anti-Libanus, to whom Augus- 
tus had committed the superintendence over the Trachon, 
preferred to make common cause with the robbers and 
secretly shared in their gains. Just in consequence of this 
the emperor assigned this region to Herod, and his re- 
morseless energy succeeded, in some measure, in repress- 
ing this brigandage. The king appears to have instituted 
on the east frontier a line of military 'posts, fortified and 
put under royal commanders (eTrapxoi). He would have 
achieved still more if the Nabataean territory had not af- 
forded the robbers an asylum ; this was one of the causes 
of variance between him and his Arabian colleague. ^ His 
Hellenising tendency comes into prominence in this domain 
as strongly and less unpleasantly than in his government 
at home. As all the coins of Herod and the Herodians 
are Greek, so in the land beyond the Jordan, while the 
oldest monument with an inscription that we know — the 
Temple of Baalsamin at Canatha — bears an Aramaean dedi- 
cation, the honorary bases erected there, including one 
for Herod the Great, ^ are bilingual or merely Greek; under 
his successors Greek rules alone. 

By the side of the Jewish kings stood the formerly- 
mentioned (iv. 172) "king of Nabat," as he called him- 

1 The " refugees from the tetrarchy of Philippus," who serve in 
the army of Herodes Antipas, tetrarch of Galilee, and pass over to 
the enemy in the battle with Aretas the Arabian (Josephus, Arch. 
xviii. 5, 1), are beyond doubt Arabians driven out from the Tra- 

2 Waddington, 2366 = Vogue, Insc7\ du Haouran, n. 3. Bilingual 
is also the oldest epitaph of this region from Suweda, Waddington, 
2320 = Vogue, n. 1, the only one in the Hauran, which expresses the 
mute iota. The inscriptions are so put on both monuments that we 
cannot determine which language takes precedence. 

Vol. II.— H 


Syria and the 

[Book VIII. 

self. The residence of this Arabian prince was the city, 
known to us only by its Greek name Petra, a 
of^Nabat.^^™ rock-fastncss situated midway between the 
Dead Sea and the north-east extremity of the 
Arabian Gulf, from of old an emporium for the traffic of 
India and Arabia with the region of the Mediterranean. 
These rulers possessed the northern half of the Arabian 
peninsula ; their power extended on the Arabian Gulf as 
far as Leuce Come opposite to the Egyptian town of 
Berenice, in the interior at least as far as the region of 
the old Thaema.^ To the north of the peninsula their 
territory reached as far as Damascus, which was under 
their protection,^ and even beyond Damascus,^ and en- 

^ At Medain Salili or Hijr, southward from Teima, the ancient 
Thaema, there has recently been found by the travellers Doughty 
and Huber, a series of Nabataean inscriptions, which, in great part 
dated, reach from the time of Augustus down to the death of 
Vespasian. Latin inscriptions are wanting, and the few Greek are 
of the latest period ; to all appearance, on the conversion of the 
Nabataean kingdom into a Roman province, the portion of the in- 
terior of Arabia that belonged to the former was given up by the 

^ The city of Damascus voluntarily submitted under the last 
Seleucids about the time of the dictatorship of Sulla to the king of 
the Nabataeans at the time, presumably the Aretas, with whom Scau- 
rus fought (Josephus, Arch. xiii. 15). The coins with the legend 
^aaixiws 'Aperou (pi\e\\T]vo'i (Eckhel, iii. 330 ; Luynes, liev. de 
JVumism. 1858, p. 311), were perhaps struck in Damascus, when 
this was dependent on the Nabataeans ; the reference of the number 

' The Nabataean inscription found recently near Dmer, to the 
north-east of Damascus on the road to Palmyra (Sachau, Zeitschr. 
der deutschen moryenl. Oesellschaft, xxxviii. p. 535), dates from the 
month Ijjar of the year 410 according to the Roman {i.e. Seleucid) 
reckoning, and the 24th year of king Dabel, the last Nabataean one, 
and so from May 99 a.d., has shown that this district up to the 
annexation of this kingdom remained under the rule of the Naba- 
taeans. We may add that the fields of rule here seem to have 
been, geographically, thrown across each other ; thus the tetrarch 
of Galilee and the Nabataean king fought about the territory of 
Gamala on the lake of Gennesaret (Josephus, Arch, xviii. 51). 

Chap. X.] 

Land of the Wabataeans. 


closed as with a girdle the whole of Palestinian Syria. 
The Romans, after taking possession of Judaea, came into 
hostile contact with them, and Marcus Scaurus led an 
expedition against them. At that time their subjugation 
was not accomplished ; but it must have ensued soon 

of the year on one of them is not indeed certain, but points, it may 
be presumed, to the last period of the Roman republic. Probably 
this dependence of the city on the Nabataean kings subsisted so 
long as there were such kings. From the fact that the city struck 
coins with the heads of the Roman emperors, there follows doubt- 
less its dependence on Rome and therewith its self-administration, 
but not its non-dependence on the Roman vassal-prince ; such pro- 
tectorates assumed shapes so various that these arrangements might 
well be compatible with each other. The continuance of the Naba- 
taean rule is attested partly by the circumstance that the ethnarch 
of king Aretas in Damascus wished to have the Apostle Paul arrested, 
as the latter writes in the 2d Epistle to the Corinthians, xi. 32, partly 
by the recently-established fact (see following note) that the rule of 
the Nabataeans to the north-east of Damascus was still continuing 
under Trajan. — Those who start, on -the other hand, from the view 
that, if Aretas ruled in Damascus, the city could not be Roman, 
have attempted in various ways to fix the chronology of that event 
in the life of Paul. They have thought of the complication between 
Aretas and the Roman government in the last years of Tiberius ; 
but from the course which this took it is not probable that it 
brought about a permanent change in the state of possession of 
Aretas. Melchior de Vogue {Melanges de'arch. orientale, app. p. 33) 
has pointed out that between Tiberius and Nero — more precisely, 
between the years 33 and G2 (Saulcy, iVwm. de la terre sainte, p. 36) — 
there are no imperial coins of Damascus, and has placed the rule of 
the Nabataeans there in this interval, on the assumption that the 
emperor Gains showed his favour to the Arabian as to so many 
others of the vassal-princes, and invested him with Damascus. But 
such interruptions of coinage are of frequent occurrence, and re- 
quire no such profound explanation. The attempt to find a chrono- 
logical basis for the history of Paul's life in the sway of the Naba- 
taean king at Damascus, and generally to define the time of Paul's 
abode in this city, must probably be abandoned. If we may so far 
trust the representation — in any case considerably shifted — of the 
event in Acts ix., Paul went to Damascus before his conversion, in 
order to continue there the persecution of the Christians in which 
Stephen had perished, and then, when on his conversion he took 
part on the contrary in Damascus for the Christians, the Jews there 


Syria and the 

[Book VIII. 

afterwards.' Under Augustus their king Obodas was just 
as subject to the empire ^ as Herod the king of the Jews, 
and rendered, Hke the latter, military service in the Roman 
expedition against southern Arabia. Since that time the 
protection of the imperial frontier in the south as in the 
east of Syria, as far up as to Damascus, must have lain 
mainly in the hands of this Arabian king. With his 
Jewish neighbour he was at constant feud. Augustus, 
indignant at the Arabian instead of seeking justice at the 
hand of his suzerain against Herod, had encountered the 
latter with arms, and that Obodas's son, Harethath, or in 
Greek Aretas, after the death of his father, instead of 
waiting for investiture, had at once entered upon the 
dominion, was on the point of deposing the latter and of 
joining his territory to the Jewish ; but the misrule of 

resolved to put him to death, in which case it must therefore be 
presupposed that the officials of Aretas, like Pilate, allowed free 
course to the persecution of heretics by the Jews. Moreover, it 
follows from the trustworthy statements of the Epistle to the 
Galatians, that the conversion took place at Damascus (for the 
vTre(rTpe\pa shows this), and Paul went from thence to Arabia; 
further, that he came three years after his conversion for the first 
time, and seventeen years after it for the second time, to Jerusalem, 
in accordance with which the apocryphal accounts of the Book of 
Acts as to his Jerusalem-journeys are to be corrected (Zeller, Apostel- 
gesch. p. 216). But we cannot determine exactly either the time of 
the death of Stephen, much less the time intervening between this 
and the flig-ht of the converted Paul from Damascus, or the interval 
between his second journey to Jerusalem and the composition of the 
Galatian letter, or the year of that composition itself. 

1 Perhaps through Gabinius (Appian, Syr. 51). 

2 Strabo, xvi. 4, 21, p. 779. The coins of these kings, however, 
do not show the emperor's head. But that in the Nabataean king- 
dom dates might run by the Roman imperial years is shown by the 
Nabataean inscription of Hebran (Vogue Syi^ie Gentrale, insc. n. 1), 
dated from the seventh year of Claudius, and so from the year 
47. Hebran, a little to the north of Bostra, appears to have been 
reckoned also at a later time to Arabia (Lebas-Waddington, 2287); 
and Nabataean inscriptions of a public tenor are not met with out- 
side of the Nabataean state ; the few of the kind from Trachonitis 
are of a private nature. 

Chap. X.] 

Land of the Ndbataeans. 


Herod in his later years withheld him from this step, and 
^ so Aretas was confirmed (about 747 u.c). 

Some decades later he began again warfare 
at his own hand against his son-in-law, the prince of 
Galilee, Herod Antipas, on account of the divorce of his 
daughter in favour of the beautiful Herodias. He re- 
tained the upper hand, but the indignant suzerain Tibe- 
rius ordered the governor of Syria to proceed against him. 
The troops were already on the march, when Tiberius died 
(37); and his successor, Gains, who did not wish well to 
Antipas, pardoned the Arabian. King Maliku or Malchus, 
the successor of Aretas, fought under Nero and Vespasian 
in the Jewish war as a Koman vassal, and transmitted his 
dominion to his son Dabel, the contemporary of Trajan, 
and the last of these rulers. More especially after the 
annexation of the state of Jerusalem and the reducing of 
the respectable dominion of Herod to the far from martial 
kingdom of Caesarea Paneas, the Arabian was the most 
considerable of the Syrian client- states, as indeed it fur- 
nished the strongest among the royal contingents to the 
Eoman army besieging Jerusalem. This state even under 
Roman supremacy refrained from the use of the Greek 
language; the coins struck under the rule of its kings 
bear, apart from Damascus, an Aramaic legend. But there 
appear the germs of an organised condition and of civilised 
government. The coinage itself probably only began after 
the state had come under Eoman clientship. The Arabian- 
Indian traffic with the region of the Mediterranean moved 
in great part along the caravan-route watched over by the 
Romans, running from Leuce Come by way of Petra to 
Gaza.* The princes of the Nabataean kingdom made use, 

^ " Leuke Kome in the land of tlie Nabataeans," says Strabo under 
Tiberius, xvi. 4, 23, p. 780, "is a great place of trade, wbither and 
whence the caravan- traders {Kafi-nXefiiropoi) go safely and easily from 
and to Petra with so large numbers of men and camels that tliey 
differ in nothing from encampments." The Egyptian merchant 
also, writing under Vespasian, in his description of the coasts of the 
Red Sea (c. 19), mentions "the port and the fortress {(ppoipiov) of 
Leuce Come, whence the route leads towards Petra to the king of 


Syria and the 

[Book VIII. 

just like the community of Palmyra, of Greek official 
designations for their magistrates, e.g. of the titles of 
Eparch and of Strategos. If under Tiberius the good order 
of Syria brought about by the Komans and the security 
of the harvests occasioned by their military occupation are 
made prominent as matters of boasting, this is primarily to 
be referred to the arrangements made in the client-states of 
Jerusalem or subsequently of Caesarea Paneas and of Petra. 

Under Trajan the direct rule of Eome took the place of 
^ ^.^ ^. ^ these two client-states. In the beginning of 
the province of his rcigu king Agrippa 11. died, and his ter- 
ritory was united with the province of Syria. 
Not long after, in the year 106, the governor Aulus Cor- 
nelius Palm a broke up the previous dominion of the kings 
of Nabat, and made the greater part of it into the Eoman 
.province of Arabia, while Damascus went to Syria, and 
what the Nabataean king had possessed in the interior of 
Arabia was abandoned by the Romans. The erection of 
Arabia is designated as subjugation, and the coins also 
which celebrate the taking possession of it attest that 
the Nabataeans offered resistance, as indeed generally the 
nature of their territory as well as their previous attitude 
lead us to assume a relative independence on the part of 
these princes. But the historical significance of these 
events may not be sought in warlike success ; the two an- 
nexations, which doubtless went together, were no more 
than acts of administration carried out perhaps by mili- 
tary power, and the tendency to acquire these domains for 

the Nabataeans Malichas. It may be regarded as the emporium for 
the goods conveyed thither from Arabia in not very large vessels. 
Therefore there is sent thither (airofrTeAAerat) a receiver of the im- 
port-dues of a fourth of the value, and for the sake of security a 
centurion {kKarovTapxn^) with men." As one belonging to the Roman 
empire here mentions officials and soldiers, these can only be Roman ; 
the centurion does not suit the army of the Nabataean king, and the 
form of tax is quite the Roman. The bringing of a client-state within 
the sphere of imperial taxation occurs elsewhere, e.g. in the regions 
of the Alps. The road from Petra to Gaza is mentioned by Plin. 
H. N. vi. 28, 144. 

CHAr. X.] 

Land of the Ndbataeans. 


civilisation and specially for Hellenism was only height- 
ened by the fact that the Koman government took upon 
itself the work. The Hellenism of the East, as summed 
up in Alexander, was a church militant, a thoroughly con- 
quering power pushing its way in a political, religious, 
economic, and literary point of view. Here, on the edge 
of the desert, under the pressure of anti-Hellenic Judaism 
and in the hands of the spiritless and vacillating govern- 
ment of the Seleucids, it had hitherto achieved little. But 
now, pervading the Eoman system, it develops a motive 
power, which stands related to the earlier, as the power 
of the Jewish and the Arabian vassal-princes to that of the 
Eoman empire. In this country, where everything de- 
pended and depends on protecting the state of peace by 
the setting up of a superior and standing military force, 
the institution of a legionary camp in Bostra under a com- 
mander of senatorial rank was an epoch-making event. 
From this centre the requisite posts were established at 
suitable places and provided with garrisons. For example, 
the stronghold of Namara (Nemara) deserves mention, a 
long day's march beyond the boundaries of the properly 
habitable mountain-land, in the midst of the stony desert, 
but commanding the only spring to be found within it 
and the forts attached to it in the already mentioned oasis 
of Euhbe and further on at Jebel Ses ; these garrisons to- 
gether control the whole foreland of the Hauran. Another 
series of forts, placed under the Syrian command and 
primarily under that of the legion posted at Danava (p. 
102), and laid out at uniform distances of three leagues 
apart, secured the route from Damascus to Palmyra ; the 
best known of them, the second in the series, was that of 
Dmer (p. 162, n. 3), a rectangle of 300 and 350 paces re- 
spectively, provided on every side with six towers and a 
portal fifteen paces in breadth, and surrounded by a ring- 
wall of sixteen feet thick, once faced outwardly with beau- 
tiful blocks of hewn stone. 

Never had such an aegis been extended over this land. 
It was not, properly speaking, denationalised. The Arabic 


Syria and the , [Book Vlll. 

names remained down to the latest time, although not 
unfrequently, just as in Syria (p. 133), a Ko- 
of^^asrsyri?"^ mano-Helleuic name is appended to the local 
rui?^'^°°^^" one; thus a sheikh names himself "Adrianos 
or Soaidos, son of Malechos." ' The native 
worship also remains unaffected ; the chief deity of the 
Nabataeans, Dusaris, is doubtless compared with Diony- 
sus, but regularly continues to be worshipped under his 
local name, and down to a late period the Bostrenes cele- 
brate the Dusaria in honour of him.^ In like manner in 
the province of Arabia temples continue to be consecrated, 
and offerings presented to Aumu or Helios, to Vasaeathu, 
to Theandritos, to Ethaos. The tribes and the tribal or- 
ganisation no less continue : the inscriptions mention lists 
of "Phylae" by the native name, and frequently Phy- 
larchs or Ethnarchs. But alongside of traditional cus- 
toms civilisation and Hellenising make progress If from 
the time before Trajan no Greek monument can be shown 
in the sphere of the Nabataean state, on the other hand no 
monument subsequent to Trajan's time in the Arabic lan- 
guage has been found there ;^ to all appearance the im- 

* Waddington, 2196 ; 'ASptaj/oO toC koX '^oalZov Ma\exov idudpxov 
(rrpaTTjyov voixdScov rhi/ jj-vrjix^iov. 

2 Epiphanius, Haeres. li. p. 483, Dind., sets forth that the 25th 
December, the birthday of Christ, had already been festally ob- 
served after an analogous manner at Rome in the festival of the 
Saturnalia, at Alexandria in the festival (mentioned also in the de- 
cree of Canopus) of the Kikellia, and in other heathen worships. 
"This takes place in Alexandria at th,e so-called Virgin's shrine 
{K6piov) . . . and if we ask people what this mystery means, 
they answer and say that to-day at this hour the Virgin has given 
birth to the Eternal {rhv alcova). This takes place in like manner 
at Petra, the capital of Arabia, in the temple there, and in the Ara- 
bic language they sing the praise of the Virgin, whom they call in 
Arabic Chaamu, that is the maiden, and Him born of her Dusares, 
that is the Only-begotten of the Lord." The name Chaamu is per- 
haps akin to the Aumu or Aumos of the Greek inscriptions of this 
region, who is compared with Zei/s avlKrjros "HKios (Waddington, 
2392-2395, 2441, 2445, 2456). 

^ This is said apart from the remarkable Arabo-Greek inscription 
(see below) found in Harran, not far from Zorava, of the year 568 

Chap. X.] Land of the Nahataeans. 


perial government suppressed at once upon the annexation 
the written use of Arabic, although it certainly remained 
the language proper of the country, as is attested not only 
by the proper names but by the " interpreter of the tax- 

As to the advance of agriculture we have no witnesses 
to speak ; but if, on the whole eastern and 
comm?rcr ""^^ southcm slope of the Hauran, from the sum- 
mits of the mountains down to the desert, the 
stones, with which this volcanic plain was once strewed, 
are thrown into heaps or arranged in long rows, and thus 
the most glorious fields are obtained, we may recognise 
therein the hand of the only government which has gov- 
erned this land as it might and should be governed. In 
the Ledja, a lava-plateau thirteen leagues long and eight to 
nine broad, which is now almost uninhabited, there grew 
once vines and figs between the streams of lava ; the Ko- 
man road connecting Bostra with Damascus ran across it ; 
in the Ledja and around it are counted the ruins of twelve 
larger and thirty-nine smaller townships. It can be shown 
that, at the bidding of the same governor who erected the 
province of Arabia, the mighty aqueduct was constructed 
which led the water from the mountains of the Hauran to 
Canatha (Kerak) in the plain, and not far from it a simi- 
lar one in Arrha (Raha) — buildings of Trajan, which may 
be named by the side of the port of Ostia and the Forum 
of Eome. The flourishing of commercial intercourse is 
attested by the very choice of the capital of the new prov- 
ince. Bostra existed under the Nabataean government, 
and an inscription of king Malichu has been found there ; 
but its military and commercial importance begins with 
the introduction of direct Roman government. " Bostra," 
says Wetzstein, " has the most favourable situation of all 
the towns in eastern Syria ; even Damascus, which owes 
its size to the abundance of its water and to its situation 
protected by the eastern Trachon, will excel Bostra only 

A.D., set up by the pliylarch Asaraelos, son of Talemos (Wadding- 
ton, 2464). This Christian is a precursor of Mohammed. 


Syria and the 

[Book VIII. 

uuder a weak government, while the latter under a strong 
and wise government must elevate itself in a few decades 
to a fabulous prosperity. It is the great market for the 
Syrian desert : the high mountains of Arabia and Peraea, 
and its long rows of booths of stone still in their desola- 
tion, furnish evidence of the reality of an earlier, and the 
possibility of a future, greatness." The remains of the 
Roman road, leading thence by way of Salchat and Ezrak 
to the Persian Gulf, show that Bostra was, along with 
Petra and Palmyra, a medium of traffic from the East to 
the Mediterranean. This town was probably constituted 
on a Hellenic basis already by Trajan ; at least it is called 
thenceforth the "new Trajanic Bostra," and the Greek 
coins begin with Pius, while later the legend becomes 
Latin in consequence of the bestowal of colonial rights by 

Petra too had a Greek municipal constitution already 
under Hadrian, and several other places subsequently re- 
ceived municipal rights ; but in this territory of the Ara- 
bians down to the latest period the tribe and the tribal 
village preponderated. 

A peculiar civilisation was developed from the mixture 
of national and Greek elements in these re- 
Seastern syrfa. gious during the fivc hundred years between 
Trajan and Mohammed. A fuller picture of 
it has been preserved to us than of other forms of the an- 
cient world, inasmuch as the structures of Petra, in great 
part worked out of the rock, and the buildings in the 
Hauran, executed entirely of stone owing to the want of 
wood, comparatively little injured by the sway of the Be- 
douins which was here again installed with Islam in its 
old misrule, are still to a considerable degree extant to the 
present day, and throw a clear light on the artistic skill 
and the manner of life of those centuries. The above- 
mentioned temple of Baalsamin at Canatha, certainly built 
under Herod, shows in its original portions a complete di- 
versity from Greek architecture and in the structural plan 
remarkable analogies with the temple-building of the 

Chap. X.] Laiid'of the Nabataeans. 


same king in Jerusalem, while the pictorial representa- 
tions shunned in the latter are by no means wanting here. 
A similar state of things has been observed in the monu- 
ments found at Petra. Afterwards further steps were 
taken. If under the Jewish and the Nabataean rulers cul- 
ture freed itself but slowly from the influences of the 
East, a new time seems to have begun here with the trans- 
fer of the legion to Bostra. " Building," says an excellent 
French observer, Melchior de Vogue, " obtained thereby 
an impetus which was not again arrested. Everywhere 
rose houses, palaces, baths, temples, theatres, aqueducts, 
triumphal arches ; towns sprang from the ground within 
a few years with the regular construction and the sym- 
metrically disposed colonnades which mark towns without 
a past, and which are as it were the inevitable uniform for 
this part of Syria during the imperial period." The east- 
ern and southern slope of the Hauran shows nearly three 
hundred such desolated towns and villages, while there 
only five new townships now exist ; several of the former, 
e.g. Btisan, number as many as 800 houses of one to two 
stories, built throughout of basalt, with well-jointed walls 
of square blocks without cement, with doors mostly orna- 
mented and often provided with inscriptions, the flat roof 
formed of stone rafters, which are supported by stone 
arches and made rain-proof above by a layer of cement. 
The town-wall is usually formed only by the backs of the 
houses joined together, and is protected by numerous 
towers. The poor attempts at re-colonising of recent 
times find the houses habitable ; there is wanting only the 
diligent hand of man, or rather the strong arm that pro- 
tects it. In front of the gates lie the cisterns, often sub- 
terranean, or provided with an artificial stone roof, many 
of which are still at the present day, when this deserted 
seat of towns has become pasturage, kept up by the Be- 
douins in order to water their flocks from them in summer. 
The style of building and the practice of art have doubt- 
less preserved some remains of the older Oriental type, 
e.g. the frequent form, for a tomb, of the cube crowned 


Syria and the 

[Book VIII. 

with a pyramid, perhaps also the pigeon towers often 
added to the tomb, still frequent in the present day 
throughout Syria ; but, taken on the whole, the style is 
the usual Greek one of the imperial period. Only the ab- 
sence of wood has here called forth a development of the 
stone arch and the cupola, which technically and artistically 
lends to these buildings an original character. In con- 
trast to the customary repetition elsewhere usual of tra- 
ditional forms there prevails here an architecture in- 
dependently suiting the exigencies and the conditions, 
moderate in ornamentation, thoroughly sound and rational, 
and not destitute even of elegance. The burial places, 
which are cut out in the rock walls rising to the east and 
west of Petra and in their lateral valleys, with their fa- 
cades of Doric or Corinthian pillars often placed in seve- 
ral tiers one above another, and their pyramids and propy- 
laea reminding us of the Egyptian Thebes, are not artis- 
tically pleasing, but imposing by their size and richness. 
Only a stirring life and a high prosperity could display 
such care for its dead. In presence of these architectural 
monuments it is not surprising that the inscriptions make 
mention of a theatre in the " village" {kw/xt]) Sakkaea and 
a " theatre-shaped Odeon" in Canatha, and a local poet of 
Namara in Batanaea celebrates himself as a " master of the 
glorious art of proud Ausonian song." ' Thus at this 
eastern limit of the empire there was gained for Hellenic 
civilisation a frontier-domain which may be compared 
with the Eomanised region of the Khine. The arched 
and domed buildings of eastern Syria well stand compari- 
son with the castles and tombs of the nobles and of the 
great merchants of Belgica. 

But the end came. As to the Arabian tribes who im- 
migrated to this region from the south, the 
wanimmi^a^ historical tradition of the Komans is silent, 

tion before q^jt^^ what the late records of the Arabs re- 

port as to that of the Ghassanids and their 
precursors, can hardly be fixed, at least as to chronol- 
> AvaovicDv jxouar]s v^ipoov irpvTavn, Kaibel, JSp'igr. 440. 

Chap. X.] 

Land of the Nabataeans. 


ogy. ' But the Sabaeans, after whom the place Borechath 
(Breka to the north of Kanawat) is named, appear in fact to 
be south- Arabian emigrants ; and these were already settled 
here in the third century. They and their associates may 
have come in peace and become settled under Roman pro- 
tection, perhaps even may have carried to Syria the highly- 
developed and luxuriant culture of southwestern Arabia. 
So long as the empire kept firmly together and each of 
these tribes was under its own sheikh, all obeyed the 
Roman lord-paramount. But in order the better to meet 
the Arabians or — as they were now called — Saracens of 
the Persian empire united under one king, Justinian, 
during the Persian war in the year 531, placed all the 
phylarchs of the Saracens subject to the Romans under 
Aretas son of Gabalus — Harith Abu son of Chaminos among 
the Arabs — and bestowed on this latter the title of king, 
which hitherto, it is added, had never been done. This king 
of all the Arabian tribes settled in Syria w^as still a vassal of 
the empire ; but, while he warded off his countrymen, he at 
the same time prepared the place for them. A century later, 
in the year 637, Arabia and Syria succumbed to Islam. 

^ According to the Arabian accounts the Benu Salih migrated from 
the region of Mecca (about 190 a.d., according to the conjectures of 
Caussin de Perceval, Hist, des Arabes, i. 212) to Syria, and settled 
there alongside of the Benu-Samaida, in whom Waddington finds 
anew the (pv\^ 'Soua.Onvcov of an inscription of Suweda (n. 2308). The 
Ghassanids, who (according to Caussin, about 205) migrated from 
Batn-Marr likewise to Syria and to the same region, were compelled 
by the Salihites, at the suggestion of the Romans, to pay tribute, 
and paid it for a time, until they (according to the same, about the 
year 292) overcame the Salihites, and their leader Thalaba, son 
of Amos, was recognised by the Romans as Phylarch. This nar- 
rative may contain correct elements ; bvit our standard authority 
remains always the account of Procopius, de hello Pers. i. 17, re- 
produced in the text. The phylarchs of individual provinces of 
Arabia (i.e. the province Bostra ; JVov. 102 c.) and of Palestine (i.e. 
province of Petra ; Procop. de hello Pers. i. 19), are older, but doubt- 
less not much. Had a sheikh-in-chief of this sort been recognised 
by the Romans in the times before Justinian, the Roman authors 
and the inscriptions would doubtless show traces of it ; but there 
are no such traces from the period before Justinian. 



The history of the Jewish land is as little the history of 
the Jewish people as the history of the States of the 
Church is that of the Catholics ; it is just as requisite to 
separate the two as to consider them together. 

The Jews in the land of the Jordan, with whom the 
Komans had to do, were not the people who 
priestly rule un- under their judges and kings fought with 
der the seieucids. ^^^^ ^^^^ Edom, and listened to the dis- 
courses of Amos and Hosea. The small community of 
pious exiles, driven out by foreign rule, and brought back 
again by a change in the hands wielding that rule, who 
began their new establishment by abruptly repelling the 
remnants of their kinsmen left behind in the old abodes 
and laying the foundation for the irreconcilable feud be- 
tween Jews and Samaritans — the ideal of national exclu- 
siveness and priestly control holding the mind in chains — 
had long before the Roman period developed under the 
government of the Seieucids the so-called Mosaic theoc- 
racy, a clerical corporation with the high-priest at its 
head, which, acquiescing in foreign rule and renouncing 
the formation of a state, guarded the distinctiveness of its 
adherents, and dominated them under the aegis of the 
protecting power. This retention of the national char- 
acter in religious forms, while ignoring the state, was the 
distinctive mark of the later Judaism. Probably every 
idea of God is in its formation national ; but no other God 
has been so from the outset the God only of his people as 
Jahve, and no one has so remained such without distinc- 
tion of time and place. Those men returning to the 
Holy Land, who professed to live according to the statutes 

Chap. XI.] 

Judaea and the Jeios. 

of Moses and in fact lived according to the statutes of 
Ezra and Nehemiah/ had remained just as dependent on 
the great-kings of the East, and subsequently on the Se- 
leucids, as they had been by the waters of Babylon. A 
political element no more attached to this organisation 
than to the Armenian or the Greek Church under its 
patriarchs in the Turkish empire ; no free current of polit- 
ical development pervades this clerical restoration ; none 
of the grave and serious obligations of a commonwealth 
standing on its own basis hampered the priests of the 
temple of Jerusalem in the setting up of the kingdom of 
Jahve upon earth. 

The reaction did not fail to come. That church- without- 

a-state could only last so long as a secular 
Ha°mo°^eans^^ great powcr servcd it as lord-protector or 

as bailiff. When the kingdom of the Seleu- 
cids fell into decay, a Jewish commonwealth was created 
afresh by the revolt against foreign rule, which drew its 
best energies precisely from the enthusiastic national 
faith. The high priest of Salem was called from the tem- 
ple to the battlefield. The family of the Hasmonaeans 
restored the empire of Saul and David nearly in its old 
limits, and not only so, but these warlike high priests 
renewed also in some measure the former truly political 
monarchy controlling the priests. But that monarchy, 
at once the product of, and the contrast to, that priestly 
rule, was not according to the heart of the pious. The 
Pharisees and the Sadducees separated and began to 
make war on one another. It was not so much doctrines 
and ritual differences that here confronted each other, as, 
on the one hand, the persistence in a priestly govern- 
ment which simply clung to religious ordinances and in- 
terests, and otherwise was indifferent to the independence 
and the self-control of the community ; on the other hand, 

' [This statement and several others of a kindred tenor in this 
chapter appear to rest on an unhesitating acceptance of views 
entertained by a recent school of Old Testament criticism, as to 
which it may at least be said : Adfmc sub iudice Us est. — Tr.] 


Judaea and the Jews. 

[Book VIII. 

the monarchy aiming at pohtical development and en- 
deavouring to procure for the Jewish people, by fighting 
and by treaty, its place once more in the political conflict, 
of which the Syrian kingdom was at that time the arena. 
The former tendency dominated the multitude, the latter 
had the preponderance in intelligence and in the upper 
classes ; its most considerable champion was king lanna- 
eus Alexander, who during his whole reign was at enmity 
not less with the Syrian rulers than with his own Pharisees 
(iv. 165). Although it was properly but the other, and 
in fact the more natural and more potent, expression of 
the national revival, it yet by its greater freedom of think- 
ing and acting came into contact with the Hellenic char- 
acter, and was regarded especially by its pious opponents 
as foreign and unbelieving. 

But the inhabitants of Palestine were only a portion, 
and not the most important portion, of the 
Diaspora!^^ Jcws ; the Jcwisli commuuitics of Babylonia, 
Syria, Asia Minor, Egypt, were far superior 
to those of Palestine even after their regeneration by the 
Maccabees. The Jewish Diaspora in the imperial period 
was of more significance than the latter ; and it was an 
altogether peculiar phenomenon. 

The settlements of the Jews beyond Palestine grew only 
in a subordinate degree out of the same impulse as those 
of the Phoenicians and the Hellenes. From the outset 
an agricultural people and dwelling far from the coast, 
their settlements abroad were a non-free and comparatively 
late formation, a creation of Alexander or of his marshals. * 

' Whether the legal position of the Jews in Alexandria is warrant- 
ably traced back by Josephus {contra Ap. ii. 4) to Alexander is so 
far doubtful, as, to the best of our knowledge, not he, but the first 
Ptolemy, settled Jews in masses there (Josephus, Arch. xii. i ; 
Appian, Syr. 50). The remarkable similarity of form assumed by 
the bodies of Jews in the different states of the Diadochi must, if 
it is not based on Alexander's ordinances, be traced to rivalry and 
imitation in the founding of towns. The fact that Palestine was 
half Egyptian half Syrian, doubtless exercised an essential influence , 
in the case of these settlements. 

Chap. XL] 

Judaea and the Jews. 


In those immense efforts at founding Greek towns con- 
tinued throughout generations, such as never before and 
never afterwards occurred to a like extent, the Jews had 
a conspicuous share however singular it was to invoke 
their aid ill particular towards the Hellenising of the East. 
This was the case above all with Egypt. The most con- 
siderable of all the towns created by Alexander, Alexan- 
dria on the Nile, was since the times of the first Ptolemy, 
who after the occupation of Palestine transferred thither 
a mass of its inhabitants, almost as much a city of the 
Jews as of the Greeks, and the Jews there were to be 
esteemed at least equal to those of Jerusalem in number, 
wealth, intelligence, and organisation. In the first times 
of the empire there was reckoned a million of Jews to 
eight millions of Egyptians, and their influence, it may be 
presumed, transcended this numerical proportion. We 
have already observed that, in rivalry with these, the Jews 
in the Syrian capital of the empire had been similarly 
organised and developed (p. 139). The diffusion and the 
importance of the Jews of Asia Minor are attested among 
other things by the attempt which was made under Augus- 
tus by the Ionian Greek cities, apparently after joint 
concert, to compel their Jewish fellow townsmen either 
to withdrawal from their faith or to full assumption of 
civic burdens. Beyond doubt there were independently 
organised bodies of Jews in all the new Hellenic founda- 
tions,' and withal in numerous old Hellenic towns, even 
in Hellas proper, e.g. in Corinth. The organisation was 
placed throughout on the footing that the nationality of 
the Jews with the far-reaching consequences drawn from 

' The community of Jews in Smyrna is mentioned in an inscrip- 
tion recently found there (Reinach, Eevue des etudes juives, 1883, p. 
161 : 'Pov(f)e7va ^lovBal (a) apxicrvvaycayhs KareaKevacrev rh ivaSpiov rots 
aireAevdepois koI 6p€(x{iJ.)a(TLv ix-qh^vus a.\{\)ov i^ovaiav exovros Q(h\iaL rivd' 
el Se Tis To\fiii<T^L^ Scixrei rep UpuraTw ra/j.€ia} {STjvaplous) os^, Kal rcf 
edvei rS>v 'lovdaiwu (drjvaplovs) a Tovttjs ttjs iiriypacprj^ rh avTiypacpov 
oTToKetTot 6ts rh apx^tov. Simple collegia are, in penal threats of this 
sort, not readily put on a level with the state or the community. 
Vol. II.— 1^ 


Judaea and the Jews. 

[Book VIII. 

it by themselves was preserved, and only tlie use of the 
Greek language was required of them. Thus amidst this 
Graecising, into which the East was at that time coaxed 
or forced by those in authority, the Jews of the Greek 
towns became Greek-speaking Orientals. 

That in the Jew-communities of the Macedonian towns 
the Greek language not merely attained to 

Greek language. ... £ - , 

dominion m the natural way oi intercourse, 
but was a compulsory ordinance imposed upon them, 
seems of necessity to result from the state of the case. In 
a similar way Trajan subsequently Komanised Dacia with 
colonists from Asia Minor. Without this compulsion, the 
external uniformity in the foundation of towns could not 
have been carried out, and this material for Hellenising 
generally could not have been employed. The govern- 
ments went in this respect very far and achieved much. 
Already under the second Ptolemy, and at his instigation, 
the sacred writings of the Jews were translated into Greek 
in Egypt, and at least at the beginning of the imperial 
period the knowledge of Hebrew among the Jews of Alex- 
andria was nearly as rare as that of the original languages 
of Scripture is at present in the Christian world ; there was 
nearly as much discussion as to the faults of translation of 
the so-called Seventy Alexandrians as on the part of pious 
men among us regarding the errors of Luther's translation. 
The national language of the Jews had at this epoch dis- 
appeared everywhere from the intercourse of life, and 
maintained itself only in ecclesiastical use somewhat like 
the Latin language in the religious domain of Catholicism. 
In Judaea itself its place had been taken by the Aramaic 
popular language of Syria, akin no doubt to the Hebrew ; 
the Jews outside of Judaea, with whom we are concerned, 
had entirely laid aside the Semitic idiom, and it was not 
till long after this epoch that the reaction set in, which 
scholastically brought back the knowledge and the use of 
it more generally among the Jews. The literary works, 
which they produced at this epoch in great number, were 
in the better times of the empire all Greek. If language 

Chap. XL] 

Judaea and the Jevjs. 


alone conditioned nationality, there would be little to tell 
for this period as to the Jews. 

But with this linguistic compulsion, at first perhaps 
severely felt, was combined the recognition 
natfonaSJy!^ of the distinctive nationality with all its con- 
sequences. Everywhere in the cities of the 
monarchy of Alexander the burgess-body was formed of 
the Macedonians, that is, those really Macedonian, or the 
Hellenes esteemed equal to them. By the side of these 
stood, in addition to foreigners, the natives, in Alexandria 
the Egyptians, in Cyrene the Libyans and generally the 
settlers from the East, who had indeed no other home 
than the new city, but were not recognised as Hellenes. 
To this second category the Jews belonged ; but they, and 
they only, were allowed to form, so to speak, a community 
within the community, and — while the other non-burgesses 
were ruled by the authorities of the burgess-body — up to 
a certain degree to govern themselves.' The "Jews," says 
Strabo, "have in Alexandria a national head (iOvdpxrj's) of 
their own, who presides over the people (Wvos:), and de- 
cides processes and disposes of contracts and arrangements 

^ If tlie Alexandrian Jews subsequently maintained that they were 
legally on an equal footing with the Alexandrian Macedonians (Jo- 
sephus, contra Ap. ii. 4; Bell. Jud. ii. 18, 7) this was a misrepresen- 
tation of the true state of the case. They were clients in the first 
instance of the Phyle of the Macedonians, probably the most emi- 
nent of all, and therefore named after Dionysos (Theophilus, ad 
Autolycum, ii. 7), and, because the Jewish quarter was a part of this 
Phyle, Josephus in his way makes themselves Macedonians. The 
legal position of the population of the Greek towns of this category 
is most clearly apparent from the account of Strabo (in Josephus, 
Arch. xiv. 7, 2) as to the four categories of that of Cyrene : city -bur- 
gesses, husbandmen (yewpyoi), strangers, and Jews. If we lay aside 
the metoeci, who have their legal home elsewhere, there remain as 
Cyrenaeans having rights in their home the burgesses of full rights, 
that is, the Hellenes and what were allowed to pass as such, and 
the two categories of those excluded from active burgess-rights— the 
Jews, who form a community of their own, and the subjects, the 
Libyans, without autonomy. This might easily be so shifted, that 
the two privileged categories should appear as having equal rights, 


Judaea and the Jews, 

[Book VIII. 

as if he ruled an independent community." This was done, 
because the Jews indicated a specific jurisdiction of this 
sort as required by their nationality or — what amounts 
to the same thing — their religion. Further, the general 
political arrangements had respect in an extensive measure 
to the national-religious scruples of the Jews, and accommo- 
djited them as far as possible by exemptions. The privi- 
lege of dwelling together was at least frequently added ; 
in Alexandria, e.g. two of the five divisions of the city were 
inhabited chiefly by Jews. This seems not to have been the 
Ghetto system, but rather a usage resting on the basis of 
settlement to begin with, and thereafter retained on both 
sides, whereby conflicts with neighbours were in some 
measure obviated. 

Thus the Jews came to play a prominent part in the 

Macedonian Hellenising of the East ; their 
Diaspora! pliaucy and serviceableness on the one hand, 

their unyielding tenacity on the other, must 
have induced the very realistic statesmen who assigned 
this course of action, to resolve on such arrangements. 
Nevertheless the extraordinary extent and significance of 
the Jewish Diaspora, as compared with the narrowness 
and poorness of their home, remains at once a fact and a 
problem. In dealing with it we may not overlook the cir- 
cumstance that the Palestinian Jews furnished no more 
than the nucleus for the Jews of other countries. The 
Judaism of the older time was anything but exclusive ; 
was, on the contrary, no less pervaded by missionary zeal 
than were afterwards Christianity and Islam. The Gospel 
makes reference to Rabbis who traversed sea and land 
to make a proselyte ; the admission of half-proselytes, of 
whom circumcision was not expected but to whom relig- 
ious fellowship was yet accorded, is an evidence of this 
converting zeal and at the same time one of its most effect- 
ive means. Motives of very various kinds came to the 
help of this proselytising. The civil privileges, which the 
Lagids and Seleucids conferred on the Jews, must have in- 
duced a great number of non-Jewish Orientals and half- 

Chap. XL] Judaea and the Jews. 181 

Hellenes to attach themselves in the new towns to the 
privileged category of the non-burgesses. In later times 
the decay of the traditional faith of the country helped the 
Jewish propaganda. Numerous persons, especially of the 
cultivated classes, whose sense of faith and morality turned 
away with horror or derision from what the Greeks, and 
still more from what the Egyptians termed religion, 
sought refuge in the simpler and purer Jewish doctrine 
renouncing polytheism and idolatry — a doctrine which 
largely met the religious views resulting from the develop- 
ment of philosojohy among the cultured and half-cultured 
circles. There is a remarkable Greek moral poem, prob- 
ably from the later epoch of the Roman republic, which is 
drawn from the Mosaic books on such a footing that it 
adopts the doctrine of monotheism and the universal 
moral law, but avoids everything offensive to the non-Jew 
and all direct opposition to the ruling religion, evidently 
intended to gain wider acceptance for this denationalised 
Judaism. Women in particular addicted themselves by 
preference to the Jewish faith. When the authorities of 
Damascus in the year 66 resolved to put to death the cap- 
tive Jews, it was agreed to keep this resolution secret, in 
order that the female population devoted to the Jews 
might not prevent its execution. Even in the West, where 
the cultivated circles were otherwise averse to Jewish 
habits, dames of rank early formed an exception ; Poppaea 
Sabina, Nero's wife, sprung from a noble family, was noto- 
rious for her pious Jewish faith and her zealous protectorate 
of the Jews, as for other things less reputable. Cases of 
formal transition to Judaism were not rare ; the royal house 
of Adiabene for example — king Izates and his mother 
Helena, as well as his brother and successor — became at 
the time of Tiberius and of Claudius in every respect Jews. 
It certainly was the case with all those Jewish bodies, as it 
is expressly remarked of those of Antioch, that they con- 
sisted in great part of proselytes. 

This transplanting of Judaism to the Hellenic soil with 
the appropriation of a foreign language, however much it 


Judaea and the Jews. 

[Book VIII. 

took place with a retention of national individuality, was 
not accomplished without developing in Juda- 

Hellenising ten- . -iiPii • 

denciesinthe ism itseli a tendency running counter to its 
Diaspora. naturc, and up to a certain degree denation- 
alising it. How powerfully the bodies of Jews living 
amidst the Greeks were influenced by the currents of 
Greek intellectual life, may be traced in the literature of 
the last century before, and of the first after, the birth 
of Christ. It is imbued with Jewish elements ; and they 
are withal the clearest heads and the most gifted thinkers, 
who seek admission either as Hellenes into the Jewish, or 
as Jews into the Hellenic system. Nicolaus of Damascus, 
himself a Pagan and a noted representative of the Aristo- 
telian philosophy, pleaded, as a scholar and diplomatist of 
king Herod, the cause of his Jewish patron and of the 
Jews before Agrippa as before Augustus ; and not only so, 
but his historical authorship shows a very earnest, and for 
that epoch significant, attempt to bring the East into the 
circle of Occidental research, while the description still 
preserved of the youthful years of the emperor Augustus, 
who came personally into close contact with him, is a re- 
markable evidence of the love and honour which the 
Eoman ruler met with in the Greek world. The disser- 
tation on the Sublime, written in the first period of the 
empire by an unknown author, one of the finest aesthetic 
works preserved to us from antiquity, certainly proceeds, 
if not from a Jew, at any rate from a man who revered 
alike Homer and Moses.' Another treatise, also anony- 
mous, upon the Universe — likewise an attempt, respect- 
able of its kind, to blend the doctrine of Aristotle with 
that of the Stoa — was perhaps written also by a Jew, and 

^ Pseudo-Longinus, Trepl u«|/ous, 9 : " Far better than the war of the 
gods in Homer is the description of the gods in their perfection 
and genuine greatness and purity, like that of Poseidon {llias, xiii. 
18 £E.)« Just so writes the legislator of the Jews, no mean man 
(oux ^ Tux'^" ai/^p), after he has worthily apprehended and brought 
to expression the Divine power, at the very beginning of the Laws 
{Genesis^ i. 3): 'G-od said' — what? 'Let there be light, and there 
was light ; let the earth be, and the earth was.' " 

Chap. XI.] 

Judaea and the Jews. 


dedicated certainly to the Jew of highest repute and 
highest station in the Neronian age, Tiberius Alexander 
(p. 222), chief of the staff to Corbulo and Titus. The 
wedding of the two worlds of intellect meets us most 
clearly in the Jewish-Alexandrian philosophy, the most 
acute and most palpable expression of a religious move- 
ment, not merely affecting but also attacking the essence 
of Judaism. The Hellenic intellectual development con- 
flicted with national religions of all sorts, inasmuch as it 
either denied their views or else filled them with other 
contents, drove out the previous gods from the minds of 
men and put into the empty places either nothing, or the 
stars and abstract ideas. These attacks affected also the 
religion of the Jews. There was formed a Neo-Judaism 
of Hellenic culture, which dealt with Jehovah not quite so 
badly, but yet not much otherwise, than the cultivated 
Greeks and Romans with Zeus and Jupiter. The uni- 
versal expedient of the so-called allegorical interpreta- 
tion, whereby in particular the philosophers of the Stoa 
everywhere in courteous fashion eliminated the heathen 
national religions, suited equally well and equally ill for 
Genesis as for the gods of the Iliad ; if Moses had meant 
by Abraham in a strict sense understanding, by Sarah 
virtue, by Noah righteousness, if the four streams of Para- 
dise were the four cardinal virtues, then the most enlight- 
ened Hellene might believe in the Law. But this pseudo- 
Judaism was also a power, and the intellectual primacy 
of the Jews in Egypt was apparent above all in the fact, 
that this tendency found pre-eminently its supporters in 

Notwithstanding the internal separation which had 
taken place among the Jews of Palestine and 
the Jews gener- had but too often culminated directly in civil 
war, notwithstanding the dispersion of a great 
part of the Jewish body into foreign lands, notwithstand- 
ing the intrusion of foreign ingredients into it and even 
of the destructive Hellenistic element into its very core, 
the collective body of the Jews remained united in a way, 


Judaea and the Jews. 

[Book vm. 

to which in the present day only the Vatican perhaps and 
the Kaaba offer a certain analogy. The holy Salem re- 
mained the banner, Zion's temple the Palladium of the 
whole Jewish body, whether they obeyed the Komans or 
the Parthians, whether they spoke Armenian or Greek, 
whether even they believed in the old Jahve or in the new, 
who was none. The fact that the protecting ruler con- 
ceded to the spiritual chief of the Jews a certain secular 
power signified for the Jewish body just as much, and the 
small extent of this power just as little, as the so-called 
States of the Church in their time signified for Roman 
Catholics. Every member of a Jewish community had to 
pay annually to Jerusalem a c^zcZracAm on as temple-tribute, 
which came in more regularly than the taxes of the state ; 
every one was obliged at least once in his life to sacri- 
fice personally to Jehovah on the spot which alone in the 
world was well-pleasing to Him. Theological science re- 
mained common property ; the Babylonian and Alexan- 
drian Eabbins took part in it not less than those of 
Jerusalem. The feeling cherished with unparalleled te- 
nacity, of belonging collectively to one nation — a feeling 
which had established itself in the community of the re- 
turning exiles and had thereafter contributed to create 
that distinctive position of the Jews in the Greek world — 
maintained its ground in spite of dispersion and division. 
Most worthy of remark is the continued life of Judaism 
itself in circles whose inward religion was 
detached from it. The most noted and, for us, 
the single clearly palpable representative of this tendency 
in literature, Philo, one of the foremost and richest Jews 
of the time of Tiberius, stands in fact towards the religion 
of his country in a position not greatly differing from 
that of Cicero towards the Roman ; but he himself believed 
that he was not destroying but fulfilling it. For him as for 
every other Jew, Moses is the source of all truth, his writ- 
ten direction binding law, the feeling towards him rev- 
erence and devout belief. This sublimated Judaism is, 
however, not quite identical with the so-called faith in the 

Chap. XI.] Judaea and the Jews, 


gods of the Stoa. The corporeality of God vanishes for 
Philo, but not His personality, and he entirely fails in— 
what is the essence of Hellenic philosophy — the transfer- 
ring of the deity into the breast of man ; it remains his view 
that sinful man is dependent on a perfect being standing 
outside of, and above, him. In like manner the new- 
Judaism submits itself to the national ritual law far more 
unconditionally than the new heathenism. The struggle 
between the old and the new faith was therefore of a differ- 
ent nature in the Jewish circle than in the heathen, be- 
cause the stake was a greater one ; reformed heathenism 
contended only against the old faith, reformed Judaism 
would in its ultimate consequence destroy the nationality, 
which amidst the inundation of Hellenism necessarily dis- 
appeared with the refining away of the native faith, and 
therefore shrank back from drawing this consequence. 
Hence on Greek soil and in Greek language the form, 
if not the substance, of the old faith was retained and de- 
fended with unexampled obstinacy, defended even by those 
who in substance surrendered before Hellenism. Philo 
himself, as we shall have to tell further on, contended and 
suffered for the cause of the Jews. But on that account 
the Hellenistic tendency in Judaism never exercised an 
overpowering influence over the latter, never was able to 
take its stand against the national Judaism, and barely 
availed to mitigate its fanaticism and to check its per- 
versities and crimes. In all essential matters, especially 
when confronted with oppression and persecution, the 
differences of Judaism disappeared ; and, unimportant as 
was the Eabbinical state, the religious communion over 
which it presided was a considerable and in certain cir- 
cumstances formidable power. 

Such was the state of things which the Romans found 
The Roman Confronting them when they entered on rule 
government and in the East. CouQuest forccs the hand of 

Judaism. ^ 

the conqueror not less than of the conquered. 
The work of centuries, the Macedonian urban institutions, 
could not be undone either by the Arsacids or by the 


Judaea and the Jeios. 

[Book VIII. 

Caesars ; neither Seleucia on the Euphrates nor Antioch 
and Alexandria could be entered upon by the following 
governments under the benefit of the inventory. Prob- 
ably in presence of the Jewish Diaspora there the foun- 
der of the imperial government took, as in so many 
other things, the policy of the first Lagid as his guiding 
rule, and furthered rather than hampered the Judaism of 
the East in its distinctive position ; and this procedure 
thereupon became throughout the model for his succes- 
sors. We have already mentioned that the communities 
of Asia Minor under Augustus made the attempt to draw 
upon their Jewish fellow-citizens uniformly in the levy, 
and no longer to allow them the observance of the Sabbath ; 
but Agrippa decided against them and maintained the 
8iatu8 quo in favour of the Jews, or rather perhaps, now 
for the first time legalised the exemption of the Jews from 
military service and their Sabbath privilege, that had been 
previously conceded according to circumstances only by 
individual governors or communities of the Greek prov- 
inces. Augustus further directed the governors of Asia 
not to apply the rigorous imperial laws respecting unions 
and assemblies against the Jews. But the Eoman gov- 
ernment did not fail to see that the exempt position con- 
ceded to the Jews in the East was not compatible with the 
absolute obligation of those belonging to the empire to 
fulfil the services required by the state ; that the guar- 
anteed distinctive position of the Jewish body carried 
the hatred of race and under certain circumstances civil 
war into the several towns ; that the pious rule of the 
authorities at Jerusalem over all the Jews of the empire 
had a perilous range ; and that in all this there lay a 
practical injury and a danger in principle for the state. 
The internal dualism of the empire expresses itself in 
nothing more sharply than in the different 
^ treatment of the Jews in the respective do- 

mains of the Latin and Greek languages. In the West 
autonomous bodies of Jews were never allowed. There was 
toleration doubtless there for the Jewish religious usages 

Chap. XI.] 

Judaea and the Jews. 


as for the Syrian and the Egyptian, or rather somewhat 
less than for these ; Augustus showed himself favourable 
to the Jewish colony in the suburb of Eome beyond the 
Tiber, and made supplementary allowance in his largesses 
for those who missed them on account of the Sabbath. 
But he personally avoided all contact with the Jewish 
worship as with the Egyptian ; and, as he himself when 
in Egypt had gone out of the way of the sacred ox, so he 
thoroughly approved the conduct of his son Gains, when 
he went to the East, in passing by Jerusalem. Under 
Tiberius in the year 19 the Jewish worship was even pro- 
hibited along with the Egyptian in Kome and in all Ita^y, 
and those who did not consent openly to renounce it and 
to throw the holy vessels into the fire were expelled from 
Italy — so far as they could not be employed as useful 
for miUtary service in convict-companies, whereupon not 
a few became liable to court-martial on account of their 
religious scruples. If, as we shall see afterwards, this same 
emperor in the East almost anxiously evaded every con- 
flict with the Rabbi, it is here plainly apparent that he, 
the ablest ruler whom the empire had, just as clearly per- 
ceived the dangers of the Jewish immigration as the un- 
fairness and the impossibility of setting aside Judaism, 
where it existed.^ Under the later rulers, as we shall see 
in the sequel, the attitude of disinclination towards the 
Jews of the West did not in the main undergo change, 
although they in other respects follow more the example 
of Augustus than that of Tiberius. They did not prevent 
the Jews from collecting the temple-tribute in the form 

^ The Jew Pliilo sets down the treatment of the Jews in Italy to 
the account of Sejanus {Leg. 24 ; in Flacc. 1), that of the Jews in 
the East to the account of the emperor himself. But Josephus 
rather traces back what happened in Italy to a scandal in the capi- 
tal, which had been occasioned by three Jewish pious swindlers and 
a lady of rank converted to Judaism ; and Philo himself states that 
Tiberius, after the fall of Sejanus, allowed to the governors only cer- 
tain modifications in the procedure against the Jews. The policy of 
the emperor and that of his ministers towards the Jews was essen- 
tially the same. 

188 Judaea and the Jews. [Book VIII. 

of voluntary contributions and sending it to Jerusalem. 
They were not checked, if they preferred to bring a legal 
dispute before a Jewish arbiter rather than before a Eoman 
tribunal. Of compulsory levy for service, such as Tiberius 
enjoined, there is no further mention afterwards in the 
West. But the Jews never obtained in heathen Borne or 
generally in the Latin West a publicly recognised dis- 
tinctive position and publicly recognised separate courts. 
Above all in the West — apart from the capital, which in 
the nature of the case represented the East also, and al- 
ready in Cicero's time included in it a numerous body of 
Jews — the Jewish communities nowhere had special extent 
or importance in the earlier imperial period.^ 

It was only in the East that the government yielded 
from the first, or rather made no attempt to 
■ change the existing state of things and to ob- 
viate the dangers thence resulting ; and accordingly, as 
the sacred books of the Jews were first made known to the 
Latin world in the Latin language by means of the Chris- 
tians, the great Jewish movements of the imperial period 
were restricted throughout to the Greek East. Here no 
attempt was made gradually to stop the spring of hatred 
toward the Jews by assigning to them a separate position 
in law, but just as little — apart from the caprice and per- 
versities of individual rulers — was the hatred and perse- 
cution of the Jews fomented on the part of the gov- 
ernment. In reality the catastrophe of Judaism did not 
arise from the treatment of the Jewish Diaspora in the 
East. It was simply the relations, as they became fate- 
fully developed, of the imperial government to the Jewish 
Kabbinical state that not merely brought about the de- 
struction of the commonwealth of Jerusalem, but further 
shook and changed the position of the Jews in the empire 

' Agrippa II. , who enumerates the Jewish settlements abroad (in 
Philo, Leg. ad Oaium, 36), names no country westward of Greece, 
and among the strangers sojourning in Jerusalem, whom the 
Book of Acts, ii. 5 f., records, only Romans are named from the 

Chap. XI.] 

Judaea and the Jews. 


generally. We turn to describe the events in Palestine 
under the Roman rule. 

The state of things in northern Syria was organised by 

the generals of the republic, Pompeius and his 
the repuwic!^ immediate successors, on such a footing, that 

the larger powers that were beginning to be 
formed there were again reduced, and the whole land 
was broken up into single city-domains and petty lord- 
ships. The Jews were most severely affected by this course ; 
not merely were they obliged to give up all possessions 
which they had hitherto gained, particularly the whole 
coast (iv. 169), but Gabinius had even broken up the em- 
pire formerly subsisting into five independent self-admin- 
istering districts, and withdrawn from the high priest 
Hyrcanus his secular privileges (iv. 187). Thus, as the 
protecting power was restored on the one hand, so was 
the pure theocracy on the other. 

This, however, was soon changed. Hyrcanus, or rather 

the minister governing for him, the Idumaean 
iduSaean.*^^ Autipatcr,' attained once more the leading 

position in southern Syria doubtless through 
Gabinius himself, to whom he knew how to make himself 

' Antipater began his career as governor {<TTpa.rf]'^6s) of Idumaea 
(Josephus, Afcli. xiv. 1, 3), and is there called administrator of the 
Jewish kingdom {pTwv 'louSaioji/ e7rt/ueA7?T7]s, Joseph. Arcli. xiv. 8, 1), 
that is, nearly first minister. More is not implied in the narrat- 
ive of Josephus coloured with flattery towards Rome as towards 
Herod {Arch. xiv. 8, 5 ; Bell. Jud. i. 10, 3), that Caesar had left to 
Antipater the option of himself determining his position of power 
(Suj/ao-reia), and, when the latter left the decision with him, had 
appointed him administrator {HirpoTros) of Judaea. This is not, as 
Marquardt, Staatsalfh. v. 1, 408, would have it, the (at that time not 
yet existing) Roman procuratorship of the imperial period, but an 
office formally conferred by the Jewish ethnarch, an imrpoir-fi, like 
that mentioned by Josephus, Bell. Jud. ii. 18, 6. In the official 
documents of Caesar's time the high priest and ethnarch Hyrcanus 
alone represents the Jews ; Caesar gave to Antipater what could be 
granted to the subjects of a dependent state, Roman burgess rights 
and personal immunity (Josephus, Arch. xiv. 8, 3 ; Bell. Jud. i. 9, 
5), but he did not make him an official of Rome. That Herod, 


Judaea and the Jews, 

[Book VIIL 

indispensable in his Parthian and Egyptian undertakings 
(iv. 396). After the pillage of the temple of Jerusalem by 
Crassus the insurrection of the Jews thereby occasioned 
was chiefly subdued by him (iv. 407). It was for him a 
fortunate dispensation that the Jewish government was not 
compelled to interfere actively in the crisis between Caesar 
and Pompeius, for whom it, like the whole East, had de- 
clared. Nevertheless, after the brother and rival of Hyrca- 
nus, Aristobulus as well as his son Alexander, had on account 
of their taking part for Caesar lost their lives at the hands 
of the Pompeians, the second son, Antigonus, would doubt- 
less after Caesar's victory have been installed by the latter 
as ruler in Judaea. But when Caesar, coming to Egypt after 
the decisive victory, found himself in a dangerous position at 
Alexandria, it was chiefly Antipater who delivered him from 
it (iv. 515), and this carried the day ; Antigonus had to 
give way before the more recent, but more effective fidelity. 
Caesar's personal gratitude was not the least element in 

promoting the formal restoration of the Jewish 
arrrngements. state. The Jewish kingdom obtained the best 

position which could be granted to a client- 
state, complete freedom from dues to the Romans ' and 
driven out of Judaea, obtained from the Romans a Roman officer's 
post possibly in Samaria, is credible ; but the designations arpa.rtYybs 
T7\% Koi\7}s 2upms (Josephus, Arch. xiv. 9, 5, c. 11, 4), or a-TpaTTjyhs 
KoL\7)s 2upi'as Kol ^afxapdas {Bell. Jud. 1. 10, 8) are at least misleading, 
and witli as much incorrectness the same author names Herod sub- 
sequently, for the reason that he is to serve as counsellor rots iin- 
rpoirevovcri ttjs 'Xvpias {Arch. xv. 10, 3), even Swpi'as oAtjs iirirpoTrov 
{Bell. Jud. i. 20, 4), where Marquardt's change, Staatsalth. v 1. 408, 
Ko'iKris destroys the sense. 

1 In the decree of Caesar in Josephus, Arch. xiv. 10, 5, 6, the read- 
ing which results from Epiphanius is the only possible one ; accord- 
ing to this the land is freed from the tribute (imposed by Pompeius ; 
Josephus, Arch. xiv. 4, 4) from the second year of the current lease 
onward, and it is further ordained that the town of Joppa, which at 
that time passed over from Roman into Jewish possession, should 
continue indeed to deliver the fourth part of field-fruits at Sidon to 
the Romans, but for that there should be granted to Hyrcanus, like- 
wise at Sidon, as an equivalent annually 20,675 bushels of grain, 
besides which the people of Joppa paid also the tenth to Hyrcanus. 

Chap. XI.] Judaea and the Jews. 


from military occupation and levy/ whereas certainly tlie 
duties and the expenses of frontier-defence were to be 
undertaken by the native government. The town of 
Joppa, and thereby the connection with the sea, were 
given back, the independence of internal administration 
as well as the free exercise of religion was guaranteed ; 
the re-establishment, hitherto refused, of the fortifications 
of Jerusalem razed by Pompeius was allowed 
(707). Thus under the name of the Hasmo- 
naean prince, a half foreigner — for the Idumaeans stood 
towards the Jews proper that returned from Babylon 
nearly as did the Samaritans — governed the Jewish state 
under the protection and according to the will of Eome. 
The Jews with national sentiments were anything but in- 
clined towards the new government. The old families, 
who led in the council of Jerusalem, held in their hearts 
to Aristobulus, and, after his death, to his son Antigonus. 
The whole narrative otherwise shows that the Jewish state was 
thenceforth free from payment of tribute ; the circumstance that 
Herod pays ^dpot from the districts assigned to Cleopatra which he 
leases from her i^Arch. xv. 4, 2, 4, c. 5, 3) only confirms the rule. 
If Appian, B. C. v. 75, adduces among the kings on whom Antonius 
laid tribute Herod for Idumaea and Samaria, Judaea is not absent 
here without good reason; and even for these accessory lands the trib- 
ute may have been remitted to him by Augustus. The detailed and 
trustworthy account as to the census enjoined by Quirlnius shows 
with entire clearness that the land was hitherto free from Roman 

' In the same decree it is said : kol 'dirois /xrjSets /uirjTe &pxoiv f^i]re 
crrpaTfiyh'i 7rpe(rfievTi]s iv rots '6pois ra>v 'lovSalcav aj'ttrrot (" perhaps 
ffwiffTa, " Wilamowitz) av/n^axiav Kal (TTparidoTas e|t^ (so Wilamowitz, 
for e'leiTj) ^ TCI xP'^/J-aTa rovrav eiairpoLTTeaOai ^ ets Trapax^i/^aaiav ^ 
&\\cf) Ttj/I ovo/uLari dAA.' eivai iravraxSOev aveirr]ped(TTOVi (comp. Arch. xiv. 
10, 2 : ■Kapax^i'IJ-0'(r'iav 5e koX XRVfJi'^Ta Trpdrrecrdat ov SoKi/j-d^co). This 
corresponds in the main to the formula of the charter, a little 
older, for Termessus {C. I. L. i. n. 204) : nei quis magistratu prove 
magistratu legatus ne[ive] quis alius meilites in oppidum Thermesum 
. agrumve . . . Memandi caussa introducito . . . 
nisei senatu's nominatim utei Thermesum . . . in hihernacula 
meilites deducantur decreverit. The marching through is accordingly 
allowed. In the Privilegium for Judaea the levy seems, moreover, 
to have been prohibited. 

192 Judaea and the Jews. [Book Vlll. 

In tlie mountains of Galilee tlie fanatics fought quite as 
much against the Romans as against their own govern- 
ment ; when Antipater's son Herod took captive Ezekias, 
the leader of this wild band, and had caused him to be 
put to death, the priestly council of Jerusalem compelled 
the weak Hyrcanus to banish Herod under the pretext 
of a violation of religious precepts. The latter thereupon 
entered the Roman army, and rendered good service to 
the Caesarian governor of Syria against the insurrection 
of the last Pompeians. But when, after the murder of 
Caesar, the republicans gained the upper hand in the 
East, Antipater was again the first who not merely sub- 
mitted to the stronger but placed the new holders of 
power under obligation to him by a rapid levying of the 
contribution imposed by them. 

Thus it happened that the leader of the republicans, 
when he withdrew from Syria, left Antipater 
in his position, and entrusted his son Herod 
even with a command in Syria. Then, when Antipater 
died, poisoned as it was said by one of his officers, Antigo- 
nus, who had found a refuge with his father-in-law, the 
prince Ptolemaeus of Chalcis, believed that the moment 
had come to set aside his weak uncle. But the sons of 
Antipater, Phasael and Herod, thoroughly defeated his 
band, and Hyrcanus agreed to grant to them the position 
of their father, nay, even to receive Herod in a certain 
measure into the reigning house by betrothing to him his 
niece Mariamne. Meanwhile the leaders of the republican 
party were beaten at Philippi. The opposition in Jerusa- 
I lem hoped now to procure the overthrow of the hated An- 
' tipatrids at the hands of the victors ; but Antonius, to 
whom fell the office of arbiter, decidedly repelled their 
deputations first in Ephesus, then in Antioch, and last 
in Tyre ; caused, indeed, the last envoys to be put to 
death ; and confirmed Phasael and Jlerod for- 
merly as " tetrarchs of the Jews (713). 

* This title, which primarily denotes the collegiate tetrarchate, 
such as was usual among the Galatians, was then more generally em- 

Chap. XI.] Judaea and the Jews, 


Soon the vicissitudes of great policy dragged the Jew- 
ish state once more into their vortex. The 
in Judaea/*"^ invasion of the Parthians in the following year 
S^^^) P^^ fii's^ instance to the 

rule of the Antipatrids. The pretender Antigonus joined 
them, and possessed himself of Jerusalem and almost the 
whole territory. Hyrcanus went as a prisoner to the Par- 
thians : Phasael, the eldest son of Antipater, likewise a 
captive, put himself to death in prison. With great dif- 
ficulty Herod concealed his family in a rock-stronghold on 
the border of Judaea, and went himself a fugitive and in 
search of aid first to Egypt, and, when he no longer found 
Antonius there, to the two holders of power just at that 
time ruling in new harmony (714) at Kome. 
Readily they allowed him — as indeed it was 
only in the interest of Rome — to gain back for himself the 
Jewish kingdom ; he returned to Syria, so far as the mat- 
ter depended on the Romans, as recognised 
judaea^^"^ rulcr, and even equipped with the royal title. 

But, just like a pretender, he had to wrest the 
land not so much from the Parthians as from the patriots. 
He fought his battles pre-eminently with the help of Sa- 
maritans and Idumaeans and hired soldiers, and attained 
at length, through the support of the Roman legions, to 
the possession of the long-defended capital. The Roman 
executioners delivered him likewise from his rival of many 
years, Antigonus ; his own made havoc among the noble 
families of the council of Jerusalem. 

But the days of trouble were by no means over with his 
installation. The unfortunate expedition of Antonius against 

ployed lox the rule of all together, nay, even for the rule of one, 
but always as in rank inferior to that of king. In this way, besides 
Galatia, it appears also in Syria, perhaps from the time of Pompeius, 
certainly from that of Augustus. The juxtaposition of an ethnarch 
and two tetrarchs, as it was arranged in the year 713 
for Judaea, according to Josephus {Arch. xiv. 13, 1 ; 
Bell. Jud. 1. 12, 5), is not again met with elsewhere ; Pherores te- 
trarch of Peraea under his brother Herodes {Bell. Jud, i. 24, 5) is 

Vol. II.— 13 


Judaea and the Jews. 

[Book VIII. 

the Parthians remained without consequences for Herod, 
since the victors did not venture to advance 

Herod under • i_ ■ ^ i_ ^ ny i i i 

Antonius and luto byria ; Dut be sunered severely under 
Cleopatra. ^^^^ increasing claims of the Egyptian 

queen, who at that time more than Antonius ruled the 
East ; her womanly policy, primarily directed to the ex- 
tension of her domestic power and above all of her reve- 
nues, was far indeed from obtaining at the hands of Anto- 
nius all that she desired, but she wrested at any rate from 
the king of the Jews a portion of his most valuable pos- 
sessions on the Syrian coast and in the territory lying be- 
tween Egypt and Syria, nay, even the rich balsam planta- 
tions and palm-groves of Jericho, and laid upon him se- 
vere financial burdens. In order to maintain the remnant 
of his rule, he was obliged either himself to lease the new 
Syrian possessions of the queen or to be guarantee for 
other lessees less able to pay. After all these troubles, 
and in expectation of still worse demands as httle capable 
of being declined, the outbreak of the war between An- 
tonius and Caesar was hopeful for him, and the fact that 
Cleopatra in her selfish perversity released him from active 
participation in the war, because he needed his troops to 
collect her Syrian revenues, was a further piece of good 
fortune, since this facilitated his submission to the victor. 
Fortune favoured him yet further on his changing sides ; 
he was able to intercept a band of faithful gladiators of An- 
tonius, who were marching from Asia Minor through Syria 

towards Egypt to lend assistance to their mas- 
August™^^^ ter. When he, before resorting to Caesar at 

Rhodes to obtain his pardon, caused the last 
male offshoot of the Maccabaean house, the eighty years 
old Hyrcanus, to whom the house of Antipater was in- 
debted for its position, to be at all events put to death, he 
in reality exaggerated the necessary caution. Caesar did 
what policy bade him do, especially as the support of 
Herod was of importance for the intended Egyptian expe- 
dition. He confirmed Herod, glad to be vanquished, in 
his dominion, and extended it, partly by giving back the 

Chap. XL] 

Judaea and the Jews. 


possessions wrested from him by Cleopatra, partly by fur- 
ther gifts ; the whole coast from Gaza to Strato's Tower, ^ 
the later Caesarea, the Samaritan region inserted between 
Judaea and Galilee, and a number of towns to the east of 
the Jordan thenceforth obeyed Herod. On the consoli- 
dation of the Koman monarchy the Jewish principality 
was withdrawn from the reach of further external crises. 
From the Eoman standpoint the conduct of the new 

dynasty appears correct, in a way to draw 
§eIod"°'^''*°^ tears from the eyes of the observer. It took 

part at first for Pompeius, then for Caesar the 
father, then for Cassius and Brutus, then for the triumvirs, 
then for Antonius, lastly for Caesar the son ; fidelity va- 
ries, as does the watchword. Nevertheless this conduct is 
not to be denied the merit of consistency and firmness. 
The factions which rent the ruling burgess-body, whether 
republic or monarchy, whether Caesar or Antonius, in re- 
ality nowise concerned the dependent provinces, especially 
those of the Greek East. The demoralisation which is 
combined with all revolutionary change of government — 
the degrading confusion between internal fidelity and ex- 
ternal obedience — was brought in this case most glaringly 
to light ; but the fulfilment of duty, such as the Eoman 
commonwealth claimed from its subjects, had been satis- 
fied by king Herod to an extent of which nobler and 
greater natures would certainly not have been capable. 
In presence of the Parthians he constantly, even in criti- 
cal circumstances, held firmly to the protectors whom he 
had once chosen. 

From the standpoint of internal Jewish politics the 

government of Herod was the setting aside of 
to the'jews^'^ the theocracy, and in so far a continuance of, 

and in fact an advance upon, the government 
of the Maccabees, as the separation of the political and the 
ecclesiastical government was carried out with the utmost 
precision in the contrast between the all-powerful king of 
foreign birth and the powerless high-priest often and ar- 
bitrarily changed. No doubt the royal position was sooner 


Judaea and the Jews. [Book VIII. 

pardoned in the Jewish high-priest than in a man who was 
a foreigner and incapable of priestly consecration ; and, if 
the Hasmonaeans represented outwardly the independence 
of Judaism, the Idumaean held his royal power over the 
Jews in fee from the lord-paramount. The reaction of 
this insoluble conflict on a deeply-impassioned nature con- 
fronts us in the whole life-career of the man, who causes 
much suffering, but has felt perhaps not less. At all events 
the energy, the constancy, the yielding to the inevitable, 
the military and poHtical dexterity, where there was room 
for it, secure for the king of the Jews a certain place in 
the panorama of a remarkable epoch. 

To describe in detail the government of Herod for al- 
most forty years — he died in the year 750 — as 
Herod's charac- the accounts of it preserved at great length 
ter and aims, ^j^Q^ j^q^ ^j^g ^^sk of the historian 

of Rome. There is probably no royal house of any age in 
which bloody feuds raged in an equal degree between par- 
ents and children, between husbands and wives, and be- 
tween brothers and sisters ; the emperor Augustus and 
his governors in Syria turned away with horror from the 
share in the work of murder which was suggested to 
them ; not the least revolting trait in this picture of hor- 
rors is the utter want of object in most of the executions, 
ordained as a rule upon groundless suspicion, and the de- 
spairing remorse of the perpetrator, which constantly fol- 
lowed. Vigorously and intelligently as the king took care 
of the interest of his country, so far as he could and might, 
and energetically as, not merely in Palestine but through- 
out the empire, he befriended the Jews with his treasures 
and with his no small influence — for the decision of Agrippa 
favourable to the Jews in the great imperial affair of Asia 
Minor (p. 186) they were substantially indebted to him — 
he found love and fidelity in Idumaea perhaps and Sa- 
maria, but not among the people of Israel ; here he was, 
and continued to be, not so much the man laden with the 
guilt of blood in many forms, as above all the foreigner. 
As it was one of the mainsprings of that domestic war, 

Chap. XI.] 

Judaea and the Jews. 


that his wife of the Hasmonaean family, the fair Mariamne, 
and their children were regarded and dreaded by him 
more as Jews than as his own, he himself gave expression 
to the feeling that he was as much drawn towards the 
Greeks as repelled by the Jews. It is significant that he 
had the sons, for whom in the first instance he destined 
the succession, brought up in Rome. While out of his 
inexhaustible riches he loaded the Greek cities of other 
lands with gifts and embellished them with temples, he 
built for the Jews no doubt also, but not in the Jewish 
sense. The buildings of the circus and theatre in Jeru- 
salem itself, as well as the temples for the imperial wor- 
ship in the Jewish towns, were regarded by the pious Is- 
raelite as a summons to blaspheme God. His conversion 
of the temple in Jerusalem into a magnificent building was 
done half against the will of the devout ; much as they 
admired the building, his introduction into it of a golden 
eagle was taken more amiss than all the sentences of 
death ordained by him, and led to a popular insurrection, 
to which the eagle fell a sacrifice, and thereupon doubt- 
less the devotees as well, who tore it down. 

Herod knew the land sufficiently not to let matters come 

to extremities ; if it had been possible to Hel- 
Energy of his ^^m.^^ it, the will to that effect would not have 

been wanting on his part. In energy the 
Idumaean was not inferior to the best Hasmonaeans. The 
construction of the great harbour at Strato's Tower, or as 
the town entirely rebuilt by Herod was thenceforth called, 
Caesarea, first gave to a coast poor in harbours what it 
needed, and throughout the whole period of the empire 
the town remained a chief emporium of southern Syria. 
What the government was able to furnish in other respects 
— development of natural resources, intervention in case 
of famine and other calamities, above all things internal 
and external security — was furnished by Herod. The 
evil of brigandage was done away, and the defence — so 
uncommonly difficult in these regions — of the frontier 
against the roving tribes of the desert was carried out 


Judaea and the Jews. 

[Book VIII. 

with sternness and consistency. Thereby the Koman 
government was induced to place under him still fur- 
ther regions, Itaurea, Trachonitis, Auranitis, Batanaea. 
Thenceforth his dominion extended, as we have already 
mentioned (p. 160), compactly over the region beyond the 
Jordan as far as towards Damascus and to the Hermon 
mountains ; so far as we can discern, after those further 
assignments there was in the whole domain which we have 
indicated no longer any free city or any rule independent 
of Herod. The defence of the frontier itself fell more on 
the Arabian king than on the king of the Jews ; but, so 
far as it devolved on him, the series of well-provided fron- 
tier-forts brought about here a general peace, such as had 
not hitherto been known in those regions. We can un- 
derstand how Agrippa, after inspecting the maritime and 
military structures of Herod, should have discerned in him 
an associate striving in a like spirit towards the great work 
of organising the empire, and should have treated him in 
this sense. 

His kingdom had no lasting existence. Herod himself 
apportioned it in his testament among his 
HeroTandthe three SOUS, and Augustus confirmed the ar- 
kingdom°*^^^ raugemcut in the main, only placing the im- 
portant port of Gaza and the Greek towns be- 
yond the Jordan immediately under the governor of Syria. 
The northern portions of the kingdom were separated 
from the mainland ; the territory last acquired by Herod to 
the south of Damascus, Batanaea with the districts belong- 
ing to it, was obtained by Philip ; Galilee and Peraea, that 
is, the transjordanic domain, so far as it was not Greek, by 
Herod Antipas — both as tetrarchs ; these two petty prin- 
cipalities continued, at first as separate, then as united 
under Herod " the Great's " great-grandson Agrippa H., 
with slight interruptions to subsist down to the time of 
Trajan. We have already mentioned their government 
when describing eastern Syria and Arabia (p. 160 f.). Here 
it may only be added that these Herodians continued to 
rule, if not with the energy, at least in the sense and spirit 

Chap. XI.] 

Judaea and the Jews. 


of the founder of the dynasty. The towns established by 
them — Caesarea, the ancient Paneas, in the northern ter- 
ritory, and Tiberias in Gahlee — had a Hellenic organisa- 
tion quite after the manner of Herod ; characteristic is the 
proscrij)tion, which the Jewish Rabbis on account of a 
tomb found at the laying out of Tiberias decreed over the 
unclean city. 

The main country, Judaea, along with Samaria on the 
north and Idumaea on the south, was destined 
irchefauf Ai^chclaus by his father's will. But this 

succession was not accordant with the wishes 
of the nation. The orthodox, that is, the Pharisees, ruled 
with vu'tual exclusiveness the mass of the people ; and, 
if hitherto the fear of the Lord had been in some measure 
kept down by the fear of the unscrupulously energetic 
king, the mind of the great majority of the Jews was set 
upon re-establishing under the protectorate of Eome the 
pui'e and godly sacerdotal government, as it had once been 
set up by the Persian authorities. Immediately after the 
death of the old king the masses in Jerusalem had congre- 
gated to demand the setting aside of the high-priest nomi- 
nated by Herod, and the ejection of the unbelievers from 
the holy city, where the Passover was just to be cele- 
brated ; Archelaus had been under the necessity of begin- 
ning his government by charging into these masses ; a 
number of dead were counted, and the observance of the 
festival was suspended. The Roman governor of Syria — 
the same Varus, whose folly soon afterwards cost the Ro- 
mans Germany — on whom it primarily devolved to main- 
tain order in the land during the interregnum, had allowed 
these mutinous bands in Jerusalem to send to Rome, 
where the occupation of the Jewish throne was just being- 
discussed, a deputation of fifty persons to request the abo- 
lition of the monarchy ; and, when Augustus gave audi- 
ence to it, eight thousand Jews of the capital escorted it 
to the temple of Apollo. The fanatical Jews at home 
meanwhile continued to help themselves ; the Roman gar- 
rison, which was stationed in the temple, was assailed with 


Judaea and the Jews. 

[Book VIII. 

violence, and pious bands of brigands filled the land ; 
Varus had to call out the legions and to restore quiet with 
the sword. It was a warning for the suzerain, a supple- 
mentary justification of king Herod's violent but effective 
governnaent. But Augustus, with all the weakness which 
he so often showed, particularly in later years, while dis- 
missing, no doubt, the representatives of those fanatical 
masses and their request, yet executed in the main the 
testament of Herod, and gave over the rule in Jerusalem 
to Archelaus shorn of the kingly title, which Augustus 
preferred for a time not to concede to the untried young 
man ; shorn, moreover, of the northern territories, and re- 
duced also in military status by the taking away of the 
defence of the frontier. The circumstance that at the in- 
stigation of Augustus the taxes raised to a high pitch 
under Herod were lowered, could but little better the po- 
sition of the tetrarch. The personal incapacity and worth- 
lessness of Archelaus were hardly needed, in addition, to 
make him impossible ; a few years later (6 a.d.) Augustus 

saw himself compelled to depose him. Now 
J^ovTnce.^''™'''' he did at length the will of those mutineers ; 

the monarchy was abolished, and while on the 
one hand the land was taken into direct Roman adminis- 
tration, on the other hand, so far as an internal govern- 
ment was allowed by the side of this, it was given over to 
the senate of Jerusalem. This procedure may certainly 
have been determined in part by assurances given earlier 
by Augustus to Herod as regards the succession, in part 
by the more and more apparent, and in general doubt- 
less justifiable, disinclination of the imperial government 
to larger client-states possessing some measure of inde- 
pendent self-movement. What took place shortly be- 
fore or soon after in Galatia, in Cappadocia, in Mauretania, 
explains why in Palestine also the kingdom of Herod 
hardly survived himself. But, as the immediate govern- 
ment was organised in Palestine, it was even administra- 
tively a bad retrograde step as compared with the Hero- 
dian ; and above all the circumstances here were so 

Chap. XI.] Judaea and the Jews. 201 

peculiar and so difficult, that the immediate contact be- 
tween the governing Komans and the governed Jews — 
which certainl}^ had been obstinately striven for by the 
priestly party itself and ultimately obtained — redounded 
to the benefit neither of the one nor of the other. 

Judaea thus became in the year 6 a.d. a Roman prov- 
ince of the second rank/ and, apart from the 
SnriTion.'''' ephemeral restoration of the kingdom of 
Jerusalem under Claudius in the years 41-44, 
thenceforth remained a Roman province. Instead of the 

' The statement of Josephus tliat Judaea was attached to the prov- 
ince of Syria and placed under its governor {Arch. xvii. Jin. : tov 5e 
'ApxeActou x^pas viroreXovs •7rpo(TvejX7)6el<Tr]s rrj xviii. 1, 1: els 

T7]v "lovSalcov Trpo(Tdi]Kriv ttjs 'S.vpias y€voix4vT]v'^ c. 4, 6) appears to be 
incorrect ; on the contrary, Judaea probably formed thenceforth a 
procuratorial province of itself. An exact distinction between the 
de lure and de facto interference of the Syrian governor may not be 
expected in the case of Joseph us. The fact that he organised the 
new province and conducted the first census does not decide the 
question what arrangement was assigned to it. Where the Jews 
complain of their procurator to the governor of Syria and the latter 
interferes against him, the procurator is certainly dependent on the 
legate ; but, when L. Vitellius did this (Josephus, Arch, xviii. 4, 3), 
his power extended in quite an extraordinary way over the prov- 
ince (Tacitus, Ann. vi. 32 ; StaatsrecM, ii. 822), and in the other 
case the words of Tacitus, Ann. xii. 54 : quia Claudius ius statu- 
endi etiam de procuratoribus dederat^ show that the governor of Syria 
could not have pronounced such a judgment in virtue of his gene- 
ral jurisdiction. Both the ius gladii of these procurators (Josephus, 
Bell. 8, 1: ^tte^pt row KreiVeiV AojSwj/ TraparoCKaicrapos e'loutrtar, 
ArcJi. xviii. 1,1; r>yif](r6ixevos ^lovZalcov r-p iir\ iracriv i^ovcrla) and their 
whole demeanour show that they did not belong to those who, 
placed under an imperial legate, attended only to financial affairs, 
but rather, like the procurators of Noricum and Raetia, formed the 
supreme authority for the administration of law and the command 
of the army. Thus the legates of Syria had there only the position 
which those of Pannonia had in Noricum and the upper German 
legate in Raetia. This corresponds also to the general develop- 
ment of matters ; all the larger kingdoms were on their annexation 
not attached to the neighbouring large governorships, whose pleni- 
tude of power it was not the tendency of this epoch to enlarge, but 
were made into independent governorships, mostly at first equestrian. 

202 Judaea and the Jews. [Book VIII. 

previous native princes holding office for life and, under 
reservation of their being confirmed by the Koman gov- 
ernment, hereditary, came an official of the equestrian 
order, nominated and liable to recall by the emperor. 
The port of Caesarea rebuilt by Herod after a Hellenic 
model became, probably at once, the seat of Roman ad- 
ministration. The exemption of the land from Roman 
garrison, as a matter of course ceased, but, as throughout 
in provinces of the second rank, the Roman military force 
consisted only of a moderate number of cavalry and in- 
fantry divisions of the inferior class ; subsequently one 
ala and five cohorts — about 3000 men — were stationed 
there. These troops were perhaps taken over from the 
earlier government, at least in great part formed in the 
country itself, mostly, however, from Samaritans and Sy- 
rian Greeks.' The province did not obtain a legionary 
garrison, and even in the territories adjoining Judaea 
there was stationed at the most one of the four Syrian 
legions. To Jerusalem there came a standing Roman 
commandant, who took up his abode in the royal castle, 
with a weak standing garrison ; only during the time of 
the Passover, when the whole land and countless stran- 
gers flocked to the temple, a stronger division of Roman 
soldiers was stationed in a colonnade belonging to the 
temple. That on the erection of the province the obliga- 
tion of tribute towards Rome set in, follows from the very 
circumstance that the costs of defending the land were 
thereby transferred to the imperial government. After the 
latter had suggested a reduction of the payments at the 
installation of Archelaus, it is far from probable that on 
the annexation of the country it contemplated an imme- 
diate raising of them ; but doubtless, as in every newly- 

' According to Josephus {Arch. xx. 8, 7, more exact than Bell. 
Jud. ii. 13, 7) tlie greatest part of the Koman troops in Palestine 
consisted of Caesareans and Sebastanes. The ala Sebastenorum 
fought in the Jewish war under Vespasian (Josephus, Bell. Jud. ii. 
12, 5). Comp. Epli. epigr. v. 194. There are no alae and coliortes 

Chap. XI.] 

Judaea and the Jews. 


acquired territory, steps were taken for a revision of the 
previous land-register. ' 

For the native authorities in Judaea as everywhere the 

urban communities were, as far as possible, 
aiithOTiS. taken as a basis. Samaria, or as the town was 

now called, Sebaste, the newly laid out Cae- 
sarea, and the other urban communities contained in the 
former kingdom of Archelaus, were self-administering, 
under superintendence of the Roman authority. The 
government also of the capital with the large territory 
belonging to it was organised in a similar way. Already 
in the pre-Roman period under the Seleucids there was 

formed, as we saw (p. 174), in Jerusalem a 
of^jeSSem™'' couucil of the cldcrs, the Synhedrion, or as Ju- 

daised, the Sanhedrin. The presidency in it 
was held by the high priest, whom each ruler of the land, 
if he was not possibly himself high priest, appointed for 
the time. To the college belonged the former high priests 
and esteemed experts in the law. This assembly, in which 
the aristocratic element preponderated, acted as the su- 
preme spiritual representative of the whole body of Jews, 
and, so far as this was not to be separated from it, also 
as the secular representative in particular of the com- 
munity of Jerusalem. It is only the later Eabbinism that 

^ The revenues of Herod amounted, according to Josephus, Arcli. 
xvii. 11, 4, to about 1200 talents, whereof about 100 fell to Bata- 
naea with, the adjoining lands, 200 to Galilee and Peraea, the rest 
to the share of Archelaus ; in this doubtless the older Hebrew talent 
(of about £390) is meant, not, as Hultsch (Metrol. 2, p. 605) assumes, 
the denarial talent (of about £260), as the revenues of the same ter- 
ritory under Claudius are estimated in the same Josephus {Arcli. 
xix. 8, 2), at 12,000,000 denarii (about £500,000). The chief item 
in it was formed bj the land-tax, the amount of which we do not 
know ; in the Syrian time it amounted at least for a time to the 
third part of corn and the half of wine and oil (1 Maccab, x. 30) in 
Caesar's time for Joppa a fourth of the fruit (p. 190, note), besides 
which at that time the temple-tenth still existed. To this was added 
a number of other taxes and customs, auction-charges, salt-tax, road 
and bridge moneys, and the like ; it is to these that the publicans 
of the Gospels have reference. 


Judaea and the Jews. 

[Book VIII. 

lias by a pious fiction transformed the Synliedrion of 
Jerusalem into a spiritual institute of Mosaic appoint- 
ment. It corresponded essentially to the council of the 
Greek urban constitution, but certainly bore, as respected 
its composition as well as its sphere of working, a more 
spiritual character than belonged to the Greek represen- 
tations of the community. To this Synhedrion and its 
high priest, who was now nominated by the procurator 
as representative of the imperial suzerain, the Eoman 
government left or committed that jurisdiction which in 
the Hellenic subject communities belonged to the urban 
authorities and the common councils. With indifferent 
short-sightedness it allowed to the transcendental Mes- 
sianism of the Pharisees free course, and to the by no 
means transcendental land-consistory — acting until the 
Messiah should arrive — tolerably free sway in affairs of 
faith, of manners, and of law, where Eoman interests were 
not directly affected thereby. This applied in particular 
to the administration of justice. It is true that, as far as 
Koman burgesses were concerned in the matter, justice 
in civil as in criminal affairs must have been reserved for 
the Koman tribunals even already before the annexation 
of the land. But civil justice over the Jews remained 
even after that annexation chiefly with the local au- 
thority. Criminal justice over them was exercised by 
the latter probably in general concurrently with the 
Eoman procurator ; only sentences of death could not be 
executed by it otherwise than after confirmation by the 
imperial magistrate. 

In the main those arrangements were the inevitable 
consequences of the abolition of the princi- 
provinciai Polity, and when the Jews had obtained this 
government. j^equcst of thcirs, they in fact obtained those 
arrangements along with it. Certainly it was the design 
of the government to avoid, as far as possible, harshness 
and abruptness in carrying them out. Publius Sulpicius 
Quirinius, to whom as governor of Syria the erection of 
the new province was entrusted, was a magistrate of re- 

Chap. XI.] 

Judaea and the Jews. 


pute, and quite familiar with the affairs of the East, and 
the several reports confirm by what they say or by their 
silence the fact that the difficulties of the state of things 
were knqwn and taken into account. The local coining 
of petty moneys, as formerly practised by the kings, now 
took place in the name of the Koman ruler ; but on ac- 
count of the Jewish abhorrence of images the head of the 
emperor was not even placed on the coins. Setting foot 
within the interior of the temple continued to be forbid- 
den in the case of every non-Jew under penalty of death/ 
However averse was the attitude of Augustus personally 
towards the Oriental worships (p. 187), he did not disdain 
here any more than in Egypt to connect them in their 
home with the imperial government; magnificent pres- 
ents of Augustus, of Livia, and of other members of the 
imperial house adorned the sanctuary of the Jews, and 
according to appointment of the emperor the smoke of 
the sacrifice of a bullock and two lambs rose daily there 
to the "Supreme God." The Koman soldiers were di- 
rected, when they were on service at Jerusalem, to leave 
the standards with the effigies of the emperor at Caesarea, 
and, when a governor under Tiberius omitted to do so, 
the government ultimately answered the urgent entreaties 

* On the marble screen {Ipv^aKToi)^ which marked off the inner 
court of the temple, were placed for that reason tablets of warning 
in the Latin and Greek language (Joseplius, Bell. Jud. v. 5, 2 ; vi. 
2, 4 ; Arch. xv. 11, 5). One of the latter, which has recentlj been 
found (Revue ArcMologique, xxiii. 1872, p. 220), and is now in the 
public museum of Constantinople, is to this effect : ^-^jfl' eVa aKkoyivrj 
eiffiropeveaOaL ivThs rod Trepl Uphv rpvcpaKroi^ Koi TrepijSf^Aou. ts 5'av 
Arifdrj, eavTw curios tarai Zia -rh e^aKoKovQ^lv Qavarov. The iota in the 
dative is present, and the writing good and suitable for the early 
imperial period. These tablets were hardly set up by the Jewish 
kings, who would scarcely have added a Latin text, and had no 
cause to threaten the penalty of death with this singular anonymity. 
If they were set up by the Roman government, both are explained ; 
Titus also says (in Josephus Bell. Jud. vi. 2, 4), in an appeal to the 
Jews : Qvx ^/we?? rovs virepfidvras vijuv avaipelv iirerpi^^apL^v^ kolu 'Pu^fxalSs 
ris ^ ; — If the tablet really bears traces of axe-cuts, these came from 
the soldiers of Titus. 


Judaea and the Jews. 

[Book VIII. 

of the pious and left matters on the old footing. Indeed, 
when the Eoman troops were to march through Jerusalem 
on an expedition against the Arabians, they obtained an- 
other route for the march in consequence of the scruples 
entertained by the priests against the images on the stand- 
ards. When that same governor dedicated to the em- 
peror at the royal castle in Jerusalem shields without 
imagery, and the pious took offence at it, Tiberius com- 
manded the same to be taken away, and to be hung up in 
the temple of Augustus at Caesarea. The festival dress of 
the high priest, which was kept in Roman custody at the 
castle and hence had to be purified from such profanation 
for seven days before it was put on, was delivered up to 
the faithful upon their complaint ; and the commandant of 
the castle was directed to give himself no further concern 
about it. Certainly it could not be asked of the multi- 
tude that it should feel the consequences of the incorpo- 
ration less heavily, because it had itself brought them 
about. Nor is it to be maintained that the annexation of 
the land passed off without oppression for the inhabitants, 
and that they had no ground to complain ; such arrange- 
ments have never been carried into effect without diffi- 
culties and disturbances of the peace. The number, more- 
over, of unrighteous and violent deeds perpetrated by 
individual governors must not have been smaller in Judaea 
than elsewhere. In the very beginning of the reign of 
Tiberius the Jews, like the Syrians, complained of the 
pressure of the taxes ; especially the prolonged adminis- 
tration of Pontius Pilatus is charged with all the usual 
official crimes by a not unfair observer. But Tiberius, as 
the same Jew says, had during the twenty-three years of 
his reign maintained the time-hallowed holy customs, and 
in no part set them aside or violated them. This is the 
more to be recognised, seeing that the same emperor in 
the West interfered against the Jews more emphatically 
than any other (p. 187), and thus the long-suffering and 
caution shown by him in Judaea cannot be traced back to 
personal favour for Judaism. 

Chap. XL] 

Judaea and the Jews. 


In spite of all this both the opposition on principle to 
the Koman government and the violent efforts 
o^PoSZ!" at self-help on the part of the faithful devel- 
oped themselves even in this time of peace. 
The payment of tribute was assailed, not perchance merely 
because it was oppressive, but as being godless. "Is it 
allowable," asks the Kabbi in the Gospel, " to pay the 
census to Caesar ? " The ironical answer which he re- 
ceived did not at any rate suffice for all ; there were saints, 
though possibly not in great number, who thought them- 
selves polluted if they touched a coin with the emperor's 
image. This was something new — an advance in the 
theology of opposition ; the kings Seleucus and Antiochus 
had at least not been circumcised, and had likewise re- 
ceived tribute in silver pieces bearing their image. Such 
was the theory ; the practical application of it was made, 
not certainly by the high council of Jerusalem, in which 
under the influence of the imperial government, the more 
pliant notables of the land directed the vote, but by Judas 
the Galilean from Gamala on the lake of Gennesaret, who, 
as Gamaliel subsequently reminded this high council, 
"stood up in the days of the census, and behind him the 
people rose in revolt." He spoke out what all thought, 
that the so-called census was bondage, and that it was a 
disgrace for the Jew to recognise another lord over him 
than the Lord of Zebaoth ; but that He helped only those 
who helped themselves. If not many followed his call to 
arms, and he ended his life, after a few months, on the 
scaffold, the holy dead was more dangerous to the unholy 
victors than the living man. He and his followers were 
regarded by the later Jews alongside of the Sadducees, 
Pharisees, and Essenes, as the fourth " School ; " at that 
time they were called the Zealots, afterwards they called 
themselves Sicarii, " men of the knife." Their teaching 
was simple ; God alone is Lord, death indifferent, freedom 
all in all. This teaching remained, and the children and 
grandchildren of Judas became the leaders of the later in- 


Judaea and the Jews. 

[Book VIII. 

If the Eoman government had under the first two 

regents, taken on the whole, skilfully and 
Gaius and the patiently sufficed for the task of repressing, as 

far as possible, these explosive elements, the 
next change on the throne brought matters close to the 
catastrophe. The change was saluted with rejoicing, as in 
the whole empire, so specially by the Jews in Jerusalem 
and Alexandria ; and, after the unsociable and unloved old 
man, the new youthful ruler Gains was extravagantly ex- 
tolled in both quarters. But speedily out of trifling occa- 
sions there was developed a formidable quarrel. A grand- 
son of the first Herod and of the beautiful Mariamne, 
named after the protector and friend of his grandfather 
Herod Agrippa, about the most worthless and abandoned 
of the numerous Oriental princes' sons,, living in Rome, 
but nevertheless or on that very account the favourite and 
youthful friend of the new emperor, hitherto known solely 
by his dissoluteness and his debts, had obtained from his 
protector, to whom he had been the first to convey the 
news of the death of Tiberius, one of the vacant Jewish 
petty principalities as a gift, and the title of king along 

with it. This prince in the year 38, on the 
SSandriL^ way to his new kingdom, came to the city of 

Alexandria, where he a few months previously 
had attempted as a runaway bill-debtor to borrow among 
the Jewish bankers. When he showed himself there in 
public in his regal dress with his splendidly equipped 
halberdiers, this naturally stirred up the non-Jewish in- 
habitants of the great city — fond as it was of ridicule and 
of scandal — who bore anything but good will to the Jews, 
to a corresponding parody ; nor did the matter stop there. 
It culminated in a furious hunting-out of the Jews. The 
Jewish houses which lay detached were plundered and 
burnt ; the Jewish ships lying in the harbour were pil- 
laged ; the Jews that were met with in the non-Jewish 
quarters were maltreated and slain. But against the 
purely Jewish quarters they could affect nothing by vio- 
lence. Then the leaders li^^hted on the whim of conse- 

Chap. XI.] 

Judaea and the Jews. 


crating the synagogues, which were the object of their 
marked attentions, so far as these still stood, collectively 
as temples of the new ruler, and of setting up statues of 
him in all of them — in the chief synagogue a statue on 
a quadriga. That the emperor Gaius deemed himself, as 
seriously as his confused mind could do so, a real and 
corporeal god, everybody knew — the Jews and the gover- 
nor as well. The latter, Avillius Flaccus, an able man, 
and, under Tiberius, an excellent administrator, but now 
hampered by the disfavour in which he stood with the 
new emperor, and expecting every moment recall and im- 
peachment, did not disdain to use the opportunity for his 
rehabilitation.' He not merely gave orders by edict to 
put no hindrance in the way of setting up the statues in 
the synagogues, but he entered directly into the Jew- 
hunting. He ordained the abolition of the Sabbath. He 
declared further in his edicts that these tolerated foreign- 
ers had possessed themselves unallowably of the best part 
of the town ; they were restricted to a single one of the 
five wards, and all the other Jewish houses were aban- 

' The special hatred of Gaius against the Jews (Philo, Leg. 20) 
was not the cause, but the consequence, of the Alexandrian Jew- 
hunt. Since therefore the understanding of the leaders of the Jew- 
hunt with the governor (Philo. in Flacc. 4) cannot have subsisted 
on the footing that the Jews imagined, because the governor could 
not reasonably believe that he would recommend himself to the 
new emperor by abandoning the Jews, the question certainly arises, 
why the leaders of those hostile to the Jews chose this very moment 
for the Jew-hunt, and above all, why the governor, whose excel- 
lence Philo so emphatically acknowledges, allowed it, and, at least 
in its further course, took personal part in it. Probably things oc- 
curred as they are narrated above : hatred and envy towards the 
Jews had long been fermenting in Alexandria (Josephus, Bell. Jud. 
ii. 18, 9; Philo. Leg. 18) ; the abeyance of the old stern govern- 
ment, and the evident disfavour in which the prefect stood with 
Gaius, gave room for the tumult ; the arrival of Agrippa furnished 
the occasion ; the adroit conversion of the synagogues into temples 
of Gaius stamped the Jews as enemies of the emperor, and, after 
this was done, Flaccus must certainly have seized on the perse- 
cution to rehabilitate himself thereby with the emperor. 
Vol. II.— 14 


Judaea and the Jews. 

[Book VIII. 

doned to the rabble, while masses of the ejected inhabi- 
tants lay without shelter on the shore. No remonstrance 
was even listened to ; eight and thirty members of the 
council of the elders, which then presided over the Jews 
instead of the Ethnarch, ^ were scourged in the open circus 
before all the people. Four hundred houses lay in ruins ; 
trade and commerce were suspended ; the factories stood 
still. There was no help left except with the emperor. 
Before him appeared the two Alexandrian deputations, 
that of the Jews led by the formerly (p. 185) mentioned 
Philo, a scholar of Neojudaic leanings, and of a heart more 
gentle than brave, but who withal faithfully took the part 
of his people in this distress ; that of the enemies of the 
Jews, led by Apion, also an Alexandrian scholar and author, 
the " world's clapper" \cymhalum mundi\, the emperor 
Tiberius called him, full of big words and still bigger 
lies, of the most assured omniscience ^ and unlimited faith 

' When Strabo was in Egypt in the earlier Augustan period the 
Jews in Alexandria were under an Ethnarch {Geogr. xvii. 1, 13, p. 
798, and in Josephus, Arch. xiv. 7, 2). Thereupon, when under 
Augustus the Ethnarchos or Genarchos, as he was called, died, a 
council of the elders took his place (Philo. Leg. 10) ; yet Augustus, 
as Claudius states (Josephus, Arch. xix. 5, 2), " did not prohibit the 
Jews from appointing an Ethnarch," which probably is meant to 
signify that the choice of a single president was only omitted for 
this time, not abolished once for all. Under Gaius there were 
evidently only elders of the Jewish body ; and also under Vespasian 
these are met with (Josephus, Bell, vii, 10, 1). An archon of the 
Jews in Antiocli is named in Josephus, Bell. vii. 3, 3. 

^ Apion spoke and wrote on all and sundry matters, upon the 
metals and the Eoman letters, on magic and concerning the He- 
taerae, on the early history of Egypt and the cookery receipts of 
Apicius ; but above all he made his fortune by his discourses upon 
Homer, which acquired for him honorary citizenship in numerous 
Greek cities. He had discovered that Homer had begun his Iliad 
with the unsuitable word firivis for the reason that the first two let- 
ters, as numerals, exhibit the number of the books of the two epics 
which he was to write ; he named the guest-friend in Ithaca, with 
whom he had made inquiries as to the draught-board of the suitors ; 
indeed he affirmed that he had conjured up Homer himself from 
the nether world to question him about his native country, and that 

Chap. XI.] 

Judaea and the Jews. 


in himself, conversant, if not with men, at any rate with 
their worthlessness, a celebrated master of discourse as of 
the art of misleading, ready for action, witty, unabashed, 
and unconditionally loyal. The result of the discussion 
was settled from the outset ; the emperor received the 
deputies while he was inspecting the works designed in 
his gardens, but instead of giving a hearing to the sup- 
pliants, he put to them sarcastic questions, which the 
enemies of the Jews in defiance of all etiquette accom- 
panied with loud laughter, and, as he was in good humour, 
he confined himself to expressing his regret that these 
otherwise good people should be so unhappily constituted 
as not to be able to understand his innate divine nature — 
as to which he was beyond doubt in earnest. Apion thus 
gained his case, and, wherever it pleased the adversaries 
of the Jews, the synagogues were changed into temples of 

But the matter was not confined to these dedications 
introduced by the street-youth of Alexandria. 
STe^eSpeTorln In the year 39 the governor of Syria, Publius 
Jerusalem Pctrouius, received orders from the emperor 
to march with his legions into Jerusalem, and 
to set up in the temple the statue of the emperor. The 
governor, an honourable official of the school of Tiberius, 
was alarmed ; Jews from all the land, men and women, 
gray-haired and children, flocked to him, first to Ptolemais 
in Syria, then to Tiberias in Galilee, to entreat his medi- 
ation that the outrage might not take place ; the fields 
throughout the country were not tilled, and the desperate 
multitudes declared that they would rather suffer death 
by the sword or famine than be willing to look on at this 
abomination. In reality the governor ventured to delay 
the execution of the orders and to make counter-represen- 
tations, although he knew that his head was at stake. At 
the same time the king Agrippa, lately mentioned, went in 
person to Rome to procure from his friend the recall of 

Homer had come and had told it to him, hut had bound him not to 
"l^etra^ it to others. 


Judaea and the Jews. 

[Book VIII. 

the orders. The emperor in fact desisted from his desire, 
in consequence, it is said, of his good humour when under 
the influence of wine being adroitly turned to account by 
the Jewish prince. But at the same time he restricted the 
concession to the single temple of Jerusalem, and sent 
nevertheless to the governor on account of his disobedi- 
ence a sentence of death, which indeed, accidentally de- 
layed, was not carried into execution. Gains now resolved 
to break the resistance of the Jews ; the enjoined march of 
the legions shows that he had this time weighed before- 
hand the consequences of his order. Since those occur- 
rences the Egyptians, ready to believe in his divinity, had 
his full affection just as the obstinate and simple-minded 
Jews had his corresponding hatred ; reserved as he was and 
accustomed to grant favours in order afterwards to revoke 
them, the worst could not but appear merely postponed. 
He was on the point of departing for Alexandria in order 
there to receive in person the incense of his altars ; and the 
statue, which he thought of erecting to himself in Jerusa- 
lem, was — it is said — quietly in preparation, when, in Jan- 
uary 41, the dagger of Chaerea delivered, among other 
things, the temple of Jehovah from the monster. 

The short season of suffering left behind it no outward 

consequences; with the god his altars fell. 
poSiJn?^ But yet the traces of it remained on both 

sides. The history, which is here being told, 
is that of an increasing hatred between Jews and non- 
Jews, and in it the three years' persecution of the Jews 
under Gains marks a section and an advance. The hatred 
of Jews and the Jew-hunts were as old as the Diaspora 
itself; these privileged and autonomous Oriental communi- 
ties within the Hellenic could not but develop them as 
necessarily as the marsh generates the malaria. But such 
a Jew-hunt as the Alexandrian of the year 38, instigated 
by defective Hellenism and directed at once by the 
supreme authority and by the low rabble, the older 
Greek and Eoman history has not to show. The far 
way from the evil desire of the individual to the evil 

Chap. XT.] 

Judaea and the Jews. 


deed of the collective body was thus traversed, and it was 
shown that those so disposed had to will and to do, and 
were under circumstances also able to do. That this 
revelation was felt also on the Jewish side, is not to be 
doubted, although we are not in a position to adduce 
documentary evidence in support of it.^ But a far deeper 
impression than that of the Jew-hunt at Alexandria was 
graven on the minds of the Jews by the statue of the god 
Gains in the Holy of Holies. The thing had been done 
once already ; a like proceeding of the king of Syria, 
Antiochus Epiphanes, had been followed by the rising of 
the Maccabees and the victorious restoration of the free 
national state (iii. 81). That Epiphanes — the Anti-Messiah 
who ushers in the Messiah, as the prophet Daniel had, 
certainly after the event, delineated him — was thenceforth 
to every Jew the prototype of abomination ; it was no 
matter of indifference, that the same conception came to 
be with equal warrant attached to a Eoman emperor, or 
rather to the image of the Roman ruler in general. Since 
that fateful edict the Jews never ceased to dread that 
another emperor might issue a like command ; and so far 
certainly with reason, as according to the organisation of 
the Roman polity such an enactment depended solely on 

the momentary pleasure of the ruler for the 
S'jotr''^^^^'' time. This Jewish hatred of the worship of 

the emperor and of imperialism itself, is de- 
picted with glowing colours in the Apocalypse of John, for 

' The writings of Philo, which bring before us this whole catas- 
trophe with incomparable reality, nowhere strike this chord ; but, 
apart even from the fact that this rich and aged man had in him 
more of the good man than of the good hater, it is obvious of itself 
that these consequences of the occurrences on the Jewish side were 
not publicly set forth. What the Jews thought and felt may not be 
judged of by what they found it convenient to say, particularly in 
their works written in Greek. If the Book of Wisdom and the third 
book of Maccabees are in reality directed against the Alexandrian 
persecution of the Jews (Hausrath, Neutestam. Zeitgesch. ii. 259 ff.)— 
which we may add is anything but certain — they are, if possible, 
couched in a still tamer tone than the writings of Philo. 


Judaea and the Jews. 

[Book VIII. 

which, chiefly on that account, Eome is the harlot of 
BabyloD and the common enemy of mankind.' Still less 
matter of indifference was the parallel, which naturally sug- 
gested itself, of the consequences. Mattathias of Modein 
had not been more than Judas the Galilean ; the insurrec- 
tion of the patriots against the Syrian king was almost as 

' This is perhaps the right way of apprehending the Jewish con- 
ceptions, in which the positive facts regularly run away into gen- 
eralities. In the accounts of the Anti-Messias and of the Antichrist 
no positive elements are found to suit the emperor Gains ; the view 
that would explain the name Armillus, which the Talmud assigns 
to the former, by the circumstance that the emperor Gains some- 
times wore women's bracelets {armillae, Suetonius, Gai. 52), cannot 
be seriously maintained. In the Apocalypse of John — the classical 
revelation of Jewish self-esteem and of hatred towards the Romans — 
the picture of the Anti-Messias is associated rather with Nero, who 
did not cause his image to be set up in the Holy of Holies. This 
composition belongs, as is well known, to a time and a tendency, 
which still viewed Christianity as essentially a Jewish sect ; those 
elected and marked by the angel are all Jews, 12,000 from each of 
the twelve tribes, and have precedence over the "great multitude 
of other righteous ones," i.e. of proselytes (ch. vii.; comp. ch. xii. 1). 
It was written, demonstrably, after Nero's fall, and when his return 
from the East was expected. Now it is true that a pseudo-Nero 
appeared immediately after the death of the real one, and was 
executed at the beginning of the following year (Tacitus, Hist. ii. 
8, 9) ; but it is not of this one that John is thinking, for the very 
exact account makes no mention, as John does, of the Parthians in 
the matter, and for John there is a considerable interval between 
the fall of Nero and his return, the latter even still lying in the 
future. His Nero is the person who, under Vespasian, found ad- 
herents in the region of the Euphrates, whom king Artabanus 
acknowledged under Titus and prepared to reinstate in Rome by 
military force, and whom at length the Parthians surrendered, after 
prolonged negotiations, about the year 88, to Domitian. To these 
events the Apocalypse corresponds quite exactly. 

On the other hand, in a writing of this character no inference as 
to the state of the siege at the time can possibly be drawn, from the 
circumstance that, according to xi. 1, 2, only the outer court, and 
not the Holy of Holies of the Temple of Jerusalem was given 
into the power of the heathen ; here everything in the details is 
imaginary, and this trait is certainly either invented at pleasure or, 
if the view be preferred, possibly based on orders given to the 

Chap. XL] 

Judaea and the Jews. 


hopeless as the insurrection against the monster beyond 
the sea. Historical parallels in practical application are 
dangerous elements of opposition ; only too rapidly does 
the structure of long years of wise government come to 
be shaken. 

Roman soldiers, who were encamped in Jerusalem after its destruc- 
tion, not to set foot in what was formerly the Holy of Holies. The 
foundation of the Apocalypse is indisputably the destruction of the 
earthly Jerusalem, and the prospect thereby for the first time opened 
up of its future ideal restoration ; in place of the razing of the city 
which had taken place there cannot possibly be put the mere ex- 
pectation of its capture. If, then, it is said of the seven heads of 
the dragon : ^acriXeTs eirrd elaiv ot TreVre cTrecar, Ka\ eJs icrriv, 6 6,\Xos 
ovirco ^A0ev, /cat trav eXBrj oKiyov avrhv 5e? ixclvai (xvii. 10), the five, 
presumably, are Augustus, Tiberius, Gains, Claudius, Nero, the 
sixth Vespasian, the seventh undefined ; "the beast which was, and 
is not, and is itself the eighth, but of the seven,'' is, of course, Nero. 
The undefined seventh is incongruous, like so much in this gorgeous, 
but contradictory and often tangled imagery ; and it is added, not 
because the number seven was employed, which was easily to be got 
at by including Caesar, but because the writer hesitated to predicate 
immediately of the reigning emperor the short government of the 
last ruler and his overthrow by the returning Nero. But one cannot 
possibly — as is done after others by Renan — by including Caesar in 
the reckoning, recognise in the sixth emperor, " who is," Nero, who 
immediately afterward is designated as he who "was and is not," 
and in the seventh, who "has not yet come and will not rule long," 
even the aged Galba, who, according to Renan's view, was ruling at 
the time. It is clear that the latter does not belong at all to such a 
series, any more than Otho and Vitellius. 

It is more important, however, to oppose the current conception, 
according to which the polemic is directed against the Neronian 
persecution of the Christians and the siege or the destruction of 
Jerusalem, whereas it is pointed against the Roman provincial 
government generally, and in particular against the worship of the 
emperors If of the seven emperors Nero alone is named (by his 
numerical expression), this is so, not because he was the worst of 
the seven, but because the naming of the reigning emperor, while 
prophesying a speedy end of his reign in a published writing, had 
its risk, and some consideration towards the one " who is" beseems 
even a prophet Nero's name was given up, and besides, the legend 
of his healing and of his return was in every one's mouth ; thereby 
he has become for the Apocalypse the representative of the Roman 
imperial rule, and the Antichrist. The crime of the monster of the 


Judaea and the Jews. 

[Book VIII. 

The government of Claudius turned back on both sides 
into the paths of Tiberius. In Italy there was 

Se^jews repeated, not indeed precisely the ejection of 
the Jews, since there could not but arise a 

conviction that this course was impracticable, but at any 

sea, and of Ms image and instrument, the monster of the land, is 
not the violence to the citj of Jerusalem (xi. 2) — which appears not 
as their misdeed, but rather as a portion of the world-judgment (in 
which case also consideration for the reigning emperor may have 
been at work) — but the divine worship, which the heathen pay 
to the monster of the sea (xiii. 8 : irpoarKvvfjaova'ip avrhv iroivTes oi 
KaroiKovvres eirl ttjs yvs), and which the monster of the land — called 
for that reason also the pseudo-prophet — demands and compels for 
that of the sea (xiii. 12 : irote? r^iu yrjv Koi tovs KaroiKOvvras €V avry 'Iva 
■npo(TKVv'i](TOV(TLV TO dr)piov rh irpwrov, ou eOepairevdri rj "jrXrjy-^ tov Bavdrov 
avTov) ; above all, he is upbraided with the desire to make an image 
for the former (xiii. 14: Xeyusv rois KaroiKouaiu eirl rrjs yrjs, iroiria'ai 
eiKova TO} Orjp'i^ ts e^ei r^v TrXrjy^v rrjs fiaxalpv^ '^'^^ ^Cvf^^v, COmp, xiv. 
9 ; xvi. 2 ; xix. 20). This, it is plain, is partly the imperial govern- 
ment beyond the sea, partly the lieutenancy on the Asiatic con- 
tinent, not of this or that province or even of this or that person, 
but generally such representation of the emperor as the provincials 
of Asia and Syria knew. If trade and commerce appear associated 
with the use of the x<^pa7Ma of the monster of the sea (xiii. 16, 17), 
there lies clearly at bottom an abhorrence of the image and legend 
of the imperial money — certainly transformed in a fanciful way, as 
in fact Satan makes the image of the emperor speak. These very 
governors appear afterwards (xvii.) as the ten horns, which are 
assigned to the monster in its copy, and are here called, quite cor- 
rectly, the "ten kings, which have not the royal dignity, but have 
authority like kings ; " the number, which is taken over from the 
vision of Daniel, may not, it is true, be taken too strictly. 

In the sentences of death pronounced over the righteous, John is 
thinking of the regular judicial procedure on account of the refusal 
to worship the emperor's image, such as the Letters of Pliny describe 
(xiii. 15 : iroiiiffp 'Iva fxroi iav fi^ irpocrKvv'ficraxnv rijv et/coVa rod Orjpiov 
airoKTavOaxTiv^ comp. vi. 9 ; xx. 4), When stress is laid on these 
sentences of death being executed with special frequency in Rome 
(xvii. 6 ; xvii. 24), what is thereby meant is the execution of sen- 
tences wherein men were condemned to fight as gladiators or with 
wild beasts, which often could not take place on the spot where 
they were pronounced, and, as is well known, took place chiefly in 
Rome itself (Modestinus, Dig. xlviii. 19, 31). The Neronian execu- 
tions on account of alleged incendiarism do not formally belong to 

Chap. XI.] 

Judaea and the Jews. 


rate a prohibition of the exercise of their worship ' in com- 
mon, which, it is true, amounted nearly to the same thing 
and probably came as little into execution. Alongside 
of this ediqt of intolerance and in an opposite sense, by 
an ordinance embracing the whole empire the Jews were 
freed from those public obligations which were not com- 
patible with their religious convictions ; whereby, as re- 
spected service in war particularly, there was doubtless 
conceded only what hitherto it had not been possible to 
compel. The exhortation, expressed at the close of this 
edict, to the Jews to exercise now on their part also greater 
moderation, and to refrain from the insulting of persons 

the class of religious processes at all, and it is only prepossession 
that can refer the martyrs' blood shed in Rome, of which John 
speaks, exclusively or pre-eminently to these events. The current 
conceptions as to the so-called persecutions of the Christians labour 
under a defective apprehension of the rule of law and the practice 
of law subsisting in the Roman empire ; in reality the persecution 
of the Christians was a standing matter as was that of robbers ; only 
such regulations were put into practice at times more gently or even 
negligently, at other times more strictly, and were doubtless on oc- 
casion specially enforced from high quarters. The " war against 
the saints" is only a subsequent interpolation on the part of some, 
for whom John's words did not suffice (xiii. 7). The Apocalypse is 
a remarkable evidence of the national and religious hatred of the 
Jews towards the Occidental government ; but to illustrate with 
these colours the Neronian tale of horrors, as Renan does in par- 
ticular, is to shift the place of the facts and to detract from their 
depth of significance. The Jewish national hatred did not wait for 
the conquest of Jerusalem to originate it, and it made, as might be 
expected, no distinction between the good and the bad Caesar ; its 
Anti-Messias is named Nero, doubtless, but not less Vespasian or 

' The circumstance that Suetonius ( Glaud. 25) names a certain 
Chrestus as instigator of the constant troubles in Rome, that had in 
the first instance called forth these measures (according to him the 
expulsion from Rome ; in contrast to Dio, Ix. 6) has been without 
sufficient reason conceived as a misunderstanding of the movement 
called forth by Christ among Jews and proselytes. The Book of 
Acts xviii. 2, speaks only of the expulsion of the Jews. At any rate 
it is not to be doubted that, with the attitude at that time of the 
Christians to Ji^daism, they too fell under the edict. 

218 Judaea and the Jews. [Book VIII. 

of another faith, shows that there had not been wanting 
transgressions also on the Jewish side. In Egypt as in 
Palestine the religious arrangements were, at least on the 
whole, re-established as they had subsisted before Gains, 
although in Alexandria the Jews hardly obtained back all 
that they had possessed ; ^ the insurrectionary movements, 
which had broken out, or were on the point of breaking 
out, in the one case as in the other, thereupon disappeared 
of themselves. In Palestine Claudius even went beyond 
the system of Tiberius and committed the 
gnppa. whole former territory of Herod to a native 
prince, that same Agrippa who accidentally had come to 
be friendly with Claudius and useful to him in the crises 
of his accession. It was certainly the design of Claudius 
to resume the system followed at the time of Herod and 
to obviate the dangers of the immediate contact between 
the Romans and Jews. But Agrippa, leading an easy life 
and even as a prince in constant financial embarrassment, 
good-humoured, moreover, and more disposed to be on 
good terms with his subjects than with the distant pro- 
tector, gave offence in various ways to the government, 
for example, by the strengthening the walls of Jerusalem, 
which he was forbidden to carry further ; and the towns 
that adhered to the Romans, Caesarea and Sebaste, as well 
as the troops organised in the Roman fashion, were disin- 
clined to him. When he died early and suddenly in the 
year 44, it appeared hazardous to entrust the position, im- 
portant in a political as in a military point of view, to his 
only son of seventeen years of age, and those who wielded 
power in the cabinet were reluctant to let out of their 
hands the lucrative procuratorships. The Claudian gov- 

' The Jews there at least appear later to have had only the fourth 
of the five wards of the city in their possession ( Josephus, Bell. Jud. 
ii. 18, 8). Probably, if the 400 houses that were razed had been 
given back again to them in so striking a manner, the Jewish au- 
thors Josephus and Philo, who lay stress on all the imperial marks 
of favour shown to the Jews, would not have been silent on the 

Chap. XI.] Judaea and the Jews. 219 

ernment had here, as elsewhere, lighted on the right 
course, but had not the energy to carry it out irrespective 
of accessory considerations. A Jewish prince with Jewish 
soldiers might exercise the government in Judaea for the 
Romans ; the Roman magistrate and the Roman soldiers 
offended probably still more frequently through ignorance 
of Jewish views than through intentional action in opposi- 
tion to them, and whatever they might undertake was on 
their part in the eyes of believers an offence, and the most 
indifferent occurrence a religious outrage. The demand 
for mutual understanding and agreement was on both 
sides just as warranted of itself as it was impossible of exe- 
cution. But above all a conflict between the Jewish lord 
of the land and his subjects was a matter of tolerable in- 
difference for the empire ; every conflict between the Ro- 
mans and the Jews in Jerusalem widened the gulf which 
yawned between the peoples of the West and the Hebrews 
living along with them ; and the danger lay, not in the 
quarrels of Palestine, but in the incompatibility of the 
members of the empire of different nationalities who were 
now withal coupled together by fate. 

Thus the ship was driving incessantly towards the whirl- 
pool. In this ill-fated voyage all taking part 
the insurrection, lent their help — the Roman government and 
its administrators, the Jewish authorities and 
the Jewish people. The former indeed continued to show 
a willingness to meet as far as possible all claims, fair and 
unfair, of the Jews. When in the year 44 the procurator 
again entered Jerusalem, the nomination of the high-priest 
and the administration of the temple-treasure, which were 
combined with the kingly office and in so far also with the 
pro curator ship, were taken from him and transferred to a 
brother of the deceased king Agrippa, king Herod of Chal- 
cis, as well as, after his death in the year 48, to his succes- 
sor the younger Agrippa already mentioned. The Roman 
chief magistrate, on the complaint of the Jews caused a 
Roman soldier, who, on occasion of orders to plunder a 
Jewish village, had torn in pieces a roll of the law, to be 


Judaea and the Jews. 

[Book VIII. 

put to death. The whole weight of Koman imperial jus- 
tice fell, according to circumstances, even upon the higher 
officials ; when two procurators acting alongside of one 
another had taken part for and against in the quarrel of 
the Samaritans and the Galileans, and their soldiers had 
fought against one another, the imperial governor of Syria, 
Ummidius Quadratus, was sent with extraordinary full 
powers to Syria to punish and to execute ; in reality one 
of the guilty persons was sent into banishment, and a Ro- 
man military tribune named Celer was publicly beheaded 
in Jerusalem itself. But alongside of these examples of 
severity stood others of a weakness partaking of guilt ; in 
that same process the second at least as guilty procurator 
Antonius Felix escaped punishment, because he was the 
brother of the powerful menial Pallas and the husband of 
the sister of king Agrippa. Still more than with the offi- 
cial abuses of individual administrators must the govern- 
ment be chargeable with the fact that it did not strengthen 
the power of the officials and the number of the troops in 
a province so situated, and continued to recruit the gar- 
rison almost exclusively from the province. Insignificant 
as the province waS, it was a wretched stupidity and an ill- 
applied parsimony to treat it after the traditional pattern ; 
the seasonable display of a crushing superiority of force 
and unrelenting sternness, a governor of higher rank, and 
a legionary camp, would have saved to the province and 
the empire great sacrifices of money, blood, and honour. 
But not less at least was the fault of the Jews. The 

highpriestly rule, so far as it went — and the 
Sif ^Ananias, government was but too much inclined to 

allow it free scope in all internal affairs — was, 
even according to the Jewish accounts, at no time con- 
ducted with so much violence and worthlessness as in that 
from the death of Agrippa to the outbreak of the war. The 
best-known and most influential of these priest-rulers was 
Ananias son of Nebedaeus, the "whitewashed wall," as 
Paul called him, when this spiritual judge bade his attend- 
ants smite him on the mouth, because he ventured to de- 

Chap. XI.] 

Judaea and the Jews. 


fend himself before the judgment-seat. It was laid to his 
charge that he bribed the governor, and that by a corre- 
sponding interpretation of Scripture he alienated from 
the lower clergy the tithe-sheaves/ As one of the chief 
instigators of the war between the Samaritans and the 
Galileans, he had stood before the Roman Judge. Not 
because the reckless fanatics preponderated in th6 ruling 
circles, but because these instigators of popular tumults 
and organisers of trials for heresy lacked the moral and 
religious authority whereby the moderate men in better 
times had guided the multitude, and because they mis- 
understood and misused the indulgence of the Roman 
authorities in internal affairs, they were unable to mediate 
in a peaceful sense between the foreign rule and the 
nation. It was under their very rule that the Roman 
authorities were assailed with the wildest and most irra- 
tional demands, and popular movements arose of grim ab- 
surdity. Of such a nature was that violent petition, which 
demanded and obtained the blood of a Roman soldier on 
account of the tearing up of a roll of the law. Another 
time there arose a popular tumult, which cost the lives of - 
many men, because a Roman soldier had exhibited in the 
temple a part of his body in unseemly nudity. Even the 
best of kings could not have absolutely averted such lu- 
nacy ; but even the most insignificant prince would not have 
confronted the fanatical multitude with so little control of 
the helm as these priests. 

The proper result was the constant increase of the new 
Maccabees. It has been customary to put the 
outbreak of the war in the year 66 ; with 
equal and perhaps better warrant we might name for it the 
year 44. Since the death of Agrippa warfare in Judaea 
had never ceased, and alongside of the local feuds, which 
Jews fought out with Jews, there went on constantly the 
war of the Roman troops against the seceders in the moun- 

' The question was, apparently, whether the gift of the tenth- 
sheaf belonged to Aaron the priest (Numb, xviii. 28), to the priest 
generally, or to the high priest (Ewald, Jiid. Gescli. vi.^ 635). 


Judaea and the Jews. 

[Book VIII. 

tains, the Zealots, as the Jews named them, or according 
to Roman designation, the Robbers. Both names were 
appropriate ; here too alongside of the fanatics the decayed 
or decaying elements of society played their part — at any 
rate after the victory one of the first steps of the Zealots 
was to burn the bonds for debt that were kept in the tem- 
ple. Everyone of the abler procurators, onward from the 
first Cuspius Fadus, swept the land of them, and still the 
hydra appeared afresh in greater strength. The successor 
of Fadus, Tiberius Julius Alexander, himself sprung from 
a Jewish family, a nephew of the above-mentioned Alexan- 
drian scholar Philo, caused two sons of Judas the Galilean, 
Jacob and Simon, to be crucified ; this was the seed of the 
new Mattathias. In the streets of the towns the patriots 
preached aloud the war, and not a few followed to the 
desert ; these bands set on fire the houses of the peaceful 
and rational people who refused to take part with them. If 
the soldiers seized bandits of this sort, they carried off in 
turn respectable people as hostages to the mountains ; and 
very often the authorities agreed to release the former in 
order to liberate the latter. At the same time the " men 
of the knife " began in the capital their dismal trade ; they 
murdered, doubtless also for money — as their first victim 
the priest Jonathan is named, as commissioning them in 
that case, the Roman procurator Felix — but, if possible, at 
the same time as patriots, Roman soldiers or countrymen 
of their own friendly to the Romans. How, with such dis- 
positions, should wonders and signs have failed to appear, 
and persons who, deceived or deceiving, roused thereby 
the fanaticism of the masses ? Under Cuspius Fadus the 
miracle-monger Theudas led his faithful adherents to the 
Jordan, assuring them that the waters would divide before 
them and swallow up the pursuing Roman horsemen, as 
in the times of king Pharaoh. Under Felix another worker 
of wonders, named from his native country the Egyptian, 
promised that the walls of Jerusalem would collapse like 
those of Jericho at the trumpet blast of Joshua ; and there- 
upon four thousand knife-men followed him to the Mount 

Chap. XI.] 

Judaea and the Jews. 


of Olives. In the very absurdity lay the danger. The 
great mass of the Jewish population v^ere small farmers, 
who ploughed their fields and pressed their oil in the 
sweat of their brow — more villagers than townsmen, of 
little culture and powerful faith, closely linked to the free 
bands in the mountains, and full of reverence for Jehovah 
and his priests in Jerusalem as well as full of aversion to- 
wards the unclean strangers. The war there was not a war 
between one power and another for the ascendency, not 
even properly a war of the oppressed against the oppres- 
sors for the recovery of freedom ; it was not daring states- 
men,' but fanatical peasants that began and waged it, and 
paid for it with their blood. It was a further stage in the 
history of national hatred ; on both sides continued living 
together seemed impossible, and they encounterd each 
other with the thought of mutual extirpation. 

' It is nothing but an empty fancy, wlien the statesman Josephus, 
in his preface to his History of the war, puts it as if the Jews of 
Palestine had reckoned on the one hand upon a rising of the Eu- 
phrates-lands, on the other hand, upon the troubles in Gaul and the 
threatening attitude of the Germans and on the crises of the year of 
four emperors. The Jewish war had long been in full course when 
Vindex appeared against Nero, and the Druids really did what is 
here assigned to the Rabbis ; and, however great was the importance 
of the Jewish Diaspora in the lands of the Euphrates, a Jewish 
expedition from that quarter against the Romans of the East was 
almost as inconceivable as from Egypt and Asia Minor. Doubtless 
some free-lances came from thence, as e.g. some young princes of 
the zealously Jewish royal house of Adiabene (Josephus, Bell. Jud. 
ii. 19, 2 ; vi. 6, 4), and suppliant embassies went thither from the 
insurgents {ib. vi. 6, 2) ; but even money hardly flowed to the Jews 
from this quarter in any considerable amount. This statement is 
characteristic of the author more than of the war. If it is easy to 
understand how the Jewish leader of insurgents and subsequent 
courtier of the Flavians was fond of comparing himself with the Par- 
thians exiled at Rome, it is the less to be excused that modern his- 
torical authorship should walk in similar paths, and in endeavour- 
ing to apprehend these events as constituent parts of the history of 
the Roman court and city or even of the Romano-Parthian quarrels, 
should by this insipid introduction of so-called great policy obscure 
the fearful necessity of this tragic development. 


Judaea and the -Jews. 

[Book VIII. 

The movement, through which the tumults were changed 
into war, proceeded from Caesarea. In this 
the insurrection urban community — originally Greek, and then 
in Caesarea. remodelled by Herod after the pattern of the 
colonies of Alexander — which had developed into the first 
seaport of Palestine, Greeks and Jews dwelt, equally entitled 
to civic privileges, without distinction of nation and confes- 
sion, the latter superior in number and property. But the 
Hellenes, after the model of the Alexandrians, and doubt- 
less under the immediate impression of the occurrences of 
the year 38, impugned the right of citizenship of the 
Jewish members of the community by way of complaint to 
the supreme authority. The minister of NerD,' Burrus 
(f 62), decided in their favour. It was bad to make citi- 
zenship in a town formed on Jewish soil and by a Jewish 
government a privilege of the Hellenes ; but it may not be 
forgotten how the Jews behaved just at that time towards 
the Romans, and how naturally they suggested to the 
Romans the conversion of the Roman capital and the 
Roman head-quarters of the province into a purely Hel- 
lenic urban community. The decision led, as might be 
conceived, to vehement street tumults, in which Hellenic 
scoffing and Jewish arrogance seem to have almost bal- 
anced each other, particularly in the struggle for access 
to the synagogue ; the Roman authorities interfered, as a 
matter of course, to the disadvantage of the Jews. These 
left the town, but were compelled by the governor to re- 
turn, and then all of them were slain in a street riot (6th 
August 66). This the government had at any rate not 
commanded, and certainly had not wished ; powers were 
unchained which they themselves were no longer able to 

If here the enemies of the Jews were the assailants, the 

' Josephus [Arcli. xx. 8, 9), makes Mm indeed secretary of Nero 
for Greek correspondence, although he, where he follows Roman 
sources (xx. 8, 2, designates him correctly as prefect ; but certainly 
the same person is meant. lie is called 7rat5a7«7Js with him as with 
Tacitus, Ann. xiii. 2 : rector imperatoriae iuventae. 

Chap. XL] 

Judaea and the Jews, 


Jews were so in Jerusalem. Certainly their defenders in 
the narrative of these occurrences assure us 
insurrection in that the procurator of Palestine at the time, 
Jerusalem. Gcssius Florus, iu Order to avoid impeachment 
on account of his maladministration, v^ished to provoke 
an insurrection by the excessive measure of his torture ; 
and there is no doubt that the governors of that time con- 
siderably exceeded the usual measure of worthlessness and 
oppression. But, if Florus in fact pursued such a plan, it 
miscarried. For according to these very reports the pru- 
dent and the possessors of property among the Jews, and 
with them king Agrippa II., familiar with the government 
of the temple, and just at that time present in Jerusalem 
— he had meanwhile exchanged the rule of Chalcis for that 
of Batanaea — lulled the masses so far, that the riotous 
assemblages and the interference against them kept within 
the measure that had been usual in the country for years. 
But the advances made by Jewish theology were more 
dangerous than the disorder of the streets and the robber 
patriots of the mountains. The earlier Judaism had in a 
liberal fashion opened the gates of its faith to foreigners ; 
it is true that only those who belonged, in the strict sense, 
to their religion were admitted to the interior of the Tem- 
ple, but as proselytes of the gate all were admitted without 
ceremony into the outer courts, and even the non-Jew was 
here allowed to pray on his part and offer sacrifices to the 
Lord Jehovah. Thus, as we have already mentioned (p. 
205), sacrifice was offered daily there for the Eoman em- 
peror on the basis of an endowment of Augustus. These 
sacrifices cf non-Jews were forbidden by the 
master of the temple at this time, Eleazar, son 
of the above-mentioned high priest Ananias, a passionate 
young man of rank, personally blameless and brave and, 
so far, an entire contrast to his father, but more dangerous 
through his virtues than the latter was through his vices. 
Vainly it was pointed out to him that this was as offensive 
for the Romans as dangerous for the country, and abso- 
lutely at variance with usage ; he resolved to abide by the 
Vol. II.— 15 


Judaea and the Jews. 


improvement of piety and the exclusion of the sovereign 
of the land from worship. Believers in Judaism had for 
long been divided into those who placed their trust in the 
Lord of Zebaoth alone and endured the Roman rule till it 
should please Him to realise the kingdom of heaven on 
earth, and the more practical men, who had resolved to 
establish the kingdom of heaven with their own hand and 
held themselves assured of the help of the Lord of Hosts 
in the pious work, or, by their watchwords, into the Phari- 
sees and the Zealots. The number and the repute of the 
latter were constantly on the increase. An old saying was 
discovered that about this time a man would proceed 
from Judaea and gain the dominion of the world ; people 
believed this the more readily because it was so very 
absurd, and the oracle contributed not a little to render 
the masses more fanatical. 

The moderate party perceived the danger, and resolved 

to put down the fanatics by force ; it asked 
partSf ^ Vic- troops from the Romans in Ceasarea and 
zeaiots*^^ from king Agrippa. From the former no 

support came ; Agrippa sent a number of 
horsemen. On the other hand the patriots and the knife- 
men flocked into the city, among them the wildest Mana- 
him, also one of the sons of the oft-named Judas of Gali- 
lee. They were the stronger, and soon were masters in all 
the city. The handful of Roman soldiers, which kept 
garrison in the castle adjoining the temple, was quickly 
overpowered and put to death. The neighbouring king's 
palace, with the strong towers belonging to it, where the 
adherents of the moderate party, a number of Romans 
under the tribune Metilius, and the soldiers of Agrippa 
were stationed, offered as little resistance. To the latter, 
on their desire to capitulate, free departure was allowed, 
but was refused to the Romans ; when they at length sur- 
rendered in return for assurance of life, they were first dis- 
armed, and then put to death with the single exception of 
the officer, who promised to undergo circumcision and so 
was pardoned as a Jew. Even the leaders of the moder- 

Chap. XL] 

Judaea and the Jews. 


ates, including the father and the brother of Eleazar, be- 
came the victims of the popular rage, which was still more 
savagely indignant at the associates of the Romans than 
at the Eomans themselves. Eleazar was himself alarmed 
at his victory ; between the two leaders of the fanat- 
ics, himself and Manahim, a bloody hand-to-hand conflict 
took place after the victory, perhaps on account of the 
broken capitulation : Manahim was captured and exe- 
cuted. But the holy city was free, and the Roman de- 
tachment stationed in Jerusalem was annihilated ; the new 
Maccabees had conquered, like the old. 

Thus, it is alleged on the same day, the 6th August 

66, the non-Jews in Caesarea had massacred 
jJwlshwa?'^' the Jews, and the Jews in Jerusalem had 

massacred the non-Jews ; and thereby was 
given on both sides the signal to proceed with this pa- 
triotic work acceptable to God. In the neighbouring 
Greek towns the Hellenes rid themselves of the resident 
Jews after the model of Caesarea. For example, in Da- 
mascus all the Jews were in the first instance shut up 
in the gymnasium, and, on the news of a misfortune to 
the Roman arms, were by way of precaution all of them 
put to death. The same or something similar took place 
in Ascalon, in Scytopolis, Hippos, Gadara, wherever the 
Hellenes were the stronger. In the territory of king 
Agrippa, inhabited mainly by Syrians, his energetic inter- 
vention saved the lives of the Jews of Caesarea Paneas 
and elsewhere. In Syria Ptolemais, Tyre, and more or 
less the other Greek communities followed ; only the two 
greatest and most civilised cities, Antioch and Apamea, 
as well as Sidon, were exceptions. To this is probably 
due the fact that this movement did not spread in the 
direction of Asia Minor. In Egypt not merely did the 
matter come to a popular riot, which claimed numerous 
victims, but the Alexandrian legions themselves had to 
charge the Jews. — In necessary reaction to these Jewish 
" vespers" the insurrection victorious in Jerusalem imme- 
diately seized all Judaea and organised itself everywhere, 


Judaea and the Jews. 

[Book VIII. 

with similar maltreatment of minorities, but in other re- 
spects with rapidity and energy. 

It was necessary to interfere as speedily as possible, and 
to prevent the further extension of the con- 
Jf^oesSGaUus. Aagratiou ; on the first news the Roman gov- 
ernor of Syria, Gains Cestius Gallus, marched 
with his troops against the insurgents. He brought up 
about 20,000 Eoman soldiers and 13,000 belonging to 
client-states, without including the numerous Syrian mi- 
litia ; took Joppa, where the whole body of citizens was 
put to death ; and already in September stood before, and 
in fact in, Jerusalem itself. But he could not breach the 
strong walls of the king's palace and of the temple, and as 
little made use of the opportunity several times offered to 
him of getting possession of the town through the mod- 
erate party. Whether the task was insoluble or whether 
he was not equal to it, he soon gave up the siege, and 
purchased even a hasty retreat by the sacrifice of his 
baggage and of his rear-guard. Thus Judaea in the first 
instance, including Idumaea and Galilee, remained in, or 
came into, the hands of the exasperated Jews ; the Sa- 
maritan district also was compelled to join. The mainly 
Hellenic coast towns, Anthedon and Gaza, were destroyed, 
Caesarea and the other Greek towns were retained with 
difficulty. If the rising did not go beyond the boundaries 
of Palestine, that was not the fault of the government, 
but was rather due to the national dislike of the Syro- 
Hellenes towards the Jews. 

The government in Rome took things in earnest, as 
earnest they were. Instead of the procurator 
ofveSiMi'^^'^ imperial legate w^as sent to Palestine, Titus 
Flavins Vespasianus, a prudent man and an 
experienced soldier. He obtained for the conduct of the 
war two legions of the West, which in consequence of the 
Parthian war were accidentally still in Asia, and that Sy- 
rian legion which had. suffered least in the unfortunate 
expedition of Cestius, while the Syrian army under the 
new governor. Gains Licinius Mucianus — Gallus had sea- 

CnAr. XI ] 

Judaea and the Jews. 


sonably died — by the addition of another legion was re- 
stored to the status which it had before.' To these 
burgess-troops and their auxiharies were added the pre- 
vious garrison of Palestine, and lastly the forces of the 

' It is not quite clear what were the arrangements for the forces 
occupying Syria after the Parthian war was ended in the year 63. 
At its close there were seven legions stationed in the East, the four 
originally Syrian, 3d Gallica, 6th Ferrata, 10th Fretensis, 12th Ful- 
minata, and three brought up from the West, the 4th Scythica from 
Moesia (i. 231), the oth Macedonica, probably from the same place 
(i. 237 ; for which probably an upper German legion was sent to 
Moesia i. 144), the IStli Apollinaris from Pannonia (i. 237). Since, 
excepting Syria, no Asiatic province was at that time furnished with 
legions, and the governor of Syria certainly in times of peace had 
never more than four legions, the Syrian army beyond doubt had at 
that time been brought back, or at least ought to have been brought 
back, to this footing. The four legions which accordingly were to 
remain in Syria were, as this was most natural, the four old Syrian 
ones ; for the 3d had in the year 70 just marched from Syria to 
Moesia (Suetonius, Yesp. 6 ; Tacitus, Hist. ii. 74), and that the 6th, 
10th, 12th belonged to the army of Cestius follows from Josephus, 
Bell. Jvbd. ii. 18, 9, c. 19, 7 ; vii. 1, 3. Then, when the Jewish war 
broke out, seven legions were again destined for Asia, and of these 
four for Syria (Tacitus, Hist. i. 10), three for Palestine ; the three 
legions added were just those employed for the Parthian war, the 
4th, 5th, 15th, which perhaps at that time were still in course of 
marching back to their old quarters. The 4tli probably went at 
that time definitively to Syria, where it thenceforth remained ; on 
the other hand, the Syrian army gave off the 10th to Vespasian, 
presumably because this had suffered least in the campaign of Ces- 
tius. In addition he received the 5th and the 15th. The 5th and 
the 10th legions came from Alexandria (Josephus, Bell. Jud. iii. 1, 
3, c. 4, 2) ; but that they were brought up from Egypt cannot well 
be conceived, not merely because the 10th was one of the Syrian, 
but especially because the march by land from Alexandria on the 
Nile to Ptolemais through the middle of the insurgent territory at 
the beginning of the Jewish war could not have been so narrated 
by Josephus. Far more probably Titus went by ship from Achaia 
to Alexandria on the Gulf of Issus, the modern Alexandretta, and 
brought the two legions thence to Ptolemais. The orders to march 
may have reached the 15th somewhere in Asia Minor, since Ves- 
pasian, doubtless in order to take them over, went to Syria by land 
(Josephus, Bell. Jud. iii. 1, 3). To these three legions, with which 
Vespasian began the war, there was added under Titus a further 


Judaea and the Jews. 

[Book VIII. 

four client-kings of the Commagenians, the Hemesenes, 
the Jews, and the Nabataeans, together about 50,000 men, 
including among them 15,000 king's soldiers.' In the 
spring of the year 67 this army was brought together at 
Ptolemais and advanced into Palestine. After the insur- 
gents had been emphatically repulsed by the weak gar- 
rison of the town of Ascalon, they had not further' 
attacked the cities which took part with the Romans ; 
the hopelessness, which pervaded the whole movement, 
expressed itself in the renouncing at once of all offensive. 
When the Romans thereupon passed over to the aggres- 
sive, the insurgents nowhere confronted them in the open 
field, and in fact did not even make attempts to bring re- 
lief to the several places assailed. Certainly the cautious 
general of the Romans did not divide his troops, but kept 
at least the three legions together throughout. Never- 
one of the Syrian, the 12tL. Of the four legions that occupied Je- 
rusalem the two previously Syrian remained in the East, the 10th 
in Judaea, the 12th in Cappadocia, while the 5th returned to 
Moesia, and the 15th to Pannonia (Josephus, Bell. Jud. vii. 1, 8 c. 
5, 3). 

^ To the three legions there belonged five alae and eighteen 
cohorts, and the army of Palestine consisting of one ala and five 
cohorts. These auxilia numbered accordingly 3000 alarians and 
(since among the twenty-three cohorts ten were 1000 strong, thirteen 
720, or probably rather only 420 strong ; for instead of the startling 
ki^aKocriovs we expect rather rpiaKoarlovs k^dKot^ra) 16,240 (or, if 720 is 
retained, 19,360) cohortales. To these fell to be added 1000 horse- 
men from each of the four kings, and 5000 Arabian archers, with 
2000 from each of the other three kings. This gives together — 
reckoning the legion at 6000 men — 52,240 men, and so towards 
60,000, as Josephus {Bell. Jud. iii. 4, 2) says. But as the divisions 
are thus all calculated at the utmost normal strength, the effective 
aggregate number can hardly be estimated at 50,000. These num- 
bers of Josephus appear in the main trustworthy, just as the analo- 
gous ones for the army of Cestius (Bell. Jud. ii. 18, 9) ; whereas his 
figures, resting on the census, are throughout measured after the 
scale of the smallest village in Galilee numbering 15,000 inhabi- 
tants (Bell. Jud. iii. 3, 2), and are historically as useless as the figures 
of Falstaff, It is but seldom, e.g. at the siege of Jotapata, that we 
recognise reported numbers. 

Chap. XL] 

Judaea and the Jews. 


theless, as in most of the individual townships a number 
— often probably but small — of the fanatics exercised 
terror over the citizens, the resistance was obstinate, and 
the Koman conduct of the war neither brilliant nor 

Vespasian employed the whole first campaign (67) in 
bringing into his power the fortresses of the 
ondl^paigns. Small district of Galilee and the coast as far 
as Ascalon ; but before the little town of Jota- 
pata the three legions lay encamped for forty-five days. 
During the winter of 67-8 a legion lay in Scytopolis, on the 
south border of Galilee, the two others in Caesarea. Mean- 
while the different factions in Jerusalem fell upon one an- 
other and were in most vehement conflict ; the good pa- 
triots, who were at the same time for ci'vdl order, and the 
still better patriots, who, partly in fanatical excitement, 
partly from delight in mob-riot, wished to bring about and 
turn to account a reign of terror, fought with each other 
in the streets of the city, and were only at one in account- 
ing every attempt at reconciliation with the Eomans a crime 
worthy of death. The Roman general, on many occasions 
summoned to take advantage of this disorder, adhered to 
the course of advancing only step by step. In the second 
year of the war he caused the Transjordanic territory in 
the first instance, particularly the important towns of Ga- 
dara and Gerasa, to be occupied, and then took up his 
position at Emmaus and Jericho, whence he took military 
possession of Idumaea in the south and Samaria in the 
north, so that Jerusalem in the summer of the year 68 was 
surrounded on all sides. 

The siege was just beginning when the news of the 
death of Nero arrived. Thereby de hire the 
th^^wan mandate conferred on the legate became ex- 
tinct, and Vespasian, not less cautious in a 
political than in a military point of view, in fact suspended 
his operations until new orders as to his attitude. Be- 
fore these aiTived from Galba, the good season of the year 
was at an end. When the spring of 69 came, Galba was 


Judaea and the Jews. 

[Book VIII. 

overthrown, and the decision was in suspense between the 
emperor of the Roman body-guard and the emperor of the 
army on the Rhine. It was only after Vitellius's victory 
in June 69 that Vespasian resumed operations and occu- 
pied Hebron ; but very soon all the armies of the East re- 
nounced their allegiance to the former and proclaimed the 
previous legate of Judaea as emperor. The positions at 
Emmaus and Jericho were indeed maintained in front of 
the Jews ; but, as the German legions had denuded the 
Rhine to make their general emperor, so the flower of the 
army went from Palestine, partly with the legate of Syria, 
Mucianus, to Italy, partly with the new emperor and his 
son Titus to Syria and onward to Egypt, and it was only 
after the war of the succession was ended, at the close of 
the year 69, and the rule of Vespasian was acknowledged 
throughout the empire, that the latter entrusted his son 
with the termination of the Jewish war. 

Thus the insurgents had entirely free sway in Jerusalem 

from the summer of 66 till the spring of 70. 
jlSs^if m!'^'^ What the combination of religious and national 

fanaticism, the noble desire not to survive the 
downfall of their fatherland, the consciousness of past 
crimes and of inevitable punishment, the wild promiscu- 
ous tumult of all noblest and all basest passions in these 
four years of terror brought upon the nation, had its hor- 
rors intensified by the fact that the foreigners were only 
onlookers in the matter, and all the evil was inflicted di- 
rectly by Jews upon Jews. The moderate patriots were 
soon overpowered by the zealots with the help of the levy 
of the rude and fanatical inhabitants of the Idumaean vil- 
lages (end of 68), and their leaders were slain. The zealots 
thenceforth ruled, and all the bonds of civil, religious, and 
moral order were dissolved. Freedom was granted to the 
slaves, the high priests were appointed by lot, the ritual 
laws were trodden under foot and scoffed at by those very 
fanatics whose stronghold was the temple, the captives in 
the prisons were put to death, and it was forbidden on 
pain of death to bury the slain. The different leaders 

Chap. XL] 

Judaea and the Jeios. 


fought with their separate bands against one another : 
John of Gischala with his band brought up from Galilee ; 
Simon^ son of Gioras from Gerasa, the leader of a band of 
patriots formed in the south, and at the same time of the 
Idumaeans in revolt against John ; Eleazar, son of Simon, 
one of the champions against Cestius Gallus. The first 
maintained himself in the porch of the temple, the second 
in the city, the third in the Holy of Holies ; and there 
were daily combats in the streets of the city between Jews 
and Jews. Concord came only through the common enemy; 
when the attack began, Eleazar's little band placed itself 
under the orders of John, and although John in the temple 
and Simon in the city continued to play the part of masters, 
they, while quarrelling among themselves, fought shoulder 
to shoulder against the Komans. 

The task of the assailants was not an easy one. It is true 
that the army, which had received in place of 
assSiant?^ the detachmcnts sent to Italy a considerable 
contingent from the Egyptian and the Syrian 
troops, was quite sufficient for the investment ; and, in spite 
of the long interval which had been granted to the Jews 
to prepare for the siege, their provisions were inadequate, 
the more especially as a part of them had been destroyed 
in the street conflicts, and, as the siege began about the 
time of the Passover, numerous strangers who had come on 
that account to Jerusalem were also shut in. But though 
the mass of the population soon suffered distress, the 
combatant force took what they needed where they found 
it, and, well provided as they were, they carried on the 
struggle without reference to the multitudes that were 
famishing and soon dying of hunger. The young general 
could not make up his mind to a mere blockade ; a siege 
with four legions, brought to an end in this way, would yield 
to him personally no glory, and the new government needed 
a brilliant feat of arms. The town, everywhere else de- 
fended by inaccessible rocky slopes, was assailable only on 
the north side ; here, too, it was no easy labour to reduce 
the threefold rampart-wall erected without regard to cost 


Judaea and the Jews. 

[Book VIII. 

from the rich treasures of the temple, and further within 
the city to wrest the citadel, the temple, and the three 
vast towers of Herod from a strong, fanatically inspired, 
and desperate garrison. John and Simon not merely reso- 
lutely repelled the assaults, but often attacked with good 
success the troops working at the trenches, and destroyed 
or burnt the besieging machines. 

But the superiority of numbers and the art of war 

decided for the Eomans. The walls were 
jemSiem.''''* stormed, and thereafter the citadel Antonia ; 

then, after long resistance, first the porticoes 
of the temple went on fire, and further on the 10th Ab 
(August) the temple itself, with all the treasures accumu- 
lated in it for six centuries. Lastly, after fighting in the 
streets which lasted for a month, on the 8th Elul (Septem- 
ber) the last resistance in the town itself was broken, and 
the holy Salem was razed. The bloody work had lasted 
for five months. The sword and the arrow, and still more 
famine, had claimed countless victims ; the Jews killed 
every one so much as suspected of deserting, and forced 
women and children in the city to die of hunger ; the Eo- 
mans just as pitilessly put to the sword the captives or 
crucified them. The combatants that remained, and par- 
ticularly the two leaders, were drawn forth singly from the 
sewers, in which they had taken refuge. At the Dead 
Sea, just where once king David and the Maccabees in 
their utmost distress had found a refuge, the remnants of 
the insurgents still held out for years in the rock-castles 
Machaerus and Massada, till at length, as the last of the 
free Jews, Eleazar grandson of Judas the Galilean, and 
his adherents put to death first their wives and children, 
and then themselves. The work was done. That the em- 
peror Vespasian, an able soldier, did not disdain on ac- 
count of such an inevitable success over a small long-sub- 
ject people to march as victor to the Capitol, and that the 
seven-armed candelabrum brought home from the Holy of 
Holies of the temple is still to be. seen at the present day 
on the honorary arch which the imperial senate erected 

Chap. XI.] 

Judaea ami the Jews. 


to Titus in the market of the capital,' gives no high con- 
ception of the warlike spirit of this time. It is true that 
the deep aversion, which the Occidentals cherished to- 
wards the Jewish people, made up in some measure for 
what was wanting in martial glory, and if the Jewish 
name was too vile for the emperors to assign it to them- 
selves, like those of the Germans and the Parthians, they 
deemed it not beneath their dignity to prepare for the 
populace of the capital this triumph commemorative of 
the victor's pleasure in the misfortunes of others. 

The work of the sword was followed by a change of 
policy. The policy pursued by the earlier 
the Jewish cen- Hellenistic states, and taken over from them 
tral power. Komans — which reached in reality far 

beyond mere tolerance towards foreign ways and foreign 
faith, and recognized the Jews in their collective character 
as a national and religious community — had become im- 
possible. In the Jewish insurrection the dangers had 
been too clearly brought to light, which this formation of 
a national-religious union — on the one hand rigidly con- 
centrated, on the other spreading over the whole East and 
having ramifications even in the West — involved. The 
central worship was accordingly once for all set aside. 
This resolution of the government stood undoubtedly fixed, 
and had nothing in common with the question, which can- 
not be answered with certainty, whether the destruction of 
the temple took place by design or by accident ; if, on the 

' This arch was erected to Titus after his death by the imperial 
senate. Another, dedicated to him during his short government by 
the same senate in the circus (C. /. L. vi. 944) specifies even with 
express words as the ground of erecting the monument, "because 
he, according to the precept and direction and under the superin- 
tendence of his father, subdued tlie people of the Jews and de- 
stroyed the town of Hierusolyma, which up to his time had either 
been besieged in vain by all generals, kings, and peoples, or not as- 
sailed at all." The historic knowledge of this singular document, 
which ignores not merely Nebuchadnezzar and Antiochus Epiphanes, 
but their own Pompeius, stands on the same level with its extrava- 
gance in the praise of a very ordinary feat of arms. 

236 Judaea and the Jews. [Book vm. 

one hand, the suppression of the worship required only the 
closing of the temple and the magnificent structure might 
have been spared, on the other hand, had the temple been 
accidentally destroyed, the worship might have been con- 
tinued in a temple rebuilt. No doubt it will always re- 
main probable that it was not the chance of war that here 
prevailed, but the flames of the temple were rather the 
programme for the altered policy of the Roman govern- 
ment with reference to Judaism/ More clearly even than 
in the events at Jerusalem the same change is marked in 
the closing — which ensued at the same time on the order 
of Vespasian — of the central sanctuary of the Egyptian 
Jews, the temple of Onias, not far from Memphis, in the 
Heliopolitan district, which for centuries stood alongside 
of that of Jerusalem, somewhat as the translation by the 
Alexandrian Seventy stood side by side with the Old Tes- 
tament ; it too was divested of its votive gifts, and the 
worship of God in it was forbidden. 

In the further carrying out of the new order of things 
the high priesthood and the Synhedrion of Jerusalem dis- 
appeared, and thereby the Jews of the empire lost their 
outward supreme head and their chief authority having 
jurisdiction hitherto generally in religious questions. The 
annual tribute — previously at least tolerated — on the part 
of every Jew, without distinction of dwelling-place, to the 
temple did not certainly fall into abeyance, but was with 
bitter parody transferred to the Capitoline Jupiter, and 
his representative on earth, the Roman emperor. From 

* The account of Josephus, that Titus with his council of war re- 
solved not to destroy the temple, excites suspicion by the manifest 
intention of it, and, as the use made of Tacitus in the chronicle of 
Sulpicius Severus is completely proved by Bernays, it may certainly 
well be a question whether his quite opposite account ( Ghron. ii. 
30, 6), that the council of war had resolved to destroy the temple, 
does not proceed from Tacitus, and whether the preference is not to 
be given to it, although it bears traces of Christian revision. This 
view further commends itself through the fact that the dedication 
addressed to Vespasian of the Argonautica of the poet Valerius 
Flaccus celebrates the victor of Solyma, who hurls the fiery torches. 

Chap. XI.] Judaea and the Jews. 


tlie character of the Jewish institutions the suppression of 
the central worship involved dissolution of the commu- 
nity of Jerusalem. The city was not merely destroyed and 
burnt down, but was left lying in ruins, like Carthage and 
Corinth once upon a time ; its territory, public as well as 
private land, became imperial domain.' Such of the citi- 
zens of the populous town as had escaped famine or the 
sword came under the hammer of the slave market. Amidst 
the ruins of the destroyed town was pitched the camp 
of the legion, which, with its Spanish and Thracian auxil- 
iaries, was thenceforth to do garrison duty in the Jewish 
land. The provincial troops hitherto recruited in Pales- 
tine itself were transferred elsewhere. In Emmaus, in the 
immediate neighbourhood of Jerusalem, a number of Ro- 
man veterans were settled, but urban rights were not con- 
ferred on this place. On the other hand, the old Sichem, 
the religious centre of the Samaritan community, perhaps 
a Greek city even from the time of Alexander the Great, 
was now reorganised in the forms of Hellenic polity under 
the name Flavia Neapolis. The capital of the land, Cae- 
sarea, hitherto a Greek urban community, obtained as 
" first Flavian colony " Eoman organisation and Latin as 
the language of business. These were essays towards the 
Occidental municipalising of the Jewish land. Neverthe- 
less Judaea proper, though depopulated and impoverished, 
remained still Jewish as before ; the light in which the 
government looked upon the land is shown by the thor- 
oughly anomalous permanent military occupation, which, as 
Judaea was not situated on the frontier of the empire, can 
only have been destined to keep down the inhabitants. 

1 That the emperor took tliis land for himself (iSiW avrtf t\\v x'^pct" 
(pvXdTTcov) is stated by Josephus, Bell Jud. vii. 6, 6 ; not in accord 
with this is his command ircKTav yriv airoSoa-Oai twv 'lovSaiuv {I. c), in 
which doubtless there lurks an error or a copyist's mistake. It is 
in keeping with the expropriation that land was by way of grace 
assigned elsewhere to individual Jewish landowners (Josephus, vit. 
16). We may add that the territory was probably employed as an 
endowment for the legion stationed there {Eph. epigr. ii. n. 696 ; 
Tacitus, Ann. xiii. 54). 


Judaea and the Jews. 

[Book VIII. 

The Herodians, too, did not long survive the destruction 
of Jerusalem. King Agrippa U., the ruler of 
SeroSanf*^' Caesarea Paneas and of Tiberias, had ren- 
dered faithful service to the Romans in the 
vs^ar against his countrymen, and had even scars, hon- 
ourable at least in a military sense, to show from it ; 
besides, his sister Berenice, a Cleopatra on a small scale, 
held the heart of the conqueror of Jerusalem captive with 
the remnant of her much asserted charms. So he re- 
mained personally in possession of the dominion ; but after 
his death, some thirty years later, this last reminiscence 
of the Jewish state was merged in the Roman province of 

No hindrances were put in the way of the Jews exer- 
cising their religious customs either in Pales- 
ment of the tine or elsewhere. Their religious instruc- 
tion itself, and the assemblies in connection 
with it of their law-teachers and law-experts, were at least 
permitted in Palestine ; and there was no hindrance to 
these Rabbinical unions attempting to put themselves 
in some measure in the room of the former Synhedrion of 
Jerusalem, and to fix their doctrine and their laws in the 
groundwork of the Talmud. Although individual par- 
takers in the Jewish insurrection who fled to Egypt and 
Cyrene produced troubles there, the bodies of Jews outside 
of Palestine, so far as we see, were left in their previous 
position. Against the Jew-hunt, which just about the 
time of the destruction of Jerusalem was called forth in 
Antioch by the circumstance that the Jews there had 
been publicly charged by one of their renegade comrades 
in the faith with the intention of setting the town on fire, 
the representative of the governor of Syria interfered with 
energy, and did not allow what was proposed — that they 
should compel the Jews to sacrifice to the gods of the land 
and to refrain from keeping the Sabbath. Titus himself, 
when he came to Antioch, most distinctly dismissed the 
leaders of the movement there with their request for the 
ejection of the Jews, or at least the cancelling of their 

Chap. XL] 

Judaea and the Jews. 


privileges. People shrank from declaring war on the Jew- 
ish faith as such, and from driving the far-branching Dias- 
pora to extremities ; it was enough that Judaism was in its 
political representation deleted from the commonwealth. 
The alteration in the policy pursued since Alexander's 
time towards Judaism amounted in the main 
quences of the to the withdrawing from this religious so- 
catastrophe. gietj uuity of leadership and external com- 
pactness, and to the wresting out of the hands of its 
leaders a power which extended not merely over the na- 
tive land, of the Jews, but over the bodies of Jews gener- 
ally within and beyond the Roman empire, and certainly 
in the East was prejudicial to the unity of imperial gov- 
ernment. The Lagids as well as the Seleucids, and not 
less the Eoman emperors of the Julio-Claudian dynasty, 
had put up with this ; but the immediate rule of the 
Occidentals over Judaea had sharpened the contrast be- 
tween the imperial power and this power of the priests to 
such a degree, that the catastrophe set in with inevitable 
necessity and brought its consequences. From a politi- 
cal standpoint we may censure, doubtless, the remorse- 
lessness of the conduct of the war — which, moreover, is 
pretty much common to this war with all similar ones in 
Roman history — but hardly the religious-political dis- 
solution of the nation ordained in consequence of it. If 
the axe was laid at the root of institutions which had led, 
and could not but with a certain necessity lead, to the 
formation of a party like that of the zealots, there was but 
done what was right and necessary, however severely and 
unjustly in the special case the individual might be af- 
fected by it. Vespasian, who gave the decision, was a 
judicious and moderate ruler. The question concerned 
was one not of faith but of power ; the Jewish church- state, 
as head of the Diaspora, was not compatible with the abso- 
luteness of the secular great-state. From the general rule 
of toleration the government did not even in this case 
depart ; it waged war not against Judaism but against the 
high priest and the Synhedrion. 


Judaea and the Jews. 

[Book VIII. 

Nor did the destruction of the temple wholly fail in 
this its aim. There were not a few Jews and 
still more proselytes, particularly in the Dias- 
pora, who adhered more to the Jewish moral law and to 
Jewish Monotheism than to the strictly national form of 
faith ; the whole respectable sect of the Christians had in- 
wardly broken off from Judaism and stood partly in open 
opposition to the Jewish ritual. For these the fall of 
Jerusalem was by no means the end of things, and within 
this extensive and influential circle the government ob- 
tained in some measure what it aimed at by breaking up 
the central seat of the Jewish worship. The separation 
of the Christian faith common to the nations from the 
national Jewish, the victory of the adherents of Paul over 
those of Peter, was essentially promoted by the abeyance 
of the Jewish central cultus. 

But among the Jews of Palestine, where the language 
spoken was not Hebrew indeed, but Aramaic, 
jjJS*^"^^'^ and among the portion of the Diaspora which 
clung firmly to Jerusalem, the breach between 
Judaism and the rest of the world was deepened by the 
destruction of the temple. The national-religious exclu- 
siveness, which the government wished to obviate, was in 
this narrow circle rather strengthened by the violent at- 
tempt to break it down, and driven, in the first instance, 
to further desperate struggles. 

Not quite fifty years after the destruction of Jerusalem, 
in the year 116,' the Jews of the eastern Medi- 

The Jewish , • j j i • • i 

rising under terranean rose against the imperial govern- 
Trajan. mcut. The risiug, although undertaken by 

the Diaspora, was of a purely national character in its 
chief seats, Cyrene, Cyprus, Egypt, directed to the ex- 
pulsion of the Komans as of the Hellenes, and, apparently, 
to the establishment of a separate Jewish state. It 
ramified even into Asiatic territory, and seized Mesopo- 

^ Eusebius, H. E. iv. 2, puts the outbreak on the 18th, and so, 
according to his reckoning (in the Chronicle), the penultimate year 
of Trajan ; and therewith Dio, Ixviii. 33, agrees. 

Chap. XT.] 

Judaea and the Jews. 


tamia and Palestine itself. When the insurgents were 
victorious they conducted the war with the same exaspera- 
tion as the Sicarii in Jerusalem ; they killed those whom 
they seized — the historian Appian, a native of Alexandria, 
narrates how he, running from them for his life, with 
great difficulty made his escape to Pelusium — and often 
they put the captives to death under excruciating torture, 
or compelled them — just as Titus formerly compelled the 
Jews captured in Jerusalem — to fall as gladiators in the 
arena in order to delight the eyes of the victors. In Gy- 
rene 220,000, in Cyprus even 240,000 men are said to 
have been thus put to death by them. On the other hand, 
in Alexandria, which does not appear itself to have fallen 
into the hands of the Jews,^ the besieged Hellenes slew 
whatever Jews were then in the city. The immediate 
cause of the rising is not clear. The blood of the zealots, 
who had taken refuge at Alexandria and Cyrene, and had 
there sealed their loyalty to the faith by dying under the 
axe of the Roman executioner, may not have flowed in 
vain ; the Parthian war, during which the insurrection be- 
gan, so far promoted it, as the troops stationed in Egypt 
had probably been called to the theatre of war. To all 
appearance it was an outbreak of the religious exasperation 
of the Jews, which had been glowing in secret like a vol- 
cano since the destruction of the temple and broke out 
after an incalculable manner into flames, of such a kind as 
the East has at all times produced and produces ; if the 
insurgents really proclaimed a Jew as king, this rising 
certainly had, like that in their native country, its central 
seat in the great mass of the common people. That this 
Jewish rising partly coincided with the formerly-mentioned 
(p. 73) attempt at liberation of the peoples shortly before 
subdued by the emperor Trajan, while the latter was in 

' EuseMus himself (in Sjncellus) says only: ' Klf)iavhs '\ovl<xiovs 
Kara 'AAelovSpecwi/ aTaffia^oPTa^ eKShaffev. The Armenian and Latin 
translations appear to have erroneously made out of this a restora- 
tion of Alexandria destroyed by the Jews, of which Eusebius, 
jEZi B. iv. 3, and Dio, Ixviii. 32, know nothing. 
Vol. II.— 16 


Judaea and the Jews. 

[Book VIII. 

the far East at the mouth of the Euphrates, gave to it 
even a political significance ; if the successes of this 
ruler melted away under his hands at the close of his ca- 
reer, the Jewish insurrection, particularly in Palestine and 
Mesopotamia, contributed its part to that result. In order 
to put down the insurrection the troops had everywhere to 
take the field ; against the " king " of the Cyrenaean Jews, 
Andreas or Lukuas, and the insurgents in Egypt, Trajan 
sent Quintus Marcius Turbo with an army and fleet ; 
against the insurgents in Mesopotamia, as was already 
stated, Lusius Quietus — two of his most experienced 
generals. The insurgents were nowhere able to offer re- 
sistance to the compact troops, although the struggle was 
prolonged in Africa as in Palestine to the first times of 
Hadrian, and similar punishments were inflicted on this 
Diaspora as previously on the Jews of Palestine. That 
Trajan annihilated the Jews in Alexandria, as Appian says, 
is hardly an incorrect, although perhaps a too blunt ex- 
pression for what took place ; for Cyprus it is attested 
that thenceforth no Jew might even set foot upon the 
island, and death there awaited even the shipvsTecked Is- 
raelites. If our traditional information was as copious 
in regard to this catastrophe as in regard to that of Jeru- 
salem, it would probably appear as its continuation and 
completion, and in some sense also as its explanation ; 
this rising shows the relation of the Diaspora to the home- 
country, and the state within a state, into which Judaism 
had developed. 

Even with this second overthrow the revolt of Judaism 
against the imperial power was not at an end. 
ing under We cannot say that the latter gave further 
Hadrian. provocatiou to it ; ordinary acts of adminis- 
tration, which were accepted without opposition through- 
out the empire, affected the Hebrews just where the full 
resisting power of the national faith had its seat, and 
thereby called forth, probably to the surprise of the gov- 
ernors themselves, an insurrection which was in fact a 
war. If the emperor Hadrian, when his tour through the 

Chap. XL] 

Judaea and the Jews. 


empire^ brought him to Palestine, resolved in the year 130 
to re-erect the destroyed holy city of the Jews as a Ro- 
man colony, he certainly did not do them the honour 
of fearing them, and had no thought of propagating re- 
ligious-political views ; but he ordained that this legionary 
camp should — as shortly before or soon afterwards was the 
case on the Rhine, on the Danube, in Africa — be con- 
nected with an urban community recruiting itself prima- 
rily from the veterans, which received its name partly from 
its founder, partly from the god to whom at that time the 
Jews paid tribute instead of Jehovah. Similar was the 
state of the case as to the prohibition of circumcision ; it 
was issued, as will be observed at a later point, probably 
without any design of thereby making w^ar on Judaism as 
such. As may be conceived, the Jews did not inquire 
as to the motives for that founding of the city and for 
this prohibition, but felt both as an attack on their faith 
and their nationality, and answered it by an insurrection 
which, neglected at first by the Romans, thereupon had 
not its match for intensity and duration in the history of 
the Roman imperial period. The whole body of the Jews 
at home and abroad was agitated by the movement and 
supported more or less openly the insurgents on the Jor- 
dan ; ^ even Jerusalem fell into their hands, ^ and the gov- 
ernor of Syria and indeed the emperor Hadrian appeared 
on the scene of conflict. The war was led, significantly 

^ This is shown by the expressions of Dio, Ixix. 13 : ol avavraxov 
7TJS '\ov^aioi and ird(rr]s uis etVeij' Kivov{x4vr\s eVl tovtc^ t^s olKOvfxevT]s. 

If, according to the contemporary Appian {Syr. 50), Hadrian 
once more destroyed {KarsffKo^e) the town, this proves as well that 
it was preceded by an at least in some measure complete formation 
of the colony, as that it was captured by the insurgents. Only 
thereby is explained the great loss which the Romans suffered 
(Fronto, de hello Partli. p. 218 Nab. : Hadriano imperium ohtinente 
quantum miliium a Tudaesis . . . caesum ; Dio, Ixix. 14) ; and 
it accords at least well with this, that the governor of Syria, Pub- 
licius Marcellus, left his province to bring help to his colleage Tin- 
eius Rufus (Eusebius, H. E. iv. 6 ; Borghesi, Opp. iii. 64) ; in Pal- 
§5ti^e (C. I. Or. 4033, 4034). 


Judaea and the Jews. 

[Book VIII. 

enough, by the priest Eleazar ^ and the bandit-chief Simon, 
surnamed Bar-Kokheba, i.e. son of the stars, as the bringer 
of heavenly help, perhaps as Messiah. The financial power 
and the organisation of the insurgents are testified by 
the silver and copper coins struck through several years 
in the name of these two. After a sufficient number of 
troops was brought together, the experienced general Sex- 
tus Julius Severus gained the upper hand, but only by a 
gradual and slow advance ; quite as in the war under Ves- 
pasian no pitched battle took place, but one place after 
another cost time and blood, till at length after a three 
years' warfare ^ the last castle of the insurgents, the strong 
Bether, not far from Jerusalem, was stormed by the Ko- 
mans. The numbers handed down to us in good accounts 
of 50 fortresses taken, 985 villages occupied, 580,000 that 
fell, are not incredible, since the war was waged with in- 
exorable cruelty, and the male population was probably 
everywhere put to death. 

In consequence of this rising the very name of the van- 
quished people was set aside ; the province 
Hadrian^*'^'^ was thcuceforth termed, not as formerly Ju- 
daea, but by the old name of Herodotus Sy- 
ria of the Philistines, or Syria Palaestina. The land re- 
mained desolate ; the new city of Hadrian continued to 
exist, but did not prosper. The Jews were prohibited 

' That the coins with this name belong to the Hadrianic insurrec- 
tion is now proved (v. Sallet, Zeitsclir jur Numism. v. 110); this is 
consequently the Rabbi Eleazar from Modein of the Jewish ac- 
counts (Ewald, Oesch. Isr. vii.'^, 418 ; Schlirer, Lehrbuch^ p. 357). 
That the Simon whom these coins name partly with Eleazar, partly 
alone, is the Bar-Kokheba of Justin Martyr and Eusebius is at least 
very probable. 

^ Dio (Ixix. 12) calls the war protracted {ovt oXiyoxp^vios) ; Euse- 
bius in his Chronicle puts its beginning in the sixteenth, its end in 
the eighteenth or nineteenth year of Hadrian ; the coins of the in- 
surgents are dated from the first or from the second year of the de- 
liverance of Israel. We have not trustworthy dates ; the Rabbinic 
tradition (Schiirer, LelirhucJi, p. 361) is not available in this re- 

Ohap. XI.] Judaea and the Jews. 

under penalty of death from even setting foot in Jerusalem; 
the garrison was doubled ; the limited territory between 
Egypt and Syria, to which only a small strip of the Trans- 
jordanic domain on the Dead Sea belonged, and which 
nowhere touched the frontier of the empire, was thence- 
forth furnished with two legions. In spite of all these 
strong measures the province remained disturbed, pri- 
marily doubtless in consequence of the bandit-habits long 
interwoven with the national cause. Pius issued orders to 
march against the Jews, and even under Severus there is 
mention of a war against Jews and Samaritans. But no 
movements on a great scale among the Jews recurred after 
the Hadrianic war. 

It must be acknowledged that these repeated outbreaks 

of the animosity fermenting in the minds of 
jewa^n thV^'^ the Jows agaiust the whole of their non-Jewish 
Surier.'^*^'"'^ fellow-citizens did not change the general 

policy of the government. Like Vespasian, 
the succeeding emperors maintained, as respects the Jews 
in the main, the general standpoint of political and re- 
Hgious toleration ; and not only so, but the exceptional 
laws issued for the Jews were, and continued to be, chiefly 
directed to release them from such general civil duties as 
were not compatible with their habits and their faith, 
and they are therefore designated directly as privileges.^ 

Since the time of Claudius, whose suppression of Jewish 
worship in Italy (p. 216) is at least the last measure of the 
sort which we know of, residence and the free exercise of 
religion in the whole empire appear to have been in law 
conceded to the Jew. It would have been no wonder if 
those insurrections in the African and Syrian provinces 
had led to the expulsion generally of the Jews settled 
there ; but restrictions of this sort were enacted, as we 

' Biography of Alexander, c. 23 : ludaeis frimlegia reservamt, 
Christianos esse passus est. Clearlj the privileged position of the 
Jews as compared with the Christians comes here to light — a po- 
sition, which certainly rests in its turn on the fact that the former 
represent a nation the latter do not. 


Judaea and the Jews. 

[Book VIII. 

saw, only locally, e.g. for Cyprus. The Greek provinces 
always remained the chief seat of the Jews ; even in the 
capital in some measure bilingual, whose numerous body 
of Jews had a series of synagogues, these formed a por- 
tion of the Greek population of Rome. Their epitaphs in 
Rome are exclusively Greek ; in the Christian church at 
Rome developed from this Jewish body the baptismal 
confession was uttered in Greek down to a late period, 
and throughout the first three centuries the authorship 
was exclusively Greek. But restrictive measures against 
the Jews appear not to have been adopted even in the 
Latin provinces ; through and with Hellenism the Jew- 
ish system penetrated into the West, and there too com- 
munities of Jews were found, although they were still in 
number and importance even now, v/hen the blows directed 
against the Diaspora had severely injured the Jew-com- 
munities of the East, far inferior to the latter. 

Political privileges did not follow of themselves from 
the toleration of worship. The Jews were not 
SSs^"''" hindered in the construction of their syna- 
gogues and proseuchae any more than in the 
appointment of a president for the same (dp;)(tcrwa'ya>yos), 
as well as of a college of elders {ap^ovr^i), with a chief 
elder (ycpouo-tap^Tys) at its head. Magisterial functions 
were not meant to be connected with these positions ; 
but, considering the inseparableness of the Jewish church- 
organisation and the Jewish administration of law, the 
presidents probably everywhere exercised, like the bish- 
ops in the Middle Ages, a jurisdiction, although merely 
de facto. The bodies of Jews in the several towns were 
not recognised generally as corporations, certainly not, 
for example, those of Rome ; 3'^et there subsisted at 
many places on the ground of local privileges such corpo- 
rative unions with ethnarchs or, as they were now mostly 
called, patriarchs at their head. Indeed, in Palestine we 
find at the beginning of the third century once more a 
president of the whole Jewish body, who, in virtue of 
hereditary sacerdotal right, bears sway over his fellow- 

Chaf. XL] 

Judaea and the Jews. 


believers almost like a ruler, and has power even over life 
and limb, and whom the government at least tolerates/ 
Beyond question this patriarch was for the Jews the old 
high priest, and thus, under the eyes and under the op- 
pression of the foreign rule, the obstinate people of God 
had once more reconstituted themselves, and in so far 
overthrown Vespasian's work. 

As respects the bringing of the Jews under obligations 
of public service, their exemption from serv- 

Public services. . . . i •! i 'n ji • t 

mg m war as incompatible with tneir relig- 
ious principles had long since been and continued to 
be recognised. The special poll-tax to which they were 
subject, the old temple-payment, might be regarded as a 
compensation for this exemption, though it had not been 
imposed in this sense. For other services, as e.g. for the 
undertaking of wardships and municipal officers, they 
were at least from the time of Severus regarded in general 
as capable and under obligation, but those which ran coun- 
ter to their superstition " were remitted to them ; ^ in 
connection with which we have to take into account that 

^ In order to make good that even in bondage tlie Jews were able 
to exercise a certain self-administration, Origen (about tbe year 
226) writes to Africanus, c. 14 : "How mucli even now, wbere tbe 
Romans rule and the Jews pay to them the tribute (tJ) 5t5paxiuoj/), 
has the president of the people (6 idvdpxn^) among them in his 
power with permission of the emperor {crvYxopovvTOs Kalarapos) ? 
Even courts are secretly held according to the law, and even on 
various occasions sentence of death is pronounced. This I, who 
have long lived in the land of this people, have myself experienced 
and ascertained." The patriarch of Judaea already makes his 
appearance in the letter forged in the name of Hadrian in the biog- 
raphy of the tyrant Saturninus (c. 8), in the ordinances first in the 
year 392 ( O. Th. xvi. 8, 8). Patriarchs as presidents of individual 
Jewish communities, for which the word from its signification is 
better adapted, meet us already in the ordinances of Constantine I. 
{G. Th. xvi. 8, 1, 2). 

2 The jurists of the third century lay down this rule, appealing 
to an edict of Severus {Dig. xxvii. 1, 15, 6 ; 1. 2, 3, 3). According 
to the ordinance of the year 321 ( G. Th. xvi. 8, 3) this appears even 
as a right, not as a duty of the Jews, so that it depended on them 
to undertake or decline the office. 


Judaea and the Jews. 

[Book VIII. 

exclusion from municipal offices became more and more 
converted from a slight into a privilege. Even in the case 
of state offices in later times a similar course was prob- 
ably pursued. 

The only serious interference of the state-power with 
Jewish customs concerned the ceremony of 
circumcisioii!^ circumcisiou ; the measures directed against 
this, however, were probably not taken from 
a religious-political standpoint, but were connected with 
the forbidding of castration, and arose doubtless in part 
from misunderstanding of the Jewish custom. The evil 
habit of mutilation, becoming more and more prevalent, 
was first brought by Domitian within the sphere of penal 
offences ; when Hadrian, making the precept more strin- 
gent, placed castration under the law of murder, circum- 
cision appears also to have been apprehended as castra- 
tion,' which certainly could not but be felt and was felt 
(p. 243) by the Jews as an attack upon their existence, 
although this was perhaps not its intention. Soon after- 
wards, probably in consequence of the insurrection there- 
by occasioned, Pius allowed the circumcision of children of 
Jewish descent, while otherwise even that of the non-free 
Jew, and of the proselyte was to involve, afterwards as 
before, the penalty of castration for all participating in it. 
This was in so far also of political importance, as thereby the 
formal passing over to Judaism became a penal offence ; 
and probably the prohibition in this very sense was not re- 
mitted but maintained.^ It must have contributed its part 
to the abrupt demarcation of the Jews from the non-Jews. 

' The analogous treatment of castration in the Hadrianic edict Big. 
xlviii. 8, 4, 2, and of circumcision in Paulus, Sent. v. 22, 3, 4, and 
Modestinus, Dig. xlviii. 8, 11 pr., naturally suggests this point of 
view. The statement that Severus Judaeos fieri sub gravi poena netuit 
{Vita, 17), is doubtless nothing but the enforcement of this pro- 

- The remarkable account in Origen's treatise against Celsus, ii. 
13 (written about 250), shows that the circumcision of the non-Jew 
involved de iure the penalty of death, although it is not clear how 
far this found application to Samaritans or Sicarii. 

Chap. XI.] 

Judaea and the Jews. 

If we look back on the fortunes of Judaism in the epoch 
from Augustus to Diocletian, we recognise a 
^^the jewfi?" thorough transformation of its character and 
the imperial of its positiou. It cntcrs upou this cpoch as 

period. /■ , , 

a national and religious power firmly con- 
centrated round its narrow native land — a power which 
even confronts the imperial government in and beyond 
Judaea with arms in hand, and in the field of faith evolves 
a mighty propagandist energy. We can understand that 
the Koman government would not tolerate the adoration 
of Jehovah and the faith of Moses on another footing than 
that on which the cultus of Mithra and the faith of Zo- 
roaster were tolerated. The reaction against this exclu- 
sive and self-centred Judaism came in the crushing blows 
directed by Vespasian and Hadrian against the Jewish 
land, and by Trajan against the Jews of the Diaspora, the 
effect of which reached far beyond the immediate destruc- 
tion of the existing society and the reduction of the repute 
and power of the Jews as a body. In fact, the later Chris- 
tianity and the later Judaism were the consequences of 
this reaction of the West against the East. The great 
propagandist movement, which carried the deeper view of 
religion from the East into the West, was liberated in this 
way, as was already said (p. 239 f.), from the narrow limits 
of Jewish nationality ; if it by no means gave up the at- 
tachment to Moses and the prophets, it necessarily became 
released at any rate from the government of the Pharisees, 
which had gone to pieces. The Christian ideals of the 
future became universal, since there was no longer a Je- 
rusalem upon earth. But as the enlarged and deepened 
faith, which with its nature changed also its name, arose 
out of these disasters, so not less the narrowed and har- 
dened orthodoxy, which found a rallying point, if no 
longer in Jerusalem, at any rate in hatred towards those 
who had destroyed it, and still more in hatred towards 
the more free and higher intellectual movement which 
evolved Christianity out of Judaism. The external power 
of the Jews was broken, and risings, such as took place 


Judaea and the Jews. 

[Book VIII. 

in the middle of the imperial period, are not subsequently 
met with ; the Eoman emperors were done with the state 
within the state, and, as the properly dangerous element — 
the propagandist diffusion — passed over to Christianity, 
the confessors of the old faith, who shut themselves off 
from the New Covenant, were set aside, so far as the 
further general development was concerned. 

But if the legions could destroy Jerusalem, they could 

not raze Judaism itself ; and what on the one 
teS'juSm.' ^i^^ ^ remedy, exercised on the other the 

effect of a poison. J udaism not only remained, 
but it became an altered thing. There is a deep gulf be- 
tween the Judaism of the older time, which seeks to spread 
its faith, which has its temple-court filled with the Gen- 
tiles, and which has its priests offering daily sacrifices for 
the emperor Augustus, and the rigid Rabbinism, which 
knew nothing and wished to know nothing of the world 
beyond Abraham's bosom and the Mosaic law. Strangers 
the Jews always were, and had wished to be so ; but the 
feeling of estrangement now culminated within them as 
well as against them after a fearful fashion, and rudely 
were its hateful and pernicious consequences drawn on 
both sides. From the contemptuous sarcasm of Horace 
against the intruding Jew from the Roman Ghetto there 
is a wide step to the solemn enmity which Tacitus cher- 
ishes against this scum of the human race, to which every- 
thing pure is impure and everything impure pure ; in the 
interval lie those insurrections of the despised people, and 
the necessity of conquering it and of expending continu- 
ously money and men for its repression. The prohibitions 
of maltreating the Jew, which are constantly recurring in 
the imperial ordinances, show that those words of the 
cultured were translated, as might be expected, by their 
inferiors into deeds. The Jews, on their part, did not 
mend the matter. They turned away from Hellenic liter- 
ature, which was now regarded ars polluting, and even re- 
belled against the use of the Greek translation of the 
Bible ; the ever-increasing purification of faith turned not 

Chap. XL] Judaea and the Jews. 251 

merely against the Greeks and the Romans, but quite as 
much against the *' half Jews " of Samaria and against the 
Christian heretics ; the reverence toward the letter of the 
Holy Scriptures rose to a giddy height of absurdity, and 
above all an — if possible — still holier tradition established 
itself, in the fetters of which all life and thought were 
benumbed. The gulf between that treatise on the Sub- 
lime which ventures to place Homer's Poseidon shaking 
land and sea and Jehovah, who creates the shining sun, 
side by side, and the beginnings of the Talmud which be- 
long to this epoch, marks the contrast between the Juda- 
ism of the first and that of the third century. The living 
together of Jews and non-Jews showed itself more and 
more to be just as inevitable, as under the given conditions 
it was intolerable ; the contrast in faith, law, and manners 
became sharpened, and mutual arrogance and mutual 
hatred operated on both sides with morally disorganising 
effect. Not merely was their conciliation not promoted in 
these centuries, but its realisation was always thrown 
further into the distance, the more its necessity was ap- 
parent. This exasperation, this arrogance, this contempt, 
as they became established at that time, were indeed only 
the inevitable growth of a perhaps not less inevitable sow- 
ing ; but the heritage of these times is still at the present 
day a burden on mankind. 



The two kingdoms of Egypt and Syria, which had so 
long striven and vied with each other in every 
of^E|ypt^^**^°^ respect, fell nearly about the same time with- 
out resistance into the power of the Romans. 
If these made no use of the alleged or real testament of 
Alexander 11. (f 673) and did not then annex 
the land, the last rulers of the Lagid house 
were confessedly in the position of clients of Rome ; the 
senate decided in disputes as to the throne, and after the 
Roman governor of Syria, Aulus Gabinius, had with his 
troops brought back the king Ptolemaeus Auletes to Egypt 
(699 ; comp. iv. 189), the Roman legions did 
not again leave the land. Like the other 
client-kings, the rulers of Egypt took part in the civil wars 
on the summons of the government recognised by them or 
rather imposing itself on them ; and, if it must remain un- 
decided what part Antonius in the fanciful eastern empire 
of his dreams had destined for the native land of the wife 
whom he loved too well (p. 27), at any rate the govern- 
ment of Antonius in Alexandria, as well as the last strug- 
gle in the last civil war before the gates of that city, be- 
longs as little to the special history of Egypt as the battle 
of Actium to that of Epirus. But doubtless this catas- 
trophe, and the death connected with it of the last prince 
of the Lagid house, gave occasion for Augustus not to fill 
up again the vacant throne, but to take the kingdom of 
Egypt under his own administration. This annexation 
of the last portion of the coast of the Mediterranean to the 
sphere of direct Roman administration, and the settle- 

Chap. XII.] 



meat, coincident with it in point of time and of organic 
connection, of the new monarchy, mark — as regards the 
constitution and administration of the huge empire respec- 
tively — the turning-point, the end of the old and the begin- 
ning of a new epoch. 

The incorporation of Egypt into the Eoman empire was 
accomplished after an abnormal fashion, in so 

Egypt exclusive- • • i it, i • j.- 

ly an imperial lar as the prmciplc — elsewhcre clommatmg 
posbession. state — of dyarchy, i.e. of the joint rule of 

the two supreme imperial powers, the princeps and the 
senate, found — apart from some subordinate districts — no 
application in Egypt alone ;^ but, on the contrary, in this 
land the senate as such, as well as every individual of its 
members, were cut off from all participation in the gov- 
ernment, and indeed senators and persons of senatorial 
rank were even prohibited from setting foot in this prov- 
ince.^ We may not apprehend this possibly as if Egypt 
were connected with the rest of the empire only by a per- 
sonal union ; the princeps is, according to the meaning 
and spirit of the Augustan organisation, an integral and 
permanently acting element of the Roman polity just like 
the senate, and his rule over Egypt is quite as much a part 

^ This exclusion of the joint rule of the senate as of the senators 
is indicated by Tacitus [Hist. i. 11) with the words that Augustus 
wished to have Egypt administered exclusively by his personal ser- 
vants retinere ; comp. Staatsrecht, ii. p. 963), In principle 
this abnormal form of government was applicable for all the prov- 
inces not administered by senators, the presidents of which were 
also at the outset called chie^y praefecti {C. I. L. v. p. 809, 902). 
But at the first division of the provinces between emperor and sen- 
ate there was probably no other of these but just Egypt ; and sub- 
sequently the distinction here came into sharper prominence, in so 
far as all the other provinces of this category obtained no legions. 
For in the emergence of the equestrian commandants of the legion 
instead of the senatorial, as was the rule in Egypt, the exclusion of 
the senatorial government finds its most palpable expression. 

^ This ordinance holds only for Egypt, not for the other territo- 
ries administered by non senators. How essential it appeared to the 
government, we see from the constitutional and religious apparatus 
called into recjuisition to secure it {Trig. tyr. c. 22). 



[Book VIII. 

of the imperial rule as is the rule of the proconsul of Africa.' 
We may rather illustrate the position of the case in state- 
law by saying that the British Empire would find itself in 
the same plight if the ministry and Parliament should be 
taken into account only for the mother-land, whereas the 
colonies should have to obey the absolute government of 
the Empress of India. What motives determined the new 
monarch at the very outset of his sole rule to adopt this 
deeply influential and at no time assailed arrangement, 
and how it affected the general political relations, are mat- 
ters belonging to the general history of the empire ; here 
we have to set forth how the internal relations of Egypt 
shaped themselves under the imperial rule. 

What held true in general of all Hellenic or Hellenised 
territories — that the Komans, when annexing them to the 
empire, preserved the once existing institutions, and in- 
troduced modifications only where these seemed abso- 
lutely necessary — found application in its full compass 
to Egypt. 

Like Syria, Egypt, when it became Eoman, was a land 
of twofold nationality ; here too alongside of, and over, 
the native stood the Greek — the former the slave, the lat- 
ter the master. But in law and in fact the relations of the 
two nations in Egypt were wholly different from those of 

Syria, substantially already in the pre-Eoman and en- 
tirely in the Koman epoch, came under the 
EgypUaS towns, government of the land only after an indirect 
manner ; it was broken up, partly into prin- 
cipalities, partly into autonomous urban districts, and was 
administered, in the first instance, by the rulers of the 

' The current assertion that provincia is onlj^ by an abuse of lan- 
guage put for the districts not administered by senators is not well 
founded. Egypt was private property of the emperor just as much 
or just as little as Gaul and Syria— yet Augustus himself says {Mon. 
Ancyr. 5, 24) : Aegyptum imperio popuU Romani adied, and assigns 
to the governor, since he aseques could not loe pi'o praetors, by spe- 
cial law the same jurisdiction in processes as the Roman praetors 
had (Tacitus, Ann. xii. 60), 

Chap. XII.] Egyjpt. 255 

land or municipal authorities. In Egypt,' on the other 
hand, there were neither native princes nor imperial cities 
after the Greek fashion. The two spheres of administra- 
tion into which Egypt was divided — the " land " (17 x^pa) 
of the Egyptians, with its originally thirty-six districts 
(vo/Aot), and the two Greek cities, Alexandria in lower and 
Ptolemais in upper Egypt ^ — were rigidly separated and 
sharply opposed to each other, and yet in a strict sense 
hardly different. The rural, like the urban, district was 
not merely marked off territorially, but the former as well 
as the latter was a home-district ; the belonging to each 
was independent of dwelling-place and hereditary. The 
Egyptian from the Chemmitic nome belonged to it with 
his dependents, just as much when he had his abode in 
Alexandria as the Alexandrian dwelling in Chemmis be- 
longed to the burgess-body of Alexandria. The land-dis- 
trict had for its centre always an urban settlement, the 
Chemmitic, for example, the town of Panopolis, which 
grew up round the temple of Chemmis or of Pan, or, as 
this is expressed in the Greek mode of conception, each 
nome had its metropolis ; so far each land-district may be 
regarded also as a town-district. Like the cities, the 
nomes also became in the Christian epoch the basis of the 
episcopal dioceses. The land-districts were based on the 
arrangements for worship which dominated everything in 
Egypt ; the centre for each one is the sanctuary of a defi- 
nite deity, and usually it bears the name of this deity or of 
the animal sacred to the same ; thus the Chemmitic dis- 
trict is called after the god Chemmis, or, according to 
Greek equivalent. Pan ; other districts after the dog, the 

1 As a matter of course what is here meant is the land of Egypt, 
not the possessions subject to the Lagids. Cyrene was similarly or- 
ganised (p. 179). But the properly Egyptian government was never 
applied to southern Syria and to the otlier territories which were for 
a longer or a shorter time under the power of Egypt. 

To these falls to be added Naucratis, the oldest Greek town al- 
ready founded in Egypt before the Ptolemies, and further Parae- 
tonium, which indeed in some measure lies beyond the bounds of 



[Book VIII. 

lion, the crocodile. But, on the other hand, the town- 
districts are not without their religious centre ; the pro- 
tecting god of Alexandria is Alexander, the protecting god 
of Ptolemais the first Ptolemy, and the priests, who are 
installed in the one place as in the other for this worship 
and that of their successors, are the Eponymi for both 
cities. The land-district is quite destitute of autonomy : 
administration, taxation, justice, are placed in the hands 
of the royal officials,^ and the collegiate system, the Pal- 
ladium of the Greek as of the Roman commonwealth, was 
here in all stages absolutely excluded. But in the two 
Greek cities it was not much otherwise. There was doubt- 
less a body of burgesses divided into phylae and demes, 
but no common council f the officials were doubtless dif- 

' There was not wanting of course a certain joint action, similar to 
that which is exercised by the regiones and the lici of self-adminis- 
tering urban communities ; to this category belongs what we meet 
with of agoranomy and gymnasiarchy in the nomes, as also the erec- 
tion of honorary memorials and the like, all of which, we may add, 
make their appearance only to a small extent and for the most part 
but late. According to the edict of Alexander {G. I. Gr. 4957, 1. 
34) the strategoi do not seem to have been, properly speaking, nom- 
inated by the governor, but only to have been confirmed after an 
examination ; we do not know who had the proposing of them. 

'■^ The position of matters is clearly apparent in the inscription set 
up at the beginning of the reign of Pius to the well-known orator 
Aristides by the Egyptian Greeks (0. /. Gr. 4679) ; as dedicants are 
named ri it6Xls tu>v 'AX^^avSpecov Kol 'EpfjLOimoKis 7] fieydAr} Kal t] fiov\^ rj 
^Avtlvo4cdV feccy 'EXX'fjvwv KoL oi iu rcf AeAra Trjs Alyvirrov KoX ^ol rhv 
GrilSaiKhv vo/xhv olKovyres "EAAtjvcs. Thus only Antinoopolis, the city 
of the "new Hellenes," has a Boule ; Alexandria appears without 
this, but as a Greek city in the aggregate. Moreover there take 
part in this dedication the Greeks living in the Delta and those liv- 
ing in Thebes, but of the Egyptian towns Great-Hermopolis alone, 
on which probably the immediate vicinity of Antinoopolis has ex- 
ercised an influence. To Ptolemais Strabo (xvii, 1, 42, p. 813) at- 
tributes a a-uarrjixa troXiriKhv iu rep 'EWrjVLK^ Tp6ir(f\ but in this we may 
hardly think of more than what belonged to the capital according to 
its constitution more exactly known to us — and so specially of the 
division of the burgesses into phylae. That the pre-Ptolemaic Greek 
city Naucratis retained in the Ptolemaic time the Boule, which it 
doubtless had, is possible, but cannot be decisive for the Ptolemaio 

Chap. XII.] 



ferent and differently named from those of the nomes, but 
were also throughout officials of royal nomination and 
likewise without collegiate arrangement. Hadrian was 
the first to give to an Egyptian township, Antinoopolis, 
laid out by him in memory of his favourite drowned in 
the Nile, urban rights according to the Greek fashion ; 
and subsequently Severus, perhaps as much out of spite 
to the Antiochenes as for the benefit of the Egyptians, 
granted to the capital of Egypt and to the town of Ptol- 
emais, and to several other Egyptian communities, not 
urban magistrates indeed, but at any rate an urban coun- 
cil. Hitherto, doubtless, in official language the Egyptian 
town calls itself Nomos, the Greek Polis, but a Polis with- 
out Archontes and Bouleutae is a meaningless name. So 
was. it also in the coinage. The Egyptian nomes did not 
possess the right of coining ; but still less did Alexandria 
ever strike coins. Egypt is, among all the provinces of 
the Greek half of the empire, the only one which knows 
no other than royal money. Nor was this otherwise even 
in the Roman period. The emperors abolished the abuses 
that crept in under the last Lagids ; Augustus set aside 
their unreal copper coinage, and when Tiberius resumed 
the coinage of silver he gave to the Egyptian silver money 
just as real value as to the other provincial currency of the 
empire. ' But the character of the coinage remained sub- 
arrangements. — Dio's statement (ii. 17) that Augustus left the other 
Egyptian towns with their existing organisation, but took the com- 
mon council from the Alexandrians on account of their untrust- 
worthiness, rests doubtless on misunderstanding, the more espe- 
cially as, according to it, Alexandria appears slighted in comparison 
with the other Egyptian communities, which is not at all in keeping 
with probability. 

' The Egyptian coining of gold naturally ceased with the annex- 
ation of the land, for there was in the Roman empire only imperial 
gold. With the silver also Augustus dealt in like manner, and as 
ruler of Egypt caused simply copper to be struck, and even this 
only in moderate quantities. At first Tiberius coined, after 27-28 
A.D., silver money for Egyptian circulation, apparently as token- 
money, as the pieces correspond nearly in point of weight to four, 
in point of silver value to one, of the Roman denarius (Feuardent, 
Vol. II.— 17 



[Book VIII. 

stantially the same/ There is a distinction between No- 
mos and Polis as between the god Chemmis and the god 
Alexander ; in an administrative respect there is not any 
difference. Egypt consisted of a majority of Egyptian and 
of a minority of Greek townships, all of which were des- 
titute of autonomy, and all were placed under the imme- 
diate and absolute administration of the king and of the 
officials nominated by him. 

It was a consequence of this, that Egypt alone of all the 
Eoman provinces had no general representa- 
ilnd-dilt * * tion. The diet is the collective representation 
of the self -administering communities of the 
province. But in Egypt there was none such ; the nomes 
were simply imperial or rather royal administrative dis- 
tricts, and Alexandria not merely stood virtually alone, but 
w^as likewise without proper municipal organisation. The 
priest standing at the head of the capital of the country 
might doubtless call himself " chief priest of Alexandria 
and all Egypt " (p. 269, note), and has a certain resem- 
blance to the Asiarch and the Bithyniarch of Asia Minor, 
but the deep diversity of the organisations is thereby sim- 
ply concealed. 

The rule bore accordingly in Egypt a far different char- 
acter than in the rest of the domain of Greek and Roman 

Numismatique, Egypte ancienne^ ii. p. xi.). But as in legal currency 
the Alexandrian drachma was estimated as obolus (consequently as 
a sixth, not as a fourth ; comp. Rom Munzwesen, p. 43, 723) of the 
Roman denarius {Rer7nes, v. p. 136), and the provincial silver al- 
ways lost as compared with the imperial silver, the Alexandrian te- 
tradraclimon of the silver value of a denarius has rather been esti- 
mated at the current value of two-thirds of a denarius. According- 
ly down to Commodus, from whose time the Alexandrian tetra- 
drachmon is essentially a copper coin, the same has been quite as 
much a coin of value as the Syrian tetradrachmon and the Cappa- 
docian drachma ; they only left to the former the old name and the 
old weight. 

' That the emperor Hadrian, among other Egyptising caprices, 
gave to the nomes as well as to his Antinoopolis for once the right 
of coining, which was thereupon done subsequently on a couple of 
occasions, makes no alteration in the rule. 

Chap. XII.] 



civilisation embraced under the imperial government. In 
the latter the community administers through- 
ofthf Tlagkis.^"* 5 ruler of the empire is, strictly taken, 
only the common president of the numerous 
more or less autonomous bodies of burgesses, and along- 
side of the advantages of self-administration its disadvan- 
tages and dangers everywhere appear. In Egypt the ruler 
is king, the inhabitant of the land is his subject, the ad- 
ministration that of a domain. This administration, in 
principle as haughtily and absolutely conducted as it was 
directed to the equal welfare of all subjects without dis- 
tinction of rank and of estate, was the peculiarity of the 
Lagid government, developed probably more from the 
Hellenising of the old Pharaonic rule than from the urban 
organisation of the universal empire, as the great Mace- 
donian had conceived it, and as it was most completely 
carried out in the Syrian New-Macedonia (p. 132). The 
system required a king not merely leading the army in his 
own person, but engaged in the daily labour of adminis- 
tration, a developed and strictly disciplined hierarchy of offi- 
cials, scrupulous justice towards high and low ; and as these 
rulers, not altogether without ground, ascribed to themselves 
the name of benefactor (e^epyer^;?), so the monarchy of the 
Lagids may be compared with that of Frederick, from which 
it was in its principles not far removed. Certainly Egypt 
had also experienced the reverse side, the inevitable collapse 
of the system in incapable hands. But the standard re- 
mained ; and the Augustan principate alongside of the rule 
of the senate was nothing but the intermarriage of the Lagid 
government with the old urban and federal development. 
A further consequence of this form of government was 
^ the undoubted superiority, more especially 

hnperia? admin- from a financial poiut of view, of the Egyptian 
istration. administration over that of the other prov- 
inces. We may designate the pre-Koman epoch as the 
struggle of the financially dominant power of Egypt with 
the Asiatic empire, filling, so far as space goes, the rest of 
the East ; under the Boman period this was continued in a 


[Book VIII. 

certain sense in tlie fact that the imperial finances stood 
forth superior in contrast to those of the senate, especially 
through the exclusive possession of Egypt. If it is the 
aim of the state to work out the utmost possible amount 
from its territory, in the old world the Lagids were absolute- 
ly the masters of statecraft. In particular they were in this 
sphere the instructors and the models of the Caesars. How 
much the Romans drew out of Egypt we are not able to 
say with precision. In the Persian period Egypt had paid 
an annual tribute of 700 Babylonish talents of silver, about 
£200,000 ; the annual income of the Ptolemies from Egypt, 
or rather from their possessions generally, amounted in 
their most brilliant period to 14,800 Egyptian silver tal- 
ents, or £2,850,000, and besides 1,500,000 artabae = 
591,000 hectolitres of wheat ; at the end of their rule fully 
6,000 talents, or £1,250,000. The Romans drew from 
Egypt annually the third part of the corn necessary for the 
consumption of Rome, 20,000,000 Roman bushels ' — 
1,740,000 hectolitres ; a part of it, however, was certainly 
derived from the domains proper, another perhaps supplied 
in return for compensation, while, on the other hand, the 
Egyptian tribute was assessed, at least for a great part, in 
money, so that we are not in a position even approximately 
to determine the Egyptian income of the Roman ex- 
chequer. But not merely by its amount was it of decisive 
importance for the Roman state-economy, but because it 
served as a pattern in the first instance for the domanial 
possessions of the emperors in the other provinces, and 
generally for the whole imperial administration, as this 
falls to be explained when we set it forth. 

1 This figure is given by the so-called Epitome of Victor, c. 1, for 
the time of Augustus. After this payment was transferred to Con- 
stantinople there went thither under Justinian {Ed. xiii. c. 8) an- 
nually 8,000,000 artabae (for these are to be understood, according 
to c. 6, as meant\ or 26f millions of Roman bushels (Hultscli, 
Metrol. p. 628), to which falls further to be added the similar pay- 
ment to the town of Alexandria, introduced by Diocletian. To the 
shipmasters for the freight to Constantinople 8,000 solidi = £5,000 
were annually paid from the state -chest. 

Chap. XII.] 



But if the communal self-administration had no place in 
Effypt, and in this respect a real diversity' 

Privileged posi- ^ ' • , , , x % 

tion of the Hei- docs not cxist Dctwecn the two nations oi 
which this state, just like the Syrian, was com- 
posed, there was in another respect a barrier erected be- 
tween them, to which Syria offers no parallel. According 
to the arrangement of the Macedonian conquerors, the be- 
longing to an Egyptian locality disqualified for all public 
offices and for the better military service. Where the state 
made gifts to its burgesses these were restricted to those 
of the Greek communities on the other hand, the Egyp- 
tians only paid the poll-tax ; and even from the municipal 
burdens, which fell on the settlers of the individual Egyp- 
tian district, the Alexandrians settled there were exempted.^ 
Although in the case of trespass the back of the Egyptian 
as of the Alexandrian had to suffer, the latter might boast, 
and did boast, that the cane struck him, and not the lash, 
as in the case of the former. ^ Even the acquiring of bet- 
ter burgess-rights was forbidden to the Egyptians." The 

^ At least Cleopatra on a distribution of grain in Alexandria ex- 
cluded the Jews (Joseplius, contra Ap. ii. 5), and all the more, con- 
sequently, the Egyptians. 

2 The edict of Alexander {C. I. Gr. 4957), 1. 33 ff., exempts the 
ivy^v€LS 'AAe|a?/§per? dwelling iv ry X^P^ (j^^^ '^V ""oAet) on account 
of their business from the K^novpy'iai x^pf^aL 

^ "There subsist," says the Alexandrian Jew Philo (in Mace. 10), 
" as respects corporal chastisement (tuu iiacrriycau)^ distinctions in our 
city according to the rank of those to be chastised ; the Egyptians 
are chastised with different scourges and by others, but the Alexandri- 
ans with canes (crTra^at? ; <nrd6r] is the stem of the palm-leaf), and by the 
Alexandrian cane-bearers" {(rTradr}(p6poi, perhaps baciUarius). He 
afterwards complains bitterly that the elders of his community, if they 
were to be scourged at all, should not have been provided at least with 
decorous burgess-lashes (rals iKevdepiwrepaLs koI iroXiTiKwr^pais ixdcni^tv). 

^ Josephus, contra Aj). ii. 4, jxSvois Alyvirriois ol Kvpioi vvv 'Vasfiaiot 
Tr\s olKov/j.ei/T]9 /jLeraXafilBdueiv ricTTivocrovv TroXireias cnreipT^Kacriv. 6, Ae^ 
gyptiis neque regum quisquam mdetur ius civitatisfuisse largitus neque 
nunc qnilibet imperatorum (comp. Bph. epigr. v. p. 13). The same 
upbraids his adversary (ii. 3, 4) that he, a native Egyptian, had de- 
nied his home and given himself out as an Alexandrian. — Individual 
exceptions are not thereby excluded. 



[Book VIII. 

burgess-lists of the two large Greek towns organised by 
and named after the two founders of the empire in lower 
and upper Egypt embraced in them the ruling population, 
and the possession of the franchise of one of these towns 
was in the Egypt of the Ptolemies the same as the posses- 
sion of the Roman franchise was in the Roman empire. 
What Aristotle recommended to Alexander — to be a ruler 
{rjyefjiwv) to the Hellenes and a master to the barbarians, to 
provide for the former as friends and comrades, to use the 
latter like animals and plants — the Ptolemies practically 
carried out in all its extent. The king, greater and more 
free than his instructor, carried in his mind the higher 
idea of transforming the barbarians into Hellenes, or at 
least of replacing the barbarian settlements by Hellenic, 
and to this idea his successors almost everywhere, and par- 
ticularly in Syria, allowed ample scope. ' In Egypt this 
was not the case. Doubtless its ruler sought to keep 
touch with the natives, particularly in the religious sphere, 
and wished not to rule as Greeks over the Egyptians, but 
rather as earthly gods over their subjects in common ; but 
with this the inequality of rights on the part of the sub- 
jects was quite compatible, just as the preference de iure 
and de facto of the nobility was quite as essential a part of 
the government of Frederick as the equality of justice to- 
wards gentle and simple. 

As the Romans in the East generally continued the work 
of the Greeks, so the exclusion of the native 
leges in the Eo- Egyptians from the acquiring of Greek citizen- 
man period. ^-j^^p merely continued to subsist, but was 
extended to the Roman citizenship. The Egyptian Greek, 
on the other hand, might acquire the latter just like any 

^ Alexandrian science, too, protested in the sense of the king 
against this proposition (Plutarch, de fort Alex. i. 6); Eratosthenes 
designated civilisation as not peculiar to the Hellenes alone, and not 
to be denied to all barbarians, e.g. not to the Indians, the Arians, 
the Romans, the Carthaginians; men were rather to be divided into 
"good" and ''bad" (Strabo, i. fin. p. 66). But of this theory no 
practical application was made to the Egyptian race even under the 

Chap. XII.] 



other non -burgess. Entrance to the senate, it is true, was 
as httle allowed to him as to the Koman burgess from 
Gaul (p. 89), and this restriction remained much longer in 
force for Egypt than for Gaul ; ' it was not till the begin- 
ning of the third century that it was disregarded in iso- 
lated cases, and it held good, as a rule, even in the fifth. 
In Egypt itself the positions of the upper officials, that is, 
of those acting for the whole province, and likewise the 
officers' posts, were reserved for Roman citizens in the 
form of the knight's horse being required as- a qualifica- 
tion for them ; this was given by the general organisation 
of the empire, and similar privileges had in fact been pos- 
sessed in Egypt by the Macedonians in contrast to the 
other Greeks. The offices of the second rank remained 
under the Eoman rule, as previously, closed to the Egyp- 
tian Egyptians, and were filled with Greeks, primarily 
with the burgesses of Alexandria and Ptolemais. If in the 
imperial war-service for the first class Roman citizenship 
was required, they, at any rate in the case of the legions 
stationed in Egypt itself, not seldom admitted the Egyp- 
tian Greek on the footing that Roman citizenship was con- 
ferred on him upon occasion of the levy. For the cate- 
gory of auxiliary troops the admission of the Greeks was 
subject to no limitation ; but the Egyptians were little or 
not at all employed for this purpose, while they were em- 
ployed afterwards in considerable number for the lowest 
class, the naval force still in the first imperial times formed 
of slaves. In the course of time the slighting of the na- 
tive Egyptians doubtless had its rigour relaxed, and they 
more than once attained to Greek, and by means of it 
also to Roman, citizenship ; but on the whole the Roman 
government was simply the continuation, as of the Greek 
rule, so also of the Greek exclusiveness. As the Macedo- 

' Admission to the equestrian positions was at least rendered diffi- 
cult : non est ex albo index patre Aegyptio {C. I. L. iv. 1943 ; comp. 
Staatsredit, ii. 919, note 2 ; Eph. epirjr. v. p. 13, note 2). Yet we 
meet early with individual Alexandrians in equestrian offices, like 
Tiberius Julius Alexander (p. 267, note). 



[Book VIII. 

nian government had contented itself with Alexandria and 
Ptolemais, so in this province alone the Komans did not 
found a single colony/ 

The linguistic arrangement in Egypt remained essen- 
tially under the Komans as the Ptolemies had 
guag^'^"' settled it. Apart from the military, among 
whom the Latin alone prevailed, the business- 
language for the intercourse of the upper posts was the 
Greek. Of the native language, which, radically differ- 
ent from the Semitic as from the Arian languages, is 
most nearly akin perhaps to that of the Berbers in North 
Africa, and of the native writing, the Koman rulers and 
their governors never made use ; and, if already under the 
Ptolemies a Greek translation had to be appended to offi- 
cial documents written in Egyptian, at least the same held 
good for these their successors. Certainly the Egyptians 
were not prohibited from making use, so far as it seemed 
requisite according to ritual or otherwise appropriate, of 
the native language and of its time-hallowed written signs ; 
in this old home, moreover, of the use of writing in ordi- 
nary intercourse the native language, alone familiar to the 
great public, and the usual writing must necessarily have 
been allowed not merely in the case of private contracts, 
but even as regards tax-receipts and similar documents. 
But this was a concession, and the ruling Hellenism strove 
to enlarge its domain. The effort to create for the views 
and traditions prevailing in the land an universally valid 
expression also in Greek gave an extension to the system 
of double names in Egypt such as we see nowhere else. 
All Egyptian gods whose names were not themselves cur- 
rent among the Greeks, like that of Isis, were equalised 
with corresponding or else not corresponding Greek ones ; 

1 If the words of Pliny {H. N. v. 31, 128) are accurate, that the 
island of Pharos before the harbour of Alexandria was a colonia 
Caesaris dictatoris (comp. iv. 574), the dictator has here too, like 
Alexander, gone beyond the thought of Aristotle. But there can 
be no doubt as to the point, that after the annexation of Egypt 
there never was a Roman colony tliere. 


Chap. XII.] 



perhaps the half of the townships and a great number of 
persons bore as well a native as a Greek appellation. Grad- 
ually Hellenism in this case prevailed. The old sacred 
writing meets us on the preserved monuments last under 
the emperor Decius about the middle of the third, and its 
more current degenerated form last about the middle of 
the fifth century ; both disappeared from common use 
considerably earlier. The neglect and the decay of the 
native elements of civilisation are expressed in these facts. 
The language of the land itself maintained its ground still 
for long afterwards in remote places and in the lower 
ranks, and only became quite extinct in the seventeenth 
century, after it— the language of the Copts — had, just 
like the Syriac, experienced in the later imperial period a 
limited regeneration in consequence of the introduction 
of Christianity and of the efforts directed to the produc- 
tion of a national-Christian literature. 

In the government the first thing that strikes us is the 

suppression of the court and of its residency, 
iresSdent^court. uccessary conscqueuce of the annexation 

of the land by Augustus. There was left 
doubtless as much as could be left. On the inscriptions 
written in the native language, and so merely for Egyp- 
tians, the emperors are termed, like the Ptolemies, kings 
of upper and lower Egypt, and the elect of the Egyptian 
native gods, and indeed withal — which was not the case 
with the Ptolemies — great-kings.^ Dates were reckoned 

^ The titles of Augustus run with the Egyptian priests to the fol- 
lowing effect : " The beautiful boy, lovely through worthiness to be 
loved; the prince of princes, elect of Ptah and Nun the father of the 
gods, king of upper Egypt and king of lower Egypt, lord of the two 
lands, Autokrator, son of the sun, lord of diadems, Kaisar, ever 
living, beloved by Ptah and Isis ; " in this case the proper names 
"Autokrator, Kaisar," are retained from the Greek. The title of 
Augustus occurs first in the case of Tiberius in an Egyptian trans- 
lation {nti xu), and with the retention of the Greek 2e)8ao-T(Js first 
under Domitian. The title of the fair, lovely boy, which in better 
times was wont to be given only to the children proclaimed as joint- 
rulers, afterwards became stereotyped, and is found employed, as 



[Book VIII. 

in Egypt, as previously, according to the current calendar 
of the country and its royal year passing over to the Ro- 
man rulers ; the golden cup which every year the king 
threw into the swelling Nile was now thrown in by the 
Eoman viceroy. But these things did not reach far. The 
Eoman ruler could not carry out the part of the Egyptian 
king, which was incompatible with his imperial position. 
The new lord of the land had unpleasant experiences in 
his representation by a subordinate on the very first occa- 
sion of his sending a governor to Egypt ; the able oflQcer 
and talented poet, who had not been able to refrain from 
inscribing his name also on the Pyramids, was deposed on 
that account and thereby ruined. It was inevitable that 
limits should here be set. The affairs, the transaction of 
which according to the system of Alexander devolved on 
the prince personally ' not less than according to the ar- 
rangement of the Roman principate, might be managed by 
the Roman governor as by the native king ; king he might 
neither be nor seem.^ That was to a certainty deeply and 
severely felt in the second city of the world. The mere 
change of dynasty would not have told so very heavily. 
But a court like that of the Ptolemies, regulated according 
to the ceremonial of the Pharaohs, king and queen in their 
dress as gods, the pomp of festal processions, the recep- 
tion of the priesthoods and of ambassadors, the court-ban- 
quets, the great ceremonies of the coronation, of the taking 

for Caesarion and Augustus, so also for Tiberius, Claudius, Titus, 
Domitian. It is more important that in deviation from the older 
title, as it is found, e.g. in Greek on the inscription of Rosetta (C. 
I. Gr. 4697), in the case of the Caesars from Augustus onward the 
title "prince of princes" is appended, by which beyond doubt it 
was intended to express their position of great-king, which the ear- 
lier kings had not. 

' If people knew, King Seleucus was wont to say (Plutarch, An 
sent, 11), what a burden it was to write and to read so many letters, 
they would not take up the diadem if it lay at their feet. 

^ That he wore other insignia than the officers generally (Hirsch- 
feld, Verw, Gesch. p. 271), it is hardly allowable to infer from vita 
Hadr. 4. 

^Chap. XII.] 



the oath, of marriage, of burial, the court-offices of the 
bodyguards and the chief of that guard (dpxto-w/>iaTo<^uA.a^), 
of the introducing chamberlain (eto-ayyeXe^;?), of the chief 
master of the table {ap\^hia.Tpo<i), of the chief master of 
the huntsmen (d/ax'-KWT^yo?), the cousins and friends of the 
king, the wearers of decorations— all this was lost for the 
Alexandrians once for all with the transfer of the seat of 
the ruler from the Nile to the Tiber. Only the two fa- 
mous Alexandrian libraries remained there, with all their 
belongings and staff, as a remnant of the old regal mag- 
nificence. Beyond question Egypt lost by being dispos- 
sessed of its rulers very much more than Syria ; both 
nations indeed were in the powerless position of having 
to acquiesce in what was contrived for them, and not more 
here than there was a rising for the lost position of a great 
power so much as thought of. 

The administration of the land lay, as has been already 
Th ffi • 1 hands of the " deputy," that is, the 

viceroy ; for, although the new lord of the land, 
out of respect for his position in the empire, refrained as 
well for himself as for his delegates of higher station from 
the royal appellations in Egypt, he yet in substance con- 
ducted his rule throughout as successor of the Ptolemies, 
and the whole civil and military supreme power was com- 
bined in his hand and that of his representative. We have 
already observed that neither non-burgesses nor senators 
might fill this position ; it was sometimes committed to 
Alexandrians, if they had attained to burgess-rights, and 
by way of exception to equestrian rank.^ We may add 
that this office stood at first before all the rest of the non- 

' Thus Tiberius Julius Alexander, an Alexandrian Jew, held this 
governorship in the last years of Nero (p. 222) ; certainly he belonged 
to a very rich family of rank, allied by marriage even with the im 
perial house, and he had distinguished himself in the Parthian war 
as chief of the staff of Corbulo — ^a position which he soon afterwards 
took up once more in the Jewish war of Titus. He must have been 
one of the ablest officers of this epoch To him is dedicated the 
pseudo-Aristotelian treatise irepi Koa-fjLov (p. 182), evidently composed 
by another Alexandrian Jew (Bernays, Gesammelte Abhandl. ii. 378). 



[Book VIII. 

senatorial in rank and influence, and subsequently was 
inferior only to the commandership of the imperial guard. 
Besides the officers proper, in reference to whom the only 
departure from the general arrangement was the exclusion 
of the senator and the lower title, thence resulting, of the 
commandant of the legion (praefectus instead of legatus), 
there acted alongside of and under the governor, and like- 
wise for all Egypt, a supreme official for justice and a 
supreme finance-administrator, both likewise Koman citi- 
zens of equestrian rank, and apparently not borrowed from 
the administrative scheme of the Ptolemies, but attached 
and subordinated to the governor after a fashion applied 
also in other imperial provinces. ' 

All other officials acted only for individual districts, and 
were in the main taken over from the Ptolemaic arrange- 

^ Unmistakably the iuridicus Aegypti {C. L L. x. 6976; also 
missus in Aegyptum ad iurisdictionem, Bull. deW Inst. 1856, p. 142 ; 
iuridicus Alexajidreae, C. vi. 1564, viii. 8925, 8934 ; Dig. i. 20, 2), 
and the idiologus ad Aegyptum {G. x. 4862; procurator ducenarius 
Alexandriae idiulogu, Eph. ep. v. p. 30, and G. I. Or. 3751 ; 6 yudoncov 
Tov l5lov Xoyov, G. I. Or. 4957, v. 44, comp. v. 39 , are modelled on 
the assistants associated with the legates of the imperial provinces 
for the administration of justice {legati iuridici) and the finances 
(procuratores provinciae; StaatsrecM 1^, p. 223, note 5). That they 
were appointed for the whole land, and were subordinate to the 
praefectus Aegypti, is stated by Strabo expressly (xvii. 1, 12, p. 797), 
and this assumption is required by the frequent mention of Egypt 
in their style and title as well as by the turn in the edict G. I. 
Or. 4957, v. 39. But their jurisdiction was not, exclusive ; " many 
processes," says Strabo, "are decided by the official administering 
justice" (that he assigned guardians, we learn from Dig. i. 20, 2), 
and according to the same it devolved on the Idiologus in particular 
to confiscate for the exchequer the hona vacantia et caduca. — This 
does not exclude the view that the Roman iuridicus came in place 
of the older court of thirty with the apxt^i-Kafrriis at its head 
(Diodorus, i. 75), who was Egyptian, and may not be confounded 
with the Alexandrian apxiSj/catrri^s, had moreover perhaps been set 
aside already before the Roman period, and that the Idiologus 
originated out of the subsistence in Egypt of a claim of the king on 
heritages, such as did not occur to the same extent in the rest of the 
empire, which latter view Lumbroso {Eecherches, p. 285) has made 
very probable. 

Chap. XIIJ 



ment. That the presidents of the three provinces of lower, 
middle, and upper Egypt, provided — apart from the com- 
mand — with the same sphere of business as the governor, 
were taken in the time of Augustus from the Egyptian 
Greeks, and subsequently, like the superior officials proper, 
from the Roman knighthood, deserves to be noted as a 
symptom of the increasing tendency in the course of the 
imperial period to repress the native element in the magis- 

Under these superior and intermediate authorities stood 
the local officials, the presidents of the Egyptian as of the 
Greek towns, along with the very numerous subalterns em- 
ployed in the collecting of the revenue and the manifold 
imposts laid on business-dealings, and again in the indi- 
vidual district the presidents of the sub-districts and of 
the villages — positions, which were looked upon more as 
burdens than as honours, and were imposed by the higher 
officials upon persons belonging to, or settled in, the lo- 
cality, to the exclusion, however, of the Alexandrians ; the 
most important among them, the presidency of the nome, 
was filled up every three years by the governor. The 
local authorities of the Greek towns were different as to 
number and title ; in Alexandria in particular four chief 
officials acted, the priest of Alexander,' the town-clerk 

^ The e'lTjyrjT^s, according to Strabo, xvii. 1, 12, p. 797, the first 
civic official in Alexandria under the Ptolemies as under the Ro- 
mans, and entitled to wear the purple, is certainly identical with 
the year-priest in the testament of Alexander appearing in the Alex- 
ander-romance very well instructed in such matters (iii. 33, p. 149, 
Miiller). As the Exegetes has along with his title, doubtless to be 
taken in a religious sense, the e7rt/ieA.eta twi/ TroAet xpvf^^^l^'^v, that 
priest of the romance is eTn/jLeXLo-r^s rrjs iroXeus. The romance-writer 
will not have invented the payment with a talent and the hereditary 
character any more than the purple and the golden chaplet ; the 
hereditary element, in reference to which Lumbroso {V Egitto al 
tempo del Greci e Romani, p. 152) recalls the i^riynT^i evapxos of the 
Alexandrian inscriptions {C. I. Gr. 4688, 4976 c), is presumably to 
be conceived to the effect that a certain circle of persons was called 
by hereditary right, and out of these the governor appointed the 
year-priest. This priest of Alexander (as well as of the following 



[Book VIII 

(v7ro/xvT7ju,aToypa^o?)/ the supreme judge (dp^j^tStKao-Ti^s), and 
tlie master of the night-watch (w/cTeptvo? o-TpaxTyyos). That 
they were of more consequence than the strategoi of the 
nomes, is obvious of itself, and is shown clearly by the 
purple dress belonging to the first Alexandrian official. 
We may add that they originate likewise from the Ptol- 
emaic period, and are nominated for a time by the Ro- 
man government, like the presidents of the nomes, from 
the persons settled therein. Roman officials of imperial 
nomination are not found among these urban presidents. 
But the priest of the Mouseion, who is at the same time 

Egyptian kings, according to the stone of Canopus and that of Ro- 
setta, C. I. Gr. 4697), was under the earlier Lagids the eponym 
for Alexandrian documents, while lal er as under the Romans the 
kings' names come in for that purpose. Not different from him 
probably was the " chief priest of Alexandria and all Egypt," of an 
inscription of the city of Rome from Hadrian's time (C. I. Or. 
5900 : apxiepet ' Ake^avdpelas Kal Alyvirrovirdcrrjs AevKio} 'Iov\icp Ovriffrlvcf 
KoX iivKrrarr) rov Movcreiov koI iirl rcov iv 'Vu/jxri fiifi\io67)Ka>v 'PtafxaiKwv re 
Kal 'EWr]ViKwu Kal eVl t^s TraiSe/'as 'A^piavov, iiricrroAel rov avrov dvTOKpd- 
Topos)', the proper title e^Tj^TjrTjs, was avoided out of Egypt, because 
it usually denoted the sexton. If the chief priesthood, as the tenor 
of the inscription suggests, is to be assumed as having been at that 
time permanent-, the transition from the annual tenure to the at 
least titular, and not seldom also real, tenure for life repeats itself, 
as is well known, in the sacerdotia of the provinces, to which this 
Alexandrian one did not indeed belong, but the place of which it 
represented in Egypt (p. 259). That the priesthood and the presi- 
dency of the Museum are two distinct offices is shown by the in- 
scription itself. We learn the same from the inscription of a roy- 
al chief physician of a good Lagid period, who is withal as well exe- 
gete as president of the Museum {Xpvaepinov 'HpuKXelrov 'AXe^avSpea 
rhu arvyyevn ^acriKeois IlToX^ixaiov Kal e'lTjyTjrV ^al iirl toov larpwv Kal 
iiriaTa.T7jv rov Movaelov). But the two monuments at the same time 
suggest that the post of first official of Alexandria and the presidency 
of the Museum were frequently committed to the same man, al- 
though in the Roman time the former was conferred by the pre- 
fect, the latter by the emperor. 

' Not to be confounded with the similar office which Philo (in 
Flacc. IG) mentions and Lucian {A2Jolog. 12) held; this was not an 
urban office, but a subaltern's post in the praefecture of Egypt, in 
Latin a commentariis or ab actis. 

Chap. XII.] 



president of the Alexandrian Academy of Sciences and also 
disposes of the considerable pecuniary means of this in- 
stitute, is nominated by the emperor ; in like manner 
the superintendency of the tomb of Alexander and the 
buildings connected with it, and some other important 
positions in the capital of Egypt, were filled up by the 
government in Kome with officials of equestrian rank.' 
As a matter of course, Alexandrians and Egyptians were 

drawn into those movements of pretenders 

which had their origin in the East, and regu- 
larly participated in them ; in this way Vespasian, Cassius, 
Niger, Macrianus (p. Ill), Vaballathus the son of Zenobia, 
Probus, were here proclaimed as rulers. But the initiat- 
ive in all those cases was taken neither by the burgesses 
of Alexandria nor by the little esteemed Egyptian troops ; 
and most of those revolutions, even the unsuccessful, had 

for Egypt no consequences specially felt. But 
Jene^periw?5 movcmcnt couuectcd with the name of 

Zenobia (p. 116) became almost as fateful for 
Alexandria and for all Egypt as for Palmyra. In town 
and country the Palmyrene and the Roman partisans con- 
fronted each other with arms and blazing torches in their 
hands. On the south frontier the barbarian Blemyes ad- 
vanced, apparently in agreement with the portion of the 
inhabitants of Egypt favourable to Palmyra, and possessed 
themselves of a great part of upper Egypt. ^ In Alex- 
andria the intercourse between the two hostile quarters 

' This is the 'procurator Neaspoleos et mausolei Alexandriae ( C. 1. 
L. viii. 8934 ; Henzen, 6929). Officials of a like kind and of like 
rank, but whose functions are not quite clear, are the procurator ad 
Mercurium Alexandreae {G. 1. L. x. 3847), and the procurator Alex- 
andreae Pelusii {0. vi. 1024). The Pharos also is placed under an 
imperial freedman (C. vi. 8582). 

^ The alliance of the Palmyrenes and the Blemyes is pointed to 
by the notice of the vita Firmi, c. 3, and by the statement, accord- 
ing to Zosimus, i. 71, that Ptolemais fell away to the Blemyes (comp. 
Eusebius, Hist. Eccl. vii. 32). Aurelian only negotiated with these 
( Vita^ 34, 41) ; it was Probus who first drove them again out of 
Egypt (Zosimus, I.e.; Vita, 17), 



[Book VIII. 

was cutoff; it was difficult and dangerous even to forward 
letters.^ The streets were filled with blood and with dead 
bodies unburied. The diseases thereby engendered made 
even more havoc than .the sword ; and, in order that none 
of the four steeds of destruction might be wanting, the 
Nile also failed, and famine associated itself with the 
other scourges. The population melted away to such an 
extent that, as a contemporary says, there were formerly 
more gray-haired men in Alexandria than there were af- 
terwards citizens. 

When Probus, the general sent by Claudius, at length 
gained the upper hand, the Palmyrene partisans, includ- 
ing the majority of the members of council, threw them- 
selves into the strong castle of Prucheion in the immediate 
neighbourhood of the city ; and, although, when Probus 
promised to spare the lives of those that should come out, 
the great majority submitted, yet a considerable portion 
of the citizens persevered to the uttermost in the struggle 
of despair. The fortress, at length reduced by hunger 
(270), was razed and lay thenceforth desolate ; but the 
city lost its walls. The Blemyes still maintained them- 
selves for years in the land ; the emperor Probus first 
wrested from them again Ptolemais and Coptos, and drove 
them out of the country. 

The state of distress, which these troubles prolonged 
through a series of years, must have produced, may prob- 

' We still possess letters of this sort, addressed by the bishop^ of 
the city, at that time Dionysius (f 265), to the members of the 
church shut off iu the hostile half of the town (Eusebius, Hist. Eccl. 
vii. 21, 22, comp. 32). When it is therein said : " one gets more 
easily from the West to the East than from Alexandria to Alex- 
andria," and 7) fieaair drrj Trjs Trt^Aecos 65(^s, consequently the street 
furnished with colonnades, running from the Lochias point right 
through the town (comp. Lumbroso, VEgitto al tempo dei Greci e 
Romania, 1882, p. 187) is compared with the desert between Egypt 
and the promised land, it appears almost as if Severus Antoninus had 
carried out his threat of drawing a wall across the town and occupy- 
ing it in a military fashion (Dio, Ixxvii. 23). The razing of the 
walls after the overthrow of the revolt (Ammianus, xxii. 16, 15j 
would then have to be referred to this very building. 

Chap. XII.] 



ably thereupon have brought to an outbreak, the only rev- 
olution that can be shown to have arisen in 
moSeS^n!' Egypt. ' Under the government of Diocletian, 
we. do not know why or wherefore, as well 
the native Egyptians as the burgesses of Alexandria rose 
in revolt against the existing government. Lucius Do- 
mitius Domitianus and Achilleus were set up as opposi- 
tion emperors, unless possibly the two names denote the 
same person ; the revolt lasted from three to four years, 
the towns Busiris in the Delta and Coptos not far from 
Thebes were destroyed by the troops of the government, 
and ultimately under the leading of Diocletian in person 
in the spring of 297 the capital was reduced after an eight 
months' siege. Nothing testifies so clearly to the decline 
of the land, rich, but thoroughly dependent on inward 
and outward peace, as the edict issued in the year 302 
by the same Diocletian, that a portion of the Egyptian 
grain hitherto sent to Kome should for the future go to 
the benefit of the Alexandrian burgesses.^ This was cer- 
tainly among the measures which aimed at the decapitalis- 
ing of Kome ; but the supply would not have been directed 
towards the Alexandrians, whom this emperor had truly 
no cause to favour, unless they had urgently needed it. 
Economically Egypt, as is well-known, is above all the 
land of agriculture. It is true that the "black 
earth " — that is the meaning of the native 
name for the country, Chemi — is only a narrow stripe on 
either side of the mighty Nile flowing from the last rapids 
near Syene, the southern limit of Egypt proper, for 550 
miles in a copious stream, through the yellow desert ex- 

^ The alleged Egyptian tyrants, Aemilianus, Firmus, Saturninus, 
are at least not attested as such. The so-called description of the 
life of the second is nothing else than the sadly disfigured catas- 
trophe of Prucheion. 

Chr. Pasch. p. 514 ; Procopius, Hist. arc. 26 ; Gothofred. on 
Cod. Theod. xiv. 26, 2. Stated distributions of corn had already 
been instituted earlier in Alexandria, but apparently only for per- 
sons old and decayed, and — it may be conjectured — on account 
of the city, not of the state (Eusebius, Hist. Eccl. vii. 21). 
Vol. II.— 18 



[Book VIII. 

tending right and left, to the Mediterranean Sea ; only at 
its lower end the " gift of the river," the Nile-delta, 
spreads itself out on both sides between the manifold 
arms of its mouth. The produce of these tracts depends 
year by year on the Nile and on the sixteen cubits of its 
flood-mark — the sixteen children playing round their fa- 
ther, as the art of the Greeks represented the river-god ; 
with good reason the Arabs designate the low cubits by 
the name of the angels of death, for, if the river does not 
reach its full height, famine and destruction come upon 
the whole land of Egypt. But in general Egypt — where 
the expenses of cultivation are singularly low, wheat bears 
an hundred fold, and the culture of vegetables, of the 
vine, of trees, particularly the date-palm, as well as the 
rearing of cattle, yield good produce — is able not merely 
to feed a dense population, but also to send corn in large 
quantity abroad. This led to the result that, after the 
installation of the foreign rule, not much of its riches was 
left to the land itself. The Nile rose at that time nearly 
as in the Persian period and as it does to-day, and the 
Egyptian toiled chiefly for other lands ; and thereby in the 
first instance Egypt played an important part in the his- 
tory of imperial Rome. After the grain-cultivation in Italy 
itself had decayed and Eome had become the greatest city 
of the world, it needed constant supplies of moderately- 
priced transmarine grain ; and the principate strengthened 
itself above all by the solution of the far from easy eco- 
nomic problem how to make the supply of the capital finan- 
cially possible and to render it secure. This solution de- 
pended on the possession of Egypt, and, in as much as 
here the emperor bore exclusive sway, he kept Italy with 
its dependencies in check through Egypt. When Ves- 
pasian seized the dominion he sent his troops to Italy, 
but he went in person to Egypt and possessed himself of 
Rome through the corn-fleet. Wherever a Roman ruler 
had, or is alleged to have had, the idea of transferring the 
seat of government to the East, as is told us of Caesar, 
Antonius, Nero, Geta, there the thoughts were directed, 

^ Chap. XII.] 



as if spontaneously, not to Antioch, although this was at 
that time the regular court-residence of the East, but 
toward the birthplace and the stronghold of the princi- 
pate — to Alexandria. 

For that reason, accordingly, the Koman government ap- 
plied itself more zealously to the elevation of agriculture 
in Egypt than anywhere else. As it is dependent on the 
inundation of the Nile, it was possible to extend consid- 
erably the surface fitted for cultivation by systematic- 
ally executed water- works, artifical canals, dykes, and reser- 
voirs. In the good times of Egypt, the native land of the 
measuring-chain and of artifical building, much was done 
for it, but these beneficent structures fell, under the last 
wretched and financially oppressed governments, into sad 
decay. Thus the Koman occupation introduced itself 
worthily by Augustus subjecting the canals of the Nile to 
a thorough purifying and renewal by means of the troops 
stationed in Egypi. If at the time of the Eomans taking 
possession a full harvest required a state of the river of 
fourteen cubits, and at eight cubits failure of the harvest 
occurred, at a later period, after the canals were put into 
order, twelve cubits were enough for a full harvest, and 
eight cubits still yielded a su£&cient produce. Centuries 
later the emperor Probus not merely liberated Egypt from 
the Ethiopians but also restored the water-works on the 
Nile. It may be assumed, generally, that the better suc- 
cessors of Augustus administered in a similar sense, and 
that especially with the internal peace and security hardly 
interrupted for centuries, Egyptian agriculture stood in a 
permanently flourishing state under the Koman principj-te. 
What reflex effect this state of things had on the Egyp- 
tians themselves we are not able to follow out more ex- 
actly. To a great extent the revenues from Egypt rested 
on the possession of the imperial domains, which in Ko- 
man as in earlier times formed a considerable part of 
the whole area ; ' here, especially considering the small 

' In tlie town of Alexandria there appears to have been no landed 
property in the strict sense, but only a sort of hereditary lease 



[Book VIII. 

cost of cultivation, only a moderate proportion of the 
produce must have been left to the small tenants vs^ho 
provided it, or a high money-rent must have been im- 
posed. But even the numerous, and as a rule smaller, 
owners must have paid a high land-tax in corn or in 
money. The agricultural population, contented as it was, 
remained probably numerous in the imperial period ; but 
certainly the pressure of taxation, as well in itself as on 
account of the expenditure of the produce abroad, lay as 
a heavier burden on Egypt under the Roman foreign rule 
than under the by no means indulgent government of the 

Of the economy of Egypt agriculture formed but a part ; 

(Ammianus, xxii. 11, 6 ; StaatsrecM^ ii. 963, note 1) ; but other- 
wise private property in the soil prevailed also in Egypt, in the 
sense in which the provincial law knows such a thing at all. There is 
often mention of domanial possession e.g. Strabo, xvii. 1, 51, p. 828, 
says that the best Egyptian dates grow on an island on which private 
persons might not possess any land, but it was formerly royal, now 
imperial, and yielded a large income. Vespasian sold a portion of 
the Egyptian domains and thereby exasperated the Alexandrians 
(Dio, Ixvi. 8) — beyond doubt the great farmers who then gave the 
land in sub-lease to the peasants proper. Whether landed prop- 
erty in mortmain, especially of the priestly colleges, was in the Ro- 
man period still as extensive as formerly, may be doubted; as also 
whether otherwise large estates or small properties predominated ; 
petty husbandry was certainly general. We possess figures neither 
for the domanial quota nor for that of the land-tax ; that the fifth 
sheaf in Orosius, i. 8, 9, is copied including the usque ad nunc from 
Genesis, is rightly observed by Lumbroso, Redierches., p. 94. The 
domanial rent cannot have amounted to less than the half ; even for 
the land-tax the tenth (Lumbroso, I. c. p. 289, 293) may have hardly 
sufficed. Export of grain otherwise from Egypt needed the con- 
sent of the governor (Hirschfeld, Annona^ p. 23), doubtless because 
otherwise scarcity might easily set in in the thickly-peopled land. 
Yet this arrangement was certainly more by way of control than 
of prohibition ; in the Periplus of the Egyptian corn is on several 
occasions (c. 7, 17, 24, 28, comp. 56) adduced among the articles of 
export. Even the cultivation of the fields seems to have become 
similarly controlled ; " the Egyptians, it is said, are fonder of cul- 
tivating rape than corn, so far as they may, on account of the rape- 
seed oil" (Plinius, H. iV. xix. 5, 79). 

Chap. XIl.] 



as it in this respect stood far before Syria, so it had 
the advantage of a high prosperity of manu- 
Trades. factures and commerce as compared with the 

essentially agricultural Africa. The linen manufacture 
in Egypt was at least equal in age, extent, and renown to 
the Syrian, and maintained its ground through the whole 
imperial period, although the finer sorts at this epoch were 
especially manufactured in Syria and Phoenicia ; ' when 
Aurelian extended the contributions made from Egypt to 
the capital of the empire to other articles than corn, linen 
cloth and tow were not wanting among them. In fine 
glass wares, both as regards colouring and moulding, the 
Alexandrians held decidedly the first place, in fact, as 
they thought, the monopoly, in as much as certain best 
sorts were only to be prepared with Egyptian material. 
Indisputably they had such a material in the papyrus. 
This plant, which in antiquity was cultivated in masses on 
the rivers and lakes of lower Egypt, and flourished no- 
where else, furnished the natives as well with nourishment 
as with materials for ropes, baskets, and boats, and fur- 
nished writing materials at that time for the whole writ- 
ing world. What produce it must have yielded, we may 
gather from the measures which the Koman senate took, 
when once in the Roman market the papyrus became 
scarce and threatened to fail ; and, as its laborious prepa- 
ration could only take place on the spot, numberless men 
must have subsisted by it in Egypt. The deliveries of 
Alexandrian wares introduced by Aurelian in favour of the 
capital of the empire extended, along with linen, to glass 
and papyrus.^ The intercourse with the East must have 

' In the edict of Diocletian among the five fine sorts of linen the 
first four are Syrian or Cilician (of Tarsus) and the Egyptian linen 
appears not merely in the last place, but is also designated as Tar- 
sian -Alexandrian, that is, prepared in Alexandria after the Tarsian 

- It was related of a rich man in Egypt that he had lined his 
palace with glass instead of with marble, and that he possessed 
papyrus and lime enough to provide an army with them {yUa 
Firmij 3). 



[Book VIII. 

had a varied influence on Egyptian manufactures as re- 
gards supply and demand. Textures were manufactured 
there for export to the East, and that in the fashion re- 
quired by the usage of the country ; the ordinary clothes 
of the inhabitants of Habesh were of Egyptian manufac- 
ture ; the gorgeous stuffs especially of the weaving in 
colours and in gold skilfully practised at Alexandria went 
to Arabia and India. In like manner the glass beads pre-, 
pared in Egypt played the same part in the commerce of 
the African coast as at the present day. India procured 
partly glass cups, partly unwrought glass for its own 
manufacture ; even at the Chinese court the glass vessels, 
with which the Koman strangers did homage to the em- 
peror, are said to have excited great admiration. Egyp- 
tian merchants brought to the king of the Axomites 
(Habesh) as standing presents gold and silver vessels pre- 
pared after the fashion of that country, to the civilised 
rulers of the South-Arabian and Indian coast among other 
gifts also statues, probably of bronze, and musical instru- 
ments. On the other hand the materials for the manu- 
facture of luxuries which came from the East, especially 
ivory and tortoise-shell, were worked up hardly perhaps in 
Egypt, chiefly, in all probability, at Rome. Lastly, at an 
epoch which never had its match in the West for magnifi- 
cent public buildings, the costly building materials sup- 
plied by the Egyptian quarries came to be employed in 
enormous masses outside of Egypt ; the beautiful red 
granite of Syene, the green breccia from the region of 
Koser, the basalt, the alabaster, after the time of Claudi- 
us the gray granite, and especially the porphyry of the 
mountains above Myos Hormos. The working of them 
was certainly effected for the most part on imperial ac- 
count by penal colonists ; but the transport at least must 
have gone to benefit the whole country and particular- 
ly the city of Alexandria, The extent to which Egyp- 
tian traffic and Egyptian manufactures were developed is 
shown by an accidentally-preserved notice as to the cargo 
of a transport ship (aKaros), distinguished by its size, 

^ Chap. XII.] 



which under Augustus brought to Rome the obelisk now 
standing at the Porta del Popolo with its base ; it car- 
ried, besides 200 sailors, 1200 passengers, 400,000 Roman 
bushels (34,000 hectolitres) of wheat, and a cargo of lin- 
en cloth, glass, paper, and pepper. " Alexandria," says a 
Roman author of the third century,' " is a town of plenty, 
of wealth, and of luxury, in which nobody goes idle ; this 
one is a glass worker, that one a paper-maker, the third a 
linen-weaver ; the only god is money." This held true 
proportionally of the whole land. 

Of the commercial intercourse of Egypt with the re- 
gions adjoining it on the south, as well as 
gation of the with Arabia and India, we shall speak more 

Mediterranean. SCqUcl. The traffic with the 

countries of the Mediterranean comes less into promi- 
nence in the traditional account, partly, doubtless, because 
it belonged to the ordinary course of things, and there 
was not often occasion to make special mention of it. The 
Egyptian corn was conveyed to Italy by Alexandrian ship- 
masters, and in consequence of this there arose in Portus 
near Ostia a sanctuary modelled on the Alexandrian temple 
of Sarapis with a mariner's guild ; ^ but these transport- 

' That the alleged letter of Hadrian ( Vita Saturnini, 8) is a late 
fabrication, is shown e.g. by the fact, that the emperor in this 
highly friendly letter addressed to his father-in-law, Servianus, com- 
plains of the injuries which the Alexandrians at his first departure 
had heaped on his son Verus, while on the other hand it is estab- 
lished that this Servianus was executed at the age of ninety in the 
year 136, because he had disapproved the adoption of Verus, which 
had taken place shortly before. 

^ The vavKKrjpoi rov iropevriKOv 'A.\€^avSpeivov ardXav., who set up the 
stone doubtless belonging to Portus, G. I. Gr. 5889, were the cap- 
tains of these grain -ships. From the Serapeum of Ostia we possess 
a series of inscriptions (C. /. L. xiv. 47), according to which it was 
in all parts a copy of that at Alexandria; the president is at the same 
time e7rt^e\7jTr;s iravrhs rov AAe|az/5p6iVoi; (Xt6\ov {C. J. Gr. 5973). 
Probably these transports were employed mainly with the carriage 
of grain, and this consequently took place by succession, to which 
also the precautions adopted by the emperor Gains in the straits of 
Reggio (Josephus, Arc?i. xix. 2, 5) point. With this well comports 



[Book VIII. 

ships would hardly be concerned to any considerable ex- 
tent in the sale of the wares going from Egypt to the 
West. This sale lay probably just as much, and perhaps 
more, in the hands of the Italian ship-owners and captains 
than of the Egyptian ; at least there was already under 
the Lagids a considerable Italian settlement in Alexandria,' 
and the Egyptian merchants had not the same diffusion in 
the West as the Syrian.^ The ordinances of Augustus, to 
be mentioned afterwards, which remodelled the com- 
mercial traffic on the Arabian and Indian Seas, found no 
application to the navigation of the Mediterranean ; the 
government had no interest in favouring the Egyptian 
merchants more than the rest in its case. The traffic 
there remained, presumably, as it was. 

Egypt was thus not merely occupied, in its portions 
capable of culture, with a dense agricultural 
Population. population, but was also as the numerous and 
in part very considerable hamlets and towns enable us to 
recognise, a manufacturing land, and hence accordingly by 
far the most populous province of the Roman empire. The 
old Egypt is alleged to have had a population of seven 
millions ; under Vespasian there were counted in the official 
lists seven and a half millions of inhabitants liable to poll 
tax, to which fall to be added the Alexandrians and other 
Greeks exempted from poll tax, so that the population^ 
apart from the slaves, is to be estimated at least at eight 
millions of persons. As the area capable of cultivation 
may be estimated at present at 10,500 English square 

the fact, that the first appearance of the Alexandrian fleet in the 
spring was a festival for Puteoli (Seneca, Ep. 77, 1). 

' This is shown by the remarkable Delian inscriptions, e'ph. epigr. 
i. p. 600, 602. 

2 Already in the Delian inscriptions of the last century of the 
republic the Syrians predominate. The Egyptian deities had 
doubtless a much revered shrine there, but among the numerous 
priests and dedicators we meet only a single Alexandrian (Hauvette- 
Besnault, Bull, de corr. Hell. vi. 316 f.). Guilds of Alexandrian 
merchants are known to us at Tomi (i. 336, note) and at Perinthus 
((7. /. Or. 3024). 

Chap. XII.] 



miles, and for the Roman period at the most at 14,700, 
there dwelt at that time in Egypt on the average about 520 
persons to the square mile. 

When we direct our glance upon the inhabitants of 
Egypt, the two nations inhabiting the country — the great 
mass of the Egyptians and the small minority of the Alex- 
andrians — are circles thoroughly different,' although the 
contagious power of vice and the similarity of character 
belonging to all vice have instituted a bad fellowship of 
evil between the two. 

The native Egyptians must not have been far different 
either in position or in character from their 
mInneS modcm descendants. They were contented, 
sober, capable of labour, and active, skilful 
artisans and mariners, and adroit merchants, adhering to 
old customs and to old faith. If the Romans assure us 
that the Egyptians were proud of the scourge-marks re- 
ceived for perpetrating frauds in taxation,^ these are views 
derived from the standpoint of the tax officials. There 
was no want of good germs in the national culture ; with 
all the superiority of the Greeks in the intellectual com- 
petition of the two so utterly different races, the Egyp- 
tians in turn had the advantage of the Hellenes in vari- 
ous and essential things, and they felt this too. Lastly, 
it is at any rate the reflection of their own feeling, when 
the Egyptian priests of the Greek conversational literature 
ridicule the so-called historical research of the Hellenes 
and its treatment of poetical fables as real tradition from 
primitive past times, saying that in Egypt they made no 
■verses, but their whole ancient history was described in the 

^ After Juvenal has described the wild drinking bouts of the na- 
tive Egyptians in honour of the local gods of the several nomes, 
he adds that therein the natives were in no respect inferior to the 
Canopus, i.e. the Alexandrian festival of Sarapis, notorious for its 
unbridled licentiousness (Strabo, xvii. 1, 17, p. 801): Tiorrida sane 
Aegyptus, sed luxuria quantum ipsenotavi^ harbara famoso non cedit 
turba Canopo (Sat. xv. 44). 

^ Ammianus, xxii. 16, 23 : Erubescit apud {Aegyptios)^ si qui non 
injUiando tributa plurimas i7i corpore vibices ostendat 



[Book VIII. 

temples and monuments ; although now, indeed, there 
were but few who knew it, since many monuments were 
destroyed, and tradition was made to perish through the 
ignorance and the indifference of later generations. But 
this well-warranted complaint carried in itself hopelessness; 
the venerable tree of Egyptian civilisation had long been 
marked for cutting down. Hellenism penetrated with its 
decomposing influence even to the priesthood itself. An 
Egyptian temple- scribe Chaeremon, who was called to the 
court of Claudius as teacher of Greek philosophy for the 
crown-prince, attributed in his Egyptian History the ele- 
ments of Stoical physics to the old gods of the country, 
and expounded in this sense the documents written in 
the native character. In the practical life of the imperial 
period the old Egygtian habits come into consideration 
almost only as regards the religious sphere. Eeligion was 
for this people all in all. The foreign rule in itself was 
willingly borne, we might say hardly felt, so long as it did 
not touch the sacred customs of the land and what was 
therewith connected. It is true that in the internal gov- 
ernment of the country nearly everything had such a con- 
nection — writing and language, priestly privileges and 
priestly arrogance, the manners of the court and the cus- 
toms of the country ; the care of the government for the 
sacred ox living at the moment, the provisions made for its 
burial at its decease, and for the finding out of the fitting 
successor, were accounted by these priests and this people 
as the test of the capacity of the ruler of the land for the 
time, and as the measure of the respect and homage due 
to him. The first Persian king introduced himself in 
Egypt by giving back the sanctuary of Neith in Sais to 
its destination— that is, to the priests ; the first Ptol- 
emy, when still a Macedonian governor, brought back the 
images of the Egyptian gods, that had been carried off 
to Asia, to their old abode, and restored to the gods of 
Pe and Tep the land-gifts estranged from them ; for the 
sacred temple-images brought home from Persia in the 
great victorious expedition of Euergetes the native priests 


Chap. XII.] 



convey their thanks to the king in the famous decree of 
Canopus in the year 238 b.c. ; the customary insertion of 
the living rulers male or female in the circle of the native 
gods these foreigners acquiesced in for themselves just as 
did the Egyptian Pharaohs. The Eoman rulers followed 
their example only to a limited extent. As respects title 
they doubtless entered, as we saw (p. 265, note) in some 
measure into the native cultus, but avoided withal, even in 
the Egyptian setting, the customary predicates that stood 
in too glaring a contrast to Occidental views. When these 
favourites of Ptah and of Isis took steps in Italy against 
the Egyptian worship of the gods as against the Jewish, 
they, as may readily be understood, betrayed nothing of 
such love beyond the hieroglyphs, and even in Egypt 
nowise took part in the service of the native gods. How- 
ever obstinately the religion of the land was still retained 
under the foreign rule among the Egyptians proper, the 
Pariah position in which these found themselves alongside 
of the ruling Greeks and Komans, necessarily told heav- 
ily on the cultus and the priests ; and of the leading posi- 
tion, the influence, the culture of the old Egyptian priestly 
order but scanty remains were discernible under the Ko- 
man government. On the other hand, the indigenous re- 
ligion, from the outset disinclined to beauty of form and 
spiritual transfiguration, served, in and out of Egypt, as a 
starting-point and centre for all conceivable pious sorcery 
and sacred fraud — it is enough to recall the thrice-greatest 
Hermes at home in Egypt, with the literature attaching to 
his name of tractates and marvel-books, as well as the cor- 
responding widely diffused practice. But in the circles of 
the natives the worst abuses were connected at this epoch 
with their cultus — not merely drinking-bouts continued 
through many days in honour of the individual local dei- 
ties, with the unchastity thereto appertaining, but also 
permanent religious feuds between the several districts 
for the precedence of the ibis over the cat, or of the croco- 
dile over the baboon. In the year 127 a.d., on such an 
occasion, the Ombites in southern Egypt were suddenly 



[Book VIII. 

assailed by a neighbouring community ■ at a drinking- 
festival, and the victors are said to have eaten one of the 
slain. Soon afterwards the community of the Hound, in 
defiance of the community of the Pike, consumed a pike, 
and the latter in defiance of the other consumed a hound, 
and thereupon a war broke out between these two nomes, 
till the Eomans interfered and chastised both parties. 
Such incidents were of ordinary occurrence in Egypt. 
Nor was there a want otherwise of troubles in the land. 
The very first viceroy of Egypt appointed by Augustus 
had, on account of an increase of the taxes, to send troops 
to upper Egypt, and not less, perhaps likewise in conse- 
quence of the pressure of taxation, to Heroonpolis at the 
upper end of the Arabian Gulf. Once, under the empe- 
ror Marcus, a rising of the native Egyptians 
^Herdsmen/' assumed cvcu a threatening character. When 
in the marshes, difficult of access, on the 
coast to the east of Alexandria — the so-called "cattle- 
pastures" (pucolia), which served as a place of refuge for 
criminals and robbers, and formed a sort of colony of 
them — some people were seized by a division of Roman 
troops, the whole banditti rose to liberate them, and the 
population of the country joined the movement. The Ro- 
man legion from Alexandria went to oppose them, but 
it was defeated, and Alexandria itself had almost fallen 
into the hands of the insurgents. The governor of the 
East, Avidius Cassius, arrived doubtless with his troops, 
but did not venture on a conflict against the superiority of 
numbers, and preferred to provoke dissension in the league 
of the rebels ; after the one band ranged itself against 
the other the government easily mastered them all. This 
so-called revolt of the herdsmen probably bore, like such 
peasant wars for the most part, a religious character ; the 
leader Isidorus, the bravest man of Egypt, was by station 
a priest ; and the circumstance that for the consecration of 

^ This was according to Juvenal Tentyra, which must be a mis- 
take, if the well-known Tentyra is meant ; but the list of the 
Ravennate chronicler, iii. 2, names the two places together. 

Celat. XII.] 


the league, after taking the oath, a captive Eoman officer 
was sacrificed and eaten by those who swore, was as well 
in keeping with it as with the cannibalism of the Ombite 
war. An echo of these events is preserved in the stories 
of Egyptian robbers in the late-Greek minor literature. 
Much, moreover, as they may have given trouble to the 
Eoman administration, they had not a political object, 
and interrupted but partially and temporarily the general 
tranquillity of the land. 

By the side of the Egyptians stood the Alexandrians, 
somewhat as the English in India stand along- 

Alexandria. ^ r-i ^^ 

side of the natives of the country. Generally, 
Alexandria was regarded in the imperial period before 
Constantine's time as the second city of the Eoman empire 
and the first commercial city of the world. It numbered 
at the end of the Lagid rule upwards of 300,000 free in- 
habitants, in the imperial period beyond doubt still more. 
The comparison of the two great capitals that grew up in 
rivalry on the Nile and on the Orontes yields as many 
points of similarity as of contrast. Both were compara- 
tively new cities, monarchical creations out of nothing, of 
symmetrical plan and regular urban arrangements. Wa- 
ter ran into every house in Alexandria as at Antioch. In 
beauty of site and magnificence of buildings the city in 
the valley of the Orontes was as superior to its rival as the 
latter excelled it in the favourableness of the locality for 
commerce on a large scale and in the number of the 
population. The great public buildings of the Egyptian 
capital, the royal palace, the Mouseion dedicated to the 
Academy, above all the temple of Sarapis, were marvellous 
works of an earlier epoch, whose architecture was highly 
developed ; but the Egyptian capital, in which few of the 
Caesars set foot, has nothing corresponding to set off 
against the great number of imperial structures in the 
Syrian residency. 

The Antiochenes and Alexandrians stood on an equal 
footing in insubordination and 'eagerness to oppose the 
government ; we may add also in this, that the two cities, 



[Book VIII. 

and Alexandria more particularly, flourished precisely under 
and through the Roman government, and had 
Fiondef much more reason to thank it than to play 
the Fronde. The attitude of the Alexandrians 
to their Hellenic rulers is attested by the long series of 
nicknames, in part still used at the present day, for which 
the royal Ptolemies without exception were indebted to 
the public of their capital. The Emperor Vespasian re- 
ceived from the Alexandrians for the introducing of a tax 
on salt fish the title of the "sardine-dealer " (Kv^tocra/CTTys); 
the Syrian Severus Alexander that of the " chief Eabbin ; " 
but the emperors came rarely to Egypt, and the distant 
and foreign rulers offered no genuine butt for this ridicule. 
In their absence the public bestowed at least on the vice- 
roys the same attention with persevering zeal ; even the 
prospect of inevitable chastisement was not able to put to 
silence the often witty and always saucy tongue of these 
townsmen." Vespasian contented himself in return for 
that attention shown to him with raising the poll-tax 
about six farthings, and got for doing so the further name 
of the " sixfarthing-man ; " but their sayings about Seve- 
rus Antoninus, the petty ape of Alexander the Great and 
the favourite of Mother Jocasta, were to cost them more 
dearly. The spiteful ruler appeared in all friendliness, 
and allowed the people to keep holiday for him, but then 
ordered his soldiers to charge into the festal multitude, so 
that for days the squares and streets of the great city ran 
with blood ; in fact, he enjoined the dissolution of the 
Academy and the transfer of the legion into the city itself 
— neither of which, it is true, was carried into effect. 
But while in Antioch, as a rule, the matter did not go 
beyond sarcasm, the Alexandrian rabble took 
^muits"*" on the slightest pretext to stones and to cud- 
gels. In street uproar, says an authority, him- 
self Alexandrian, the Egyptians are before all others ; the 
smallest spark suffices here to kindle a tumult. On ac- 

^ Seneca, ad Helv. 19, 6: loquax et in contumelias praefectorumin- 
geniosa provincia , , . etiam periculosi sales placent. 

Chap. XII.] Egy^t. 287 

count of neglected visits, on account of the confiscation of 
spoiled provisions, on account of exclusion from a bathing 
establishment, on account of a dispute between the slave of 
an Alexandrian of rank and a Koman foot-soldier as to the 
value or non-value of their respective slippers, the legions 
were under the necessity of charging among the citizens 
of Alexandria. It here became apparent that the lower 
stratum of the Alexandrian population consisted in greater 
part of natives ; in these riots the Greeks no doubt acted 
as instigators, as indeed the rhetors, that is, in this case 
the inciting orators, are expressly mentioned ;' but in the 
further course of the matter the spite and the savageness 
of the Egyptian proper came into the conflict. The Syrians 
were cowardly, and as soldiers the Egyptians were so too ; 
but in a street tumult they were able to develop a courage 
wwthy of a better cause. ^ The Antiochenes delighted in 
race-horses like the Alexandrians ; but among the latter no 
chariot race ended without stone-throwing and stabbing. 
Both cities were affected by the persecution of the Jews 
under the emperor Gains; but in Antioch an earnest word 
of the authorities sufficed to put an end to it, while thou- 
sands of human lives fell a sacrifice to the Alexandrian out- 
break instigated by some clowns with a puppet-show. The 
Alexandrians, it was said, when a riot arose, gave them- 
selves no peace till they had seen blood. The Roman offi- 
cers and soldiers had a difficult position there. "Alex- 

^ Dio Chrysostum says in his address to the Alexandrians (Or. 
xxxii. p. 663 Reiske): " Because now (the intelligent) keep in the 
background and are silent, there spring up among you endless dis- 
putes and quarrels and disorderly clamour, and bad and unbridled 
speeches, accusers, aspersions, trials, a rabble of orators." In the 
Alexandrian Jew-hunt, which Philo so drastically describes, we see 
these mob-orators at work. 

Dio Cassius, xxxix. 58: "The Alexandrians do the utmost in all 
respects as to daring, and speak out everything that occurs to them. 
In war and its terrors their conduct is cowardly ; but in tumults, 
which with them are very frequent and very serious, they without 
scruple come to mortal blows, and for the sake of the success of the 
moment account their life nothing, nay, they go to their destruction 
as if the highest things were at stake, " 



[Book VIII. 

andria," says a reporter of the fourth century, "is entered 
by the governors with trembling and despair, for they fear 
the justice of the people ; where a governor perpetrates a 
wrong, there follows at once the setting of the palace on 
fire and stoning." The naive trust in the rectitude of this 
procedure marks the stand-point of the writer, w^ho be- 
longed to this " people." The continuation of this Lynch- 
system, dishonouring alike to the government and to the 
nation, is furnished by what is called Church-history, in 
the murder of the bishop Georgius, alike obnoxious to the 
heathen and to the orthodox, and of his associates under 
Julian, and that of the fair freethinker Hypatia by the 
pious community of Bishop Cyril under Theodosius II. 
These Alexandrian tumults were more malicious, more in- 
calculable, more violent than the Antiochene, but just like 
these, not dangerous either for the stability of the em- 
pire or even for the individual government. Mischievous 
and ill-disposed lads are very inconvenient, but not more 
than inconvenient, in the household as in the common- 

In religious matters also the two cities had an analogous 
position. To the worship of the land, as the 
worsM^"^^ native population retained it in Syria as in 
Egypt, the Alexandrians as well as the Anti- 
ochenes were disinclined in its original shape. But the 
Lagids, as well as the Seleucids, were careful of disturbing 
the foundations of the old religion of the country ; and, 
merely amalgamating the older national views and sacred 
rites with the pliant forms of the Greek Olympus, they 
Hellenised these outwardly in some measure ; they intro- 
duced, e.g. the Greek god of the lower world Pluto into 
the native worship, under the hitherto little mentioned 
name of the Egyptian god Sarapis, and then gradually 
transferred to this the old Osiris worship. ' Thus the gen- 

' The *' pious Egyptians" offered resistance, as Macrobius, Sat. i. 
7, 14, reports, but tyrannide Ptolemaeorum pressi lios quoque deos 
(Sarapis and Saturnus) in cuUum recipere Alexandrinorum more, 
apud quos 2^otissimum colebantur, coacti sunt. As they thus had to 

Chap. XII. ] 



uinely Egj^tian Isis and the pseudo-Egyptian Sarapis 
played in Alexandria nearly the same part as Belus and 
Elagabalus in Syria, and made their way in a similar man- 
ner with these, although less strongly and with more ve- 
hement opposition, by degrees into the Occidental wor- 
ship of the imperial period. As regards the immorality 
developed on occasion of these religious usages and festi- 
vals, and the unchastity approved and stimulated by 
priestly blessing, neither city was in a position to upbraid 
the other. 

Down to a late time the old cultus retained its firmest 
stronghold in the pious land of Egypt. ^ The restoration 

present bloody sacrifices, whicli was against their ritual, they did 
not admit these gods, at least into the towns ; nullum Aegypti oppi- 
dum intra muros suos aut Batumi aut Sarapis fajium recepit. 

' The often-quoted anonymous author of a description of the em- 
pire from the time of Constantius, a good heathen, praises Egypt 
particularly on account of its exemplary piety : "Nowhere are the 
mysteries of the gods so well celebrated as there from of old and 
still at present." Indeed, he adds, some were of opinion that the 
Chaldaeans — he means the Syrian cultus — worshipped the gods bet- 
ter ; but he held to what he had seen with his own eyes — " Here 
there are shrines of all sorts and magnificently adorned temples, 
and there are found numbers of sacristans and priests and prophets 
and believers and excellent theologians, and all goes on in its order; 
you find the altars everywhere blazing with flame and the priests 
with their fillets and the incense-vessels with deliciously fragrant 
spices." Nearly from the same time (not from Hadrian), and evi- 
dently also from a well-informed hand, proceeds another more ma- 
licious description {vita Saturnini, 8) : " He who in Egypt worships 
Sarapis is also a Christian, and those who call themselves Christian 
bishops likewise adore Sarapis ; every grand Rabbi of the Jews, 
every Samaritan, every Christian clergyman is there at the same 
time a sorcerer, a prophet, a quack (alipies). Even when the patri- 
arch comes to Egypt some demand that he pray to Sarapis, others 
that he pray to Christ." This diatribe is certainly connected with 
the circumstance that the Christians declared the Egyptian god to 
be the Joseph of the Bible, the son of Sara, and rightfully carrying 
the bushel. The position of the Egyptian orthodox party is appre- 
hended in a more earnest spirit by the author, belonging presuma- 
ably to the third century^ of the Dialogue of the Gods, preserved in 
a Latin translation among the writings attributed to Appuleius, iu 
Vol. II.— 19 



[Book VIII. 

of the old faith, as well scientifically in the philosophy an- 
nexed to it as practically in the repelling of the attacks 
directed by the Christians against Polytheism, and in the 
revival of the heathen temple worship and the heathen 
divination, had its true centre in Alexandria. Then, 
when the new faith conquered this stronghold also, the 
character of the country remained nevertheless true to it- 
self ; Syria was the cradle of Christianity, Egypt was the 
cradle of monachism. Of the significance and the position 
of the Jewish body, in which the two cities likewise re- 
sembled each other, we have already spoken in another 
connection (p. 177). Immigrants called by the government 
into the land like the Hellenes, the Jews were doubtless 
inferior to these and were liable to poll-tax like the Egyp- 
tians, but accounted themselves, and were accounted, more 
than these. Their number amounted under Vespasian to 
a million, about the eighth part of the whole population 
of Egypt, and, like the Hellenes, they dwelt chiefly in the 

wMch tlie thrice-greatest Hermes announces things future to As- 
klepios : " Tliou knowest witlial, Asklepios, that Egypt is a counter- 
part of heaven, or, to speak more correctly, a transmigration and de- 
scent of the whole heavenly administration and activity ; indeed, to 
speak still more correctly, our fatherland is the temple of the whole 
universe. And yet a time will set in, when it would appear as if 
Egypt had vainly with pious mind in diligent service cherished the 
divine, when all sacred worship of the gods will be without result 
and a failure. For the deity will betake itself back into heaven, 
Egypt will be forsaken, and the land, which was the seat of relig- 
ious worships, will be deprived of the presence of divine power and 
left to its own resources. Then will this consecrated land, the abode 
of shrines and temples, be d««isely filled with graves and corpses. 
O Egypt, Egypt, of thy worships only rumours will preserved, 
and even these will seem incredible to thy coming generations, only 
words will be preserved on the stones to tell of thy pious deeds, and 
Egypt will be inhabited by the Scythian or Indian or other such 
from the neighbouring barbarian land. New rights will be intro- 
duced, a new law, nothing holy, nothing religious, nothing worthy 
of heaven and of the celestials will be heard or in spirit believed. 
A painful separation of the gods from men sets in ; only the bad 
angels remain there, to mingle among mankind " (according to Ber- 
nays's translation, Ge8, Abh. i. 330). 

Chap. XII.] Egy][>t, 291 

capital, of the five wards of wliicli two were Jewish. In ac- 
knowledged independence, in repute, culture, and wealth, 
the body of Alexandrian Jews was even before the destruc- 
tion of Jerusalem the first in the world ; and in conse- 
quence of this a good part of the last act of the Jewish 
tragedy, as has been already set forth, was played out on 
Egyptian soil. 

Alexandria and Antioch were pre-eminently seats of 
wealthy merchants and manufacturers ; but in 

The Ic&imcd • 

world of Antioch there was wanting the seaport and its 

Alexandria. i i • t i j* • jj 

belongings, and, however stirring matters were 
on the streets there, they bore no comparison with the 
life and doings of the Alexandrian artisans and sailors. 
On the other hand, for enjoyment of life, dramatic spec- 
tacles, dining, pleasures of love, Antioch had more to offer 
than the city in which "no one went idle." Literary pur- 
suits proper, linking themselves especially with the rhe- 
torical exhibitions — such as we sketched in the descrip- 
tion of Asia Minor — fell into the background in Egypt,' 
doubtless more amidst the pressure of the affairs of 
the day than through the influence of the numerous and 
well-paid savants living in Alexandria, and in great part 
natives of it. These men of the Museum, of whom we 
shall have to speak further on, did not prominently affect 
the character of the town as a whole, especially if they did 
their duty in diligent work. But the Alexandrian physi- 
cians were regarded as the best in the whole empire ; it is 
true that Egypt was no less the genuine home of quacks 
and of secret remedies, and of that strange civilised form 

1 When the Romans ask from the famous rhetor Proaeresios 
(end of the third and beginning of the fourth century) one of his 
disciples for a professorial chair, he sends to them Eusebius from 
Alexandria; *'as respects rhetoric," it is said of the latter (Euna- 
pius, Proaer. p. 92 Boiss.), ''it is enough to say that he was an 
Egyptian ; for this people, no doubt, pursues versemaking passion- 
ately, but earnest oratory (6 aTrovSa7os "Epju-qs) is not at home among 
them.'' The remarkable resumption of Greek poetry in Egypt, to 
which, e.g. the epic of Nonnus belongs, lies beyond the bounds of 
our narrative. 



[Book YIII; 

of the "shepherd-medicine," in which pious simplicity 
and speculating deceit draped themselves in the mantle 
of science. Of the thrice-greatest Hermes we have already 
made mention (p. 283) ; the Alexandrian Serapis, too, 
wrought more marvellous cures in antiquity than any one 
of his colleagues, and he infected even the practical em- 
peror Vespasian, so that he too healed the blind and lame, 
but only in Alexandria. 

Although the place which Alexandria occupies, or seems 
to occupy, in the intellectual and literary de- 
iSandria. vclopmcnt of the later Greece and of Occi- 
dental culture generally cannot be fitly esti- 
mated in a description of the local circumstances of Egypt, 
but only in the delineation of this development itself, the 
Alexandrian scholarship and its continuation under the 
Eoman government are too remarkable a phenomenon not 
to have its general position touched on in this connection. 
We have already observed (p. 138) that the blending of 
the Oriental and the Hellenic intellectual world was ac- 
complished pre-eminently in Egypt alongside of Syria ; 
and if the new faith which was to conquer the West issued 
from Syria, the science homogeneous with it — that phi- 
losophy which, alongside of and beyond the human mind, 
acknowledges and proclaims the supra-mundane God and 
the divine revelation — came pre-eminently from Egypt: 
probably already the new Pythagoreanism, certainly the 
philosophic Neo- Judaism — of which we have formerly 
spoken (p. 185) — as well as the new Platonism, whose 
founder, the Egyptian Plotinus, was likewise already 
mentioned (p. 138). Upon this interpenetration of Hel- 
lenic and Oriental elements, that was carried out especially 
in Alexandria, mainly depends the fact, that — as falls to 
be set forth more fully in surveying the state of things in 
Italy — the Hellenism there in the earlier imperial period 
bears pre-eminently an Egyptian form. As the old-new 
wisdoms associated with Pythagoras, Moses, Plato, pene- 
trated from Alexandria into Italy, so Isis and her belong- 
ings played the first part in the easy, fashionable piety, 

Chap. XII.] ^'gypt^ 293 

which the Roman poets of the Augustan age and the 
Pompeian temples from that of Claudius exhibit to us. 
Art as practised in Egypt prevails in the Campanian fres- 
coes of the same epoch, as in the Tiburtine villa of Ha- 
drian. In keeping with this is the position which Alex- 
andrian erudition occupies in the intellectual life of the 
imperial period. Outwardly it is based on the care of the 
state for intellectual interests, and would with more war- 
rant link itself to the name of Alexander than to that of 
Alexandria ; it is the realisation of the thought that in a 
certain stage of civilisation art and science must be sup- 
ported and promoted by the authority and the resources 
of the state, the consistent sequel of the brilliant moment 
in the world's history which placed Alexander and Aristotle 
side by side. It is not our intention here to inquire how 
in this mighty conception truth and error, the injuring 
and elevating of the intellectual life, became mingled, nor 
is the scanty after-bloom of the divine singing and of the 
high thinking of the free Hellenes to be once more placed 
side by side with the rank and yet also noble produce of 
the later collecting, investigating, and arranging. If the 
institutions which sprang from this thought could not, 
or, what was worse, could only apparently, renew to the 
Greek nation what was irrecoverably lost, they granted to 
it on the still free arena of the intellectual world the only 
possible compensation, and that, too, a glorious one. For 
us the local circumstances are above all to be taken into 
account. Artificial gardens are in some measure indepen- 
dent of the soil, and it is not otherwise with these scien- 
tific institutions ; only that they from their nature are 
directed towards the courts. Material support may be 
imparted to them otherwise ; but more important than 
this is the favour of the highest circles, which swells their 
sails, and the connections, which, meeting together in the 
great centres, replenish and extend these circles of science. 
In the better time of the monarchies of Alexander there 
were as many such centres as there were states, and that 
of the Lagid court was only the most highly-esteemed 



[Book VIII. 

among them. The Roman repubhc had brought the 
others one after another into its power, and had set aside 
with the courts also the scientific institutes and circles 
belonging to them. The fact that the future Augustus, 
when he did away with the last of these courts, allowed 
the learned institutes connected with it to subsist, is a 
genuine, and not the worst, indication of the changed 
times. The more energetic and higher Philhellenism of 
the government of the Caesars was distinguished to its 
advantage from that of the republic by the fact that it not 
merely allowed Greek literati to earn money in Rome, 
but viewed and treated the great guardianship of Greek 
science as a part of the sovereignty of Alexander. No 
doubt, as in this regeneration of the empire as a whole, 
the building-plan was grander than the building. The 
royally patented and pensioned Muses, whom the Lagids 
had called to Alexandria, did not disdain to accept the 
like payments also from the Romans ; and the imperial 
munificence was not inferior to the earlier regal. The 
funds of the library of Alexandria and the fund of free 
places for philosophers, poets, physicians, and scholars of 
all sorts, ^ as well as the immunities granted to these, were 
not diminished by Augustus, and were increased by the 
emperor Claudius — with the injunction, indeed, that the 

1 A "Homeric poet" Ik Mova-elov is ready to sing the praise of 
Memnon in four Homeric verses, without adding a word of his 
own {C. I. Or. 4748). Hadrian makes an Alexandrian poet a mem- 
ber in reward for a loyal epigram (Athenaeus, xv. p. 677 e). Ex- 
amples of rhetors from Hadrian's time may be seen in Philostratus, 
Vit. Soph. i. 25, 3 c. 25, 3. A (piXoffocpos airh Movaelov in Halicar- 
nassus {Bull de corr. Hell. iv. 405). At a later period, when the 
circus was everything, we find a noted pugilist — perhaps, one may 
say — as an honorary member of the philosophical class (inscription 
from Rome, C. 1. Gr. 5914: veu)K6po$ tqv ixi'y6.\Kov'2,apaTTLS\os koX rwv 
€u rq} Movaeicf [crctTOujyueVajj' areAwu <piXocr6(p(DV ; comp. ih. 4724, and 
Firmicus Maternus, de errore prof. rel. 13, 3). Oi iv 'E</)e<r^ airh 
Tov Mova-elov larpoi (Wood, EpTiesus inscriptions from tombs, n. 7), a 
society of Ephesian physicians, have relation doubtless to the Mu- 
seum at Alexandria, but were hardly members of it ; they were 
rather trained in it. 

Chap. XIL] 



Bew Claudian academicians should have the Greek histori- 
cal works of the singular founder publicly read year by 
year in their sittings. With the first library in the world 
Alexandria retained at the same time, through the whole 
imperial period, a certain primacy of scientific work, until 
Islam burnt the library and killed the ancient civilisation. 
It was not merely the opportunity thus offered, but at the 
same time the old tradition and turn of mind of these 
Hellenes, which preserved for the city that precedence, as 
indeed among the scholars the native Alexandrians are 
prominent in number and importance. In this epoch 
numerous and respectable labours of erudition, particu 
larly philological and physical, proceeded from the circle 
of the savants " of the Museum," as they entitled them- 
selves, like the Parisians " of the Institute " ; but the 
literary importance, which the Alexandrian and the Per- 
gamene court-science and court-art had in the better 
epoch of Hellenism for the whole Hellenic and Hellen- 
ising world, was never even remotely attached to the 
Komano-Alexandrian. The cause lay not in the want of 
talents or in other accidents, least of all in the fact that 
places in the Museum were bestowed by the emperor 
sometimes according to gifts and always according to fa- 
vour, and the government dealt with them quite as with 
the horse of the knight and the posts of officials of the 
household ; the case was not otherwise at the older courts. 
Court-philosophers and court-poets remained in Alexan- 
dria, but not the court ; it was here very clearly appar- 
ent that the main matter was not pensions and rewards, 
but the contact — quickening for both sides — of great poli- 
tical and great scientific work. The latter doubtless pre- 
sented itself for the new monarchy and brought its conse- 
quences with it ; but the place for it was not Alexandria : 
this bloom of political development justly belonged to the 
Latins and to the Latin capital. The Augustan poetry 
and Augustan science attained, under similar circum- 
stances, to a similar important and pleasing development 
with that attained- by the Hellenistic at the court of 


[Book VIII. 

the Pergamenes and the earlier Ptolemies. Even in the 
Greek circle, so far as the Koman government operated 
upon it in the sense of the Lagids, this development was 
linked more with Eome than with Alexandria. It is true 
that the Greek libraries of the capital were not equal to 
the Alexandrian, and there was no institute in Rome 
comparable to the Alexandrian Museum. But a position 
at the Eoman libraries opened up relations to the court. 
The professorship of Greek rhetoric in the capital, insti- 
tuted by Vespasian, filled up and paid for by the govern- 
ment, gave to its holder, although he was not an o£&cer of 
the household in the same sense as the imperial librarian, 
a similar position, and was regarded, doubtless on that 
account, as the chief professorial chair of the empire.' 
But, above all, the office of imperial cabinet secretary in 
its Greek division was the most esteemed and the most 
influential position to which a Greek man of letters could 
at all attain. Transference from the Alexandrian acad- 
emy to such an office in the capital was demonstrably 
promotion.^ Even apart from all which the Greek literati 
otherwise found in Rome alone, the court-positions and 
the court-offices were enough to draw the most distin- 
guished of them thither rather than to the Egyptian "free 
table." The learned Alexandria of this time became a sort 
of "jointure" of Greek science, worthy of respect and 
useful, but of no pervading influence on the great move- 
ment of culture or mis-culture of the imperial period ; 
the places in the Museum were, as was reasonable, not 
seldom bestowed on scholars of note from abroad, and 
for the institution itself the books of the library were of 

* 'O hxa 6p6vos in Philostratus, Vit. Soph. ii. 10, 5. 

" Examples are Chaeremon, the teacher of Nero, previously in- 
stalled in Alexandria (Suidas, Aiovvaios 'AA.e|ai/5peus ; comp. Zeller, 
Hermes, xi. 430, and above, p. 282) ; Dionysius, son of Glaucus, at 
first in Alexandria, successor of Chaeremon, then from Nero down 
to Trajan librarian in Rome and imperial cabinet secretary (Suidas, 
I.e.) ; L. Julius Vestinus under Hadrian, who, even after the presi- 
dency of the Museum, filled the same positions as Dionysius in 
Rome (p. 269 note);^ known also as a philological author. 

Chap. XII.] Egypt, ' 

more account than the burgesses of the great commercial 
and manufacturing city. 

The military circumstances of Egypt laid down, just as 
in Syria, a double task for the troops there ; 
Irmy^^''''''^'' the protcctiou of the south frontier and of the 
east coast, which indeed may not be remotely 
compared with that required for the line of the Euphrates, 
and the maintenance of internal order in the country as 
in the capital. The Eoman garrison consisted, apart from 
the ships stationed at Alexandria and on the Nile, which 
seem chiefly to have served for the control of the customs, 
under Augustus of three legions, along with the not nu- 
merous auxiliary troops belonging to them, about 20,000 
men. This was about half as many as he destined for all 
the Asiatic provinces — which was in keeping with the im- 
portance of this province for the new monarchy. But the 
occupying force was probably even under Augustus him- 
self diminished about a third, and then under Domitian 
by about a further third. At first two legions were sta- 
tioned outside of the capital ; but the main camp, and 
soon the only one, lay before its gates, where Caesar the 
younger had fought out the last battle with Antonius, in 
the suburb called accordingly Nicopolis. The suburb had 
its own amphitheatre and its own imperial popular festi- 
val, and was quite independently organised ; so that for a 
time the public amusements of Alexandria were thrown 
into the shade by those of Nicopolis. The immediate 
watching of the frontier fell to the auxiliaries. The same 
causes therefore which relaxed discipline in Syria — the 
police-character of their primary task and their immediate 
contact with the great capital — came into play also for the 
Egyptian troops ; to which fell to be added, that the bad 
custom of allowing to the soldiers with the standards a 
married life or at any rate a substitute for it, and of filling 
up the troop from their camp-children, had for long been 
naturahsed among the Macedonian soldiers of the Ptole- 



[Book VIII. 

mies, and soon prevailed also among the Eomans, at least 
up to a certain degree. Accordingly, the Egyptian corps, 
in which the Occidentals served still more rarely than in 
the other armies of the East, and which was recruited in 
great part from the citizens and the camp of Alexandria, 
appears to have been among all the sections of the army 
the least esteemed ; as indeed also the officers of this 
legion, as was already observed, were inferior in rank to 
those of the rest. 

The properly military task of the Egyptian troops was 
closely connected with the measures for the elevation of 
Egyptian commerce. It will be convenient to take the 
two together, and to set forth in connection, in the first 
instance, the relations to the continental neighbours in the 
south, and then those to Arabia and India. 

Egypt reaches on the south, as was already remarked, 
as far as the barrier which the last cataract, 
Aethiopia. from Sycuc (Assouan), opposes to nav- 

igation. Beyond Syene begins the stock of the Kesch, as 
the Egyptians call them, or, as the Greeks translated it, 
the dark-coloured, the Aethiopians, probably akin to the 
Axomites to be afterwards mentioned, and, although per- 
haps sprung from the same root as the Egyptians, at any 
rate confronting them in historical development as a for- 
eign people. Further to the south follow the Nahsiu of 
the Egyptians, that is, the Blacks, the Nubians of the Greek, 
the modern Negroes. The kings of Egypt had in better 
times extended their rule far into the interior, or at least 
emigrant Egyptians had established for themselves here 
dominions of their own ; the written monuments of the 
Pharaonic government go as far as above the third cata- 
ract to Dongola, where Nabata (near Nilri) seems to have 
been the centre of their settlements ; and considerably 
further up the stream, some six days' journey to the north 
of Khartoum, near Shendy, in Sennaar, in the neighbour- 
hood of the long forgotten Aethiopian town Meroe, are 
found groups of temples and pyramids, although destitute 
of writing. When Egypt became Roman, all this devel- 

Chap. XII.] Egypt 299 

opment of power was long a matter of the past ; and be- 
yond Syene there ruled an Aethiopian stock under queens, 
who regularly bore the name or the title Candace,' and 
resided in that once Egyptian Nabata in Dongola ; a peo- 
ple at a low stage of civilisation, predominantly shepherds, 
in a position to bring into the field an army of 30,000, but 
equipped with shields of ox-hides, armed mostly not with 
swords, but with axes or lances and iron-mounted clubs, 
predatory neighbours, not a match for the Romans in 

combat. In the year 730 or 731 these invaded 
■<i4, 23. Roman territory — as they asserted, because 

the presidents of the nearest nomes had injured them — 
as the Romans thought, because the Egyptian troops were 
then to a large extent occupied in Arabia, and they hoped 
to be able to plunder with immunity. In reality they 

overcame the three cohorts who covered the 
SndS?'^''^^'' frontier, and dragged away the inhabitants 

from the nearest Egyptian districts — Philae, 
Elephantine, Syene — as slaves, and the statues of the em- 
peror, which they found there, as tokens of victory. But 
the governor, who just then took up the administration of 
the province. Gains Petronius, speedily requited the at- 
tack ; with 10,000 infantry and 800 cavalry he not merely 
drove them out, but followed them along the Nile into 
their own land, defeated them emphatically at Pselchis 
(Dekkeh), and stormed their stronghold Premis (Ibrim), 
as well as the capital itself, which he destroyed. It is true 
that the queen, a brave woman, i^enewed the attack next 
year and attempted to storm Premis, where a Roman gar- 
rison had been left ; but Petronius brought seasonable 
relief, and so the Aethiopian queen determined to send 
envoys and to sue for peace. The emperor not merely 
granted it, but gave orders to evacuate the subject terri- 
tory, and rejected the proposal of his governor to make 
the vanquished tributary. This event, otherwise not im- 

^ The eunuch, of Candace, who reads in Isaiah (Acts of the Apos- 
tles, viii. 27) is well known ; and a Candace reigned also in Nero's 
time (Plinius, H. N. vi. 29, 182). 



[Book VIII. 

portant, is remarkable in so far as just then the definite 
resolution of the Roman government became apparent, to 
maintain absolutely the Nile valley as far as the river vsras 
navigable, but not at all to contemplate taking possession 
of the wide districts on the upper Nile. Only the tract 
from Syene, where under Augustus the frontier-troops 
were stationed, as far as Hiera Sycaminos (Maharraka), 
the so-called Twelve-mile-land (AwSeKao-xtovos), while never 
organised as a nome and never viewed as a part of Egypt, 
was yet regarded as belonging to the empire ; and at least 
under Domitian the posts were even advanced as far as 
Hiera Sycaminos. ' On that footing substantially the mat- 
ter remained. The Oriental expedition planned by Nero 
(p. 65) was certainly intended to embrace Aethiopia ; but 
it did not go beyond the preliminary reconnoitring of the 

' That tlie imperial frontier reached to Hiera Sycaminos, is evi- 
dent for the second century from Ptolemaeus, v. 5, 74, for the time 
of Diocletian from the Itineraries, which carry the imperial roads 
thus far. In the Notitia dignitatum^ a century later, the posts again 
do not reach beyond Syene, Philae, Elephantine. In the tract from 
Philae to Hiera Sycaminos, the Dodecaschoinos of Herodotus (ii. 
29) temple-tribute appears to have been raised already in early 
times for the Isis of Philae always common to the Egyptians and 
Aethiopians ; but Greek inscriptions from the Lagid period have not 
been found here, whereas numerous dated ones occur from the So- 
man period, the oldest from the time of Augustus (Pselchis, 2 A.d. ; 
a I. Or. n. 5086), and of Tiberius {ih. 26 A.D., n. 5104, 33 A.D., n. 
5101), the most recent from that of Philippus (Kardassi, 248 a.d., 
n. 5010). These do not prove absolutely that the place where the 
inscription was found belonged to the empire ; but that of a land- 
measuring soldier of the year 33 (n. 5101), and that of apraesidi- 
um of the year 84 (Talmis, n. 5042 f.), as well as numerous others 
certainly presuppose it. Beyond the frontier indicated no similar 
stone has ever been found ; for the remarkable inscription of the 
regina (C. L L. iii. 83), found at Messaurat, to the south of Shendy 
(16° 25' lat., 5 leagues to the south of the ruins of Naga), the most 
southern of all known Latin inscriptions, now in the Berlin Museum, 
has been set up, not by a Roman subject, but presumably by an 
envoy of an African queen, who was returning from Rome, and 
who spoke Latin perhaps only in order to show that he had been in 

Chap. XII.] 



country by Roman officers as far as Meroe. The relations 
with the neighbours on the Egyptian southern frontier 
down to the middle of the third century must have been 
on the whole of a peaceful kind, although there were not 
wanting minor quarrels with that Candace and with her 
successors, who appear to have maintained their position 
for a considerable time, and subsequently perhaps with 
other tribes, that attained to ascendency beyond the im- 
perial bounds. 

It was not till the empire was unhinged in the period of 
Valerian and Gallienus, that the neighbours 
TheBiemyes. j-j^Qj^g ovcr this boundary. We have already 
mentioned (p. 272) that the Blemyes settled in the moun- 
tains on the south-east frontier, formerly obeying the 
Aethiopians, a barbarous people of revolting savageness, 
who even centuries later had not abandoned human sacri- 
fices, advanced at this epoch independently against Egypt, 
and by an understanding with the Palmyrenes occupied a 
good part of upper Egypt, and held it for a series of years. 
The vigorous emperor Probus drove them out ; but the 
inroads once begun did not cease, ^ and the emperor Dio- 
cletian resolved to draw back the frontier. The narrow 
" Twelve-mile-land " demanded a strong garrison, and 
brought in little to the state. The Nubians, who roamed 
in the Libyan desert, and were constantly visiting in par- 
ticular the great Oasis, agreed to give up their old abodes 
and to settle in this region, which was formally ceded to 

' The tropaea Niliaca, sub quihus AetMops et Indus intremuit, in 
an oration probably held in the year 296 (Paneg. v. 5), apply to such 
a rencontre, not to the Egyptian insurrection ; and the oration of 
the year 289 speaks of attacks of the Blemyes (Paneg. iii. 17). — 
Procopius, Bell. Pers. i. 19, reports the cession of the "Twelve-mile- 
territory " to the Nubians. It is mentioned as standing under the 
dominion, not of the Nubians, but of the Blemyes by Olympiodorus, 
fr. 37, Miill. and the inscription of Silko, G. I. Gr. 5072. The 
fragment recently brought to light of a Greek heroic poem as to the 
victory of a late Roman emperor over the Blemyes is referred by 
Biicheler {Rhein. Mus. xxxix. 279 f.) to that of Marcianus, in the 
year 451 (comp. Prisons, fr. 27). 



[Book VIII. 

them ; at the same time fixed annual payments were made 
to them as well as to their eastern neighbours the Blemyes, 
nominally in order to compensate them for guarding the 
frontier, in reality beyond doubt to buy off their plunder- 
ing expeditions, which nevertheless of course did not cease. 
It was a retrograde step — the first, since Egypt became 

Of the mercantile intercourse on this frontier little is 

reported from antiquity. As the cataracts of 
4?rciafimffir'tlie upper Nile closed the direct route by 

water, the traffic between the interior of Africa 
and the Egyptians, particularly the trade in ivory, was 
carried on in the Roman period more by way of the Abys- 
sinian ports than along the Nile ; but it was not wanting 
also in this direction.^ The Aethiopians who dwelt in 
numbers beside the Egyptians on the island of Philae were 
evidently mostly merchants, and the border-peace that here 
prevailed must have contributed its part to the prosperity 
of the frontier-towns of upper Egypt and of Egyptian 
trade generally. 

The east coast of Egypt presented to the development 

of general traffic a problem difficult of solution, 
ea^t 5)St aSd The thoroughly desolate and rocky shore was 
mTrce!^ iucapablc of culture proper, and in ancient as 

in later times a desert.^ On the other hand 
the two seas, eminently important for the development of 
culture in the ancient world, the Mediterranean and the 
Red or Indian, approach each other most closely at the 
two most northern extremities of the latter, the Persian 
and the Arabian gulfs ; the former receives into it the 
Euphrates, which in the middle of its course comes near 
to the Mediterranean ; the latter is only a few days' march 
distant from the Nile, which flows into the same sea. 

' Juvenal (xi. 124) mentions the elephant's teeth, quos mittit porta 

^ According to the mode in which Ptolemy (iv. 5, 14, 15) treats of 
this coast, it seems, just like the "Twelve-mile-land," to have lain 
outside of the division into nomes. 




Hence in ancient times the commercial intercourse be- 
tween the East and the West took preponderantly either 
the direction along the Euphrates to the Syrian and 
Arabian coast, or it made its way from the east coast of 
Egypt to the Nile. The traffic routes from the Euphrates 
were older than those by way of the Nile ; but the latter 
had the advantage of the stream being better for navigation 
and of the shorter land-transport ; the getting rid of the 
latter by preparing an artificial water-route was in the case 
of the Euphrates excluded, in that of Egypt found in 
ancient as in modern times difficult doubtless, but not im- 
possible. Accordingly nature itself prescribed to the land 
of Egypt to connect the east coast with the course of the 
Nile and the northern coast by land or water routes ; and 
the beginnings of such structures go back to the time of 
those native rulers who first opened up Egypt to foreign 
countries and to traffic on a great scale. Following in the 
traces apparently of older structures of the 
^o\'n™'' great rulers of Egypt, Sethi I. and Khamses 
n., kingNecho, the son of Psammetichus (610- 
594 B.C.) began the building of a canal, which, branching 
off from the Nile in the neighbourhood of Cairo, was to fur- 
nish a water-communication with the bitter lakes near 
Ismailia, and through these with the Eed Sea, without 
being able, however, to complete the work. That in this 
he had in view not merely the control of the Arabian Gulf 
and the commercial traffic with the Arabians, but already 
brought within his horizon the Persian and the Indian 
seas, and the more remote East, is probable, for this rea- 
son, that the same ruler suggested the only circumnavi- 
gation of Africa executed in antiquity. Beyond doubt 
this was for king Darius I., the lord of Persia as well as of 
Egypt ; he completed the canal, but, as his memorial- 
stones found on the spot mention, he caused it to be filled 
up again, probably because his engineers feared that the 
water of the sea, admitted into the canal, would overflow 
the fields of Egypt. 

The rivalry of the Lagids and the Seleucids, which 



[Book VIII. 

dominated the policy of the post- Alexandrine period gen- 
erally, was at the same time a contest between the 
Euphrates and the Nile. The former was in possession, 
the latter the pretender ; and in the better time of the 
Lagids the peaceful offensive was pursued with great 
energy. Not only was that canal undertaken by Necho 
and Darius, now named the " river of Ptolemaeus," opened 
for the first time to navigation by the second Ptolemy 
Philadelphus (f 247 e.c.) ; but comprehensive harbour- 
structures were carried out at the points of the difficult 
east coast that were best fitted for the security of the ships 
and for the connection with the Nile. Above all, this was 

done at the mouth of the canal leading to the 
ea^sLSrtT Nile, at the townships of Arsinoe, Cleopatris, 

Clysma, all three in the region of the present 
Suez. Further downward, besides several minor struct- 
ures, arose the two important emporia, Myos Hormos, 
somewhat above the present Koser, and Berenice, in the 
land of the Trogodytes, nearly in the same latitude with 
Syene on the Nile as well as with the Arabian port Leuce 
Come, the former distant six or seven, the latter eleven 
days' march from the town Coptos, near which the Nile 
bends farthest to the eastward, and connected with this 
chief emporium on the Nile by roads constructed across 
the desert and provided with large cisterns. The goods 
traffic of the time of the Ptolemies probably went less 
through the canal than by these land routes to Coptos. 
Beyond that Berenice, in the land of the Trogodytes, 

the Egypt proper of the Lagids did not extend. 
AbyBsmia. ^pj^g Settlements lying farther to the south, 
Ptolemais *' for the chase " below Suakim, and the south- 
most township of the Lagid kingdom, the subsequent 
Adulis, at that time perhaps named " Berenice the 
Golden " or " near Saba," Zula not far from the present 
Massowah, by far the best harbour on all this coast, were 
not more than coast-forts and had no communication by 
land with Egypt. These remote settlements were beyond 
doubt either lost or voluntarily abandoned under the later 

Chap. XII.] J^gypi- S05 

Lagids, and at the epocli when the Eoman rale began, the 
Trogodytic Berenice was on the coast, like Syene in the 
interior, the limit of the empire. 

In this region, never occupied or early evacuated by the 
Egyptians there was formed — whether at the 
t^e^otZ.''^ end of the Lagid epoch or in the first age of 
the empire — an independent state of some ex- 
tent and importance, that of the Axomites, ' corresponding 
to the modern Habesh. It derives its name from the town 
Axomis, the modern Axum, situated in the heart of this 
Alpine country eight days' journey from the sea, in the 
modern country of Tigre ; the already-mentioned best 
emporium on this coast, Adulis in the bay of Massowah, 
served it as a port. The original population of the king- 
dom of Axomis, of which tolerably pure remnants still 

' Our best information as to the kingdom of Axomis is obtained 
from a stone erected to one of its kings, beyond doubt in the better 
period of the empire, at Adulis (C. /. Gr. 5127 b), a sort of writ- 
ing commemorative of the deeds of this apparent empire-founder in 
the style of that of Darius at Persepolis, or that of Augustus at An- 
cyra, and fixed on the king's throne, before which down to the sixth 
century criminals were executed. The skilful disquisition of Dill- 
mann (Abh. der Berliner Akademie, 1877, p. 195 f.), explains as 
much of it as is explicable. From the Roman standpoint it is to be 
noted that the king does not name the Romans, but clearly has in 
view their imperial frontiers when he subdues the Tangaites iJ-^xpi 
Twv Tjjs Alyvirrov dp'icov, and constructs a road airh ruv t^s e/^^s fiaffi- 
Aei'os tSttcov ix^xpi AlyxtirTov, and further, names as the northern limit 
of his Arabian expedition Leuce Come, the last Roman station on 
the Arabian west coast. Hence it follows further, that this inscrip- 
tion is more recent than the Periplus of the Red Sea written under 
Vespasian ; for according to this (c. 5) the king of Axomis rules d-n-^ 
Tooi^ Moaxocpdycau f^^xpi t^s ^AAtjs Bap&ap'ias, and this is to be under- 
stood exclusively, since he names in c. 2 the rvpavvoi of the Mos- 
cophages, and likewise remarks in c. 14, that beyond the Straits of 
Bab el Mandeb there is no "king," but only "tyrants." Thus at 
that time the Axomitic kingdom did not reach to the Roman fron- 
tier, but only to somewhere about Ptolemais " of the chase," just as 
in the other direction not to Cape Guardafui, but only as far as the 
Straits of Bab el Mandeb. • Nor does the Periplus speak of posses- 
sions of the king of Axomis on the Arabian coast, although he on 
several occasions mentions the dynasts there. 
Vol. II.— 20 


[Book VIII. 

maintain themselves at the present day in individual tracts 
of the interior, belonged from its language, the Agau, to 
the same Hamitic cycle with the modern Bego, Sali, Dan- 
kali, Somali, Galla ; to the Egyptian population this lin- 
guistic circle seems related in a similar way as the Greeks 
to the Celts and Slaves, so that here doubtless for research 
an affinity may subsist, but for their historical existence 
rather nothing but contrast. But before our knowledge 
of this country so much as begins, superior Semitic immi- 
grants belonging to the Himyaritic stocks of southern 
Arabia must have crossed the narrow gulf of the sea and 
rendered their language as well as their writing at home 
there. The old written language of Habesh, extinct in 
popular use since the seventeenth century, the Ge'ez, or 
as it is for the most part erroneously termed, the Aethi- 
opic,' is purely Semitic,' and the still living dialects, the 
Amhara and the Tigrina, are so also in the main, only dis- 
turbed by the influence of the older Agau. 

As to the beginnings of this commonwealth no tradition 

has been preserved. At the end of Nero's 
?eldopm'enf time, and perhaps already long before, the 

king of the Axomites ruled on the African 
coast nearly from Suakim to the Straits of Bab el Mandeb. 
Some time afterwards — the epoch cannot be more pre- 
cisely defined — we find him as a frontier-neighbour of the 
Komans on the southern border of Egypt, and on the 
other coast of the Arabian Gulf in warlike activity in the 
territory intervening between the Roman possession and 
that of the Sabaeans, and so coming into immediate con- 
tact towards the north with the Roman territory also in 

' The name of tlie Aetliiopians was associated in the better period 
with the country on the Upper Nile, especially with the kingdoms 
of Meroe and Nabata (p. 298), and so with the region which we now 
call Nubia. In later antiquity, for example by Procopius, the des- 
ignation is referred to the state of Axomis, and hence in more re- 
cent times is frequently employed for Abyssinia. 

^ Hence the legend that the Axomites were Syrians settled by 
Alexander in Africa, and still spoke Syrian (Philostorgius, Hist, 
Ecd. iii. 6), 

Chap. XIL] Egypt. 307 

Arabia ; commanding, moreover, the African coast outside 
of the Gulf perhaps as far as Cape Guard afui. How far 
his territory of Axomis extended inland is not clear ; 
Aethiopia, that is, Sennaar and Dongola, at least in the 
earlier imperial period, hardly belonged to it ; perhaps at 
this time the kingdom of Nabata may have subsisted 
alongside of the Axomitic. Where the Axomites meet 
us, we find them at a comparatively advanced stage of de- 
velopment. Under Augustus the Egyptian commercial 
traffic increased not less with these African harbours than 
with India. The king had the command not merely of 
an army, but, as his very relations to Arabia presuppose, 
also of a fleet. A Greek merchant, who was present in 
Adulis, terms king Zoskales, who ruled in Vespasian's 
time in Axomis, an upright man and acquainted with Greek 
writing ; one of his successors has set up on the spot a 
memorial-writing composed in current Greek which told 
his deeds to the foreigners ; he even names himself in it 
a son of Ares — which title the kings of the Axomites re- 
tained down to the fourth century — and dedicates the 
throne, which bears that memorial inscription, to Zeus, to 
Ares, and to Poseidon. Already in Zoskales's time that 
foreigner names Adulis a well organised emporium ; his 
successors compelled the roving tribes of the Arabian coast 
to keep peace by land and by sea, and restored a land 
communication from their capital to the Koman frontier, 
which, considering the nature of this district primarily left 
dependent on communication by sea, was not to be es- 
teemed of slight account. Under Vespasian brass pieces, 
which were divided according to need, served the natives 
instead of maney, and Eoman coin circulated only among 
the strangers settled in Adulis ; in the later imperial pe- 
riod the kings themselves coined. The Axomite ruler 
withal calls himself king of kings, and no trace points to 
Roman clientship ; he practises coining in gold, which the 
Romans did not allow, not merely in their own territory 
but even within the range of their power. There was 
hardly another land in the imperial period beyond the 



[Book VIII. 

Romano-Hellenic bounds which had appropriated to it- 
self Hellenic habits with equal independence and to an 
equal extent as the state of Habesh. That in the course 
of time the popular language, indigenous or rather natur- 
alised from Arabia, gained the upper hand and dispos- 
sessed the Greek, is probably traceable partly to Arabian 
influence, partly to that of Christianity and the revival 
connected with it of the popular dialects, such as we found 
also in Syria and Egypt ; and it does not exclude the view 
that the Greek language in Axomis and Adulis in the first 
and second centuries of our era had a similar position to 
what it had in Syria and Egypt, so far as it is allowable 
to compare small and great. 

Of political relations of the Romans to the state of 

Axomis hardly anything is mentioned from 
A^^mite^ the first three centuries of our era, to which 

our narrative is confined. With the rest of 
Egypt they took possession also of the ports of the east 
coast down to the remote Trogodytic Berenice, which on 
account of that remoteness was in the Roman period 
placed under a commandant of its own.' Of extending 
their territory into the inhospitable and worthless moun- 
tains along the coast there was never any thought ; nor 
can the sparse population, standing at the lowest stage of 
development, in the immediately adjoining region have 
ever given serious trouble to the Romans. As little did 
the Caesars attempt, as the early Lagids had done, to pos- 
sess themselves of the emporia of the Axomitic coast. 
There is express mention only of the fact that envoys of 
the Axomite kings negotiated with the emperor Aurelian. 
But this very silence, as well as the formerly indicated 
independent position of the ruler, ^ leads to the inference 

1 This jiraefectm praeddiorum et montis Beronices {0. I. L. 
ix. 3083), praefectus montis Berenicidis (Orelli, 3881), praefectus 
Bernicidis {G. 1. L. x. 1129), an officer of equestrian rank, anal- 
ogous to those adduced above (p. 270), as stationed in Alexandria. 

^ The letter, which the emperor Constantius in the year 356 di- 
rects to Aeizanas, the king of the Axomites at that time, is that of 


Chap. XII.] Egyjpt. 309 

that here the recognised frontier was permanently re- 
spected on both sides, and that a relation of good neigh- 
bourhood subsisted, which proved advantageous to the 
interests of peace and especially of Egyptian commerce. 
That the latter, especially the important traffic in ivory, in 
which Adulis was the chief entrepot for the interior of 
Africa, was carried on predominantly from Egypt and in 
Egyptian vessels, cannot — considering the superior civil- 
isation of Egypt — be subject to any doubt even as regards 
the Lagid period ; and in Roman times this traffic prob- 
ably only increased in amount, without undergoing fur- 
ther change. 

Far more imporant for Egypt and the Eoman empire 
generally than the traffic with the African 
S'lrTbfa?"^'' south was that which subsisted with Arabia 
and the coasts situated farther to the east. 
The Arabian peninsula remained aloof from the sphere of 
Hellenic culture. It would possibly have been otherwise 
had king Alexander lived a year longer ; death swept him 
away amidst the preparations for sailing round and occu- 
pying the already-explored south coast of Arabia, setting 
out from the Persian Gulf. But the voyage which the 
great king had not been able to enter on was never under- 
taken by any Greek after him. From the most remote 
times, on the other hand, a lively intercourse had taken 
place between the two coasts of the Arabian Gulf over its 
moderately broad waters. In the Egyptian accounts from 
the time of the Pharaohs the voyages to the land of Punt, 
and the spoils thence brought home in frankincense, 
ebony, emeralds, leopards' skins, play an important part. 
It has been already (p. 162) mentioned that subsequently 
the northern portion of the Arabian west coast belonged 

one ruler to another on an equal footing ; lie requests liis friendly 
and neighbourly assistance against the spread of the Athanasian 
heresy, and for the deposition and delivering up of an Axomitic 
clergyman suspected of it. The fellowship of culture comes here 
into the more definite prominence, as the Christian invokes against 
the Christian the arm of the heathen. 



[Book VIII. 

to the territory of the Nabataeans, and with this came 
into the power of the Komans. This was a desolate 
beach ; ' only the emporium Leuce Come, the last town of 
the Nabataeans and so far also of the Koman empire, 
was not merely in maritime intercourse with Berenice 
lying opposite, but was also the starting-point of the cara- 
van-route leading to Petra and thence to the ports of 
southern Syria, and in so far, one of the centres of the 
traffic between the East and the West (p. 165). The ad- 
joining regions on the south, northward and southward of 
the modern Mecca, corresponded in their natural charac- 
ter to the opposite Trogodyte country, and were, like this, 
neither politically nor commercially of importance, nor 
yet apparently united under one sceptre, but occupied by 
roving tribes. But at the south end of this gulf was the 

^ Inland lay the primeval Teima, the son of Ishmael of Genesis, 
enumerated by the Assyrian king Tiglath-Pilesar in the eighth cen- 
tury before Christ among his conquests, named by the prophet Jere- 
miah together with Sidon, around which gather in a remarkable 
way Assyrian, Egyptian, Arabian relations, the further unfolding of 
which, after bold travellers have opened up the place, we may 
await from Oriental research. In Teima itself Euting recently 
found Aramaic inscriptions of the oldest epoch (Noldeke, Sitzungs- 
hericMe der Berliner Akademie^ 1884, p. 813 f.). From the not far 
distant place Medain-Salih (Hijr) proceed certain coins modelled 
after the Attic, which in part replace the owl of Pallas by that image 
of a god which the Egyptians designate as Besa the lord of Punt, i.e. 
of Arabia (Erman, Zeitschrift filr Numismatik^ ix. 296 f.). We have 
already mentioned the Nabataean inscriptions just found there (p. 
162, note 3). Not far from thence, near 'Ola (el-Ally) inscriptions 
have been found, which correspond in the writing and in the names 
of gods and kings to those of the South-Arabian Minaeans, and show 
that these had a considerable station here, sixty days' journey from 
their home, but on the frankincense-route mentioned by Eratos- 
tlienes, from Minaea to Aelana ; and alongaide of these others of a 
cognate but not identical south. Arabian stock (D. H. Miiller in 
the BericMe der Wiener Akademie of 17th December 1884). The 
Minaean inscriptions belong beyond doubt to the pre-Roman period. 
As on the annexation of the Nabataean kingdom by Trajan these 
districts were abandoned (p. 166), from that time another south- 
Arabian tribe may have ruled there. 


Chap. XIL] £^gypt- 311 

home of the only Arabic stock, which attained to greater 
importance in the pre-Islamic period. The Greeks and 
the Romans name these Arabs in the earlier period after 
the people most prominent at that time Sabaeans, in later 
times after another tribe usually Homerites, as, according 
to the new Arabic form of the latter name, now for the 
most part Himjarites. 

The development of this remarkable people had reached 

a considerable stage long before the begin- 
to^Homerites. ^^^^g Eomau rule ovcr Egypt.' Its 

native seat, the Arabia Felix of the ancients, 
the region of Mocha and Aden, is surrounded by a narrow 
plain along the shore intensely hot and desolate, but the 
healthy and temperate interior of Yemen and Hadramaut 
produces on the mountain-slopes and in the valleys a 
luxuriant vegetation, and the numerous mountain-waters 
permit in many respects with careful management a 
garden-hke cultivation. We have even at the present 
day an expressive testimony to the rich and peculiar civil- 
isation of this region in the remains of city-walls and 
towers, of useful buildings, particularly aqueducts, and 
temples covered with inscriptions, which completely con- 
firm the description of ancient authors as to the magnifi- 
cence and luxury of this region ; the Arabian geographers 
have written books concerning the strongholds and castles 

' The accounts connected with the trade in frankincense in 
Theophrastus (f 287 B.C.; Hist, plant, ix. 4) and more fully in 
Eratosthenes (f 194 B.C.) ; in Strabo (xvi. 4, 2, p. 768) of the four 
great tribes of the Minaeans (Mamali Theophr. ?) with the capital 
Carna ; the Sabaeans (Saba Theophr.) with the capital Mariaba; 
the Cattabanes (Kitibaena Theophr.) with the capita! Tamna; the 
Chatramotitae (Hadramyta Theophr.) with the capital Sabata, de- 
scribe the very circle out of which the Homerite kingdom developed 
itself, and indicate its beginnings. The much sought for Minaei 
are now pointed out with certainty in Ma'in in the interior above 
Marib and Hadramaut, where hundreds of inscriptions have been 
found, and have yielded already no fewer than twenty-six kings' 
names. Mariaba is even now named Marib. The region Chatra- 
motitis or Chatramitis is Hadramaut. 


[Book VIII. 

of the numerous petty princes of Yemen. Famous are the 
ruins of the mighty embankment which once in the valley 
of Mariaba dammed up the river Dana and rendered it 
possible to water the fields upwards/ and from the burst- 
ing of which, and the migration alleged to have been 
thereby occasioned of the inhabitants of Yemen to the 
north the Arabs for long counted their years. But above 
all this district was one of the original seats of wholesale 
traffic by land and by sea, not merely because its pro- 
ductions, frankincense, precious stones, gum, cassia, aloes, 
senna, myrrh, and numerous other drugs called for export, 
but also because this Semitic stock was, just like that of the 
Phoenicians, formed by its whole character for commerce ; 
Strabo says, just like the more recent travellers, that the 
Arabs are all traders and merchants. The coining of silver 
is here old and peculiar ; the coins were at first modelled 

^ The remarkable remains of this structure, executed with the 
greatest precision and skill, are described by Arnaud {Journal 
Asiatique^ 7 serie, tome 3, for the year 1874, p. 3 f. with plans ; 
comp. Ritter, Brdkunde, xii. 861). On the two sides of the em- 
bankment, which has now almost wholly disappeared, stand respec- 
tively two stone structures built of square blocks, of conical almost 
cylindrical form, between which a narrow opening is found for the 
water flowing out of the basin ; at least on the one side a canal 
lined with pebbles leads it to this outlet. It was once closed with 
planks placed one above another, which could be individually re- 
moved, to carry the water away as might be needed. The one of 
those stone cylinders bears the following inscription (according to the 
translation, not indeed quite certain in all its details, of D. H. Muller, 
Wiener Sitzungsberichte, vol. xcvii. 1880, p. 965): " Jata'amar the 
glorious, son of Samah'ali the sublime, prince of Saba, caused the 
Balap (mountain) to be pierced (and erected) the sluice-structure 
named Rahab for easier irrigation." We have no secure basis for 
fixing the chronological place of this and numerous other royal 
names of the Sabaean inscriptions. The Assyrian king Sargon says 
in the Khorsabad inscription, after he has narrated the vanquishing 
of the king of Gaza, Hanuo, in the year 716 B.C.: "I received the 
tribute of Pharaoh the king of Egypt, of Shamsiya the queen of 
Arabia, and of Ithamara the Sabaean ; gold, herbs of the eastern 
land, slaves, horses, and camels " (Muller, I. c. p. 988 ; Duncker, 
Gesch. des Alterthums, ii.^ p. 327). 

Chap. XII.] Egy:pL 313 

after Athenian dies, and later after Koman coins of Au- 
gustus, but on an independent, probaby Babylonian basis/ 
From the land of these Arabians the original frankincense- 
routes led across the desert to the marts on the Arabian 
gulf, Aelana and the already-mentioned Leuce Come, and 
the emporia of Syria, Petra and Gaza;^ these routes of 
the land-traffic, which along with those of the Euphrates 
and the Nile, furnish the means of intercourse between 
East and West from the earliest times, may be conjectured 
to be the proper basis of the prosperity of Yemen. But 
the sea-traffic likewise soon became associated with them ; 
the great mart for this was Adane, the modern Aden. 
From this the goods went by water, certainly in the main in 
Arabian ships, either to those same marts on the Arabian 
gulf and so to the Syrian ports, or to Berenice and Myos 
Hormos, and from thence to Coptos and Alexandria. We 
have already stated that the same Arabs likewise at a very 
early time possessed themselves of the opposite coast, and 
transplanted their language, their writing and their civil- 
isation to Habesh. K Coptos, the Nile-emporium for the 
eastern traffic, had just as many Arabs as Egypt had in- 
habitants, if even the emerald-mines above Berenice (near 
Jebel Zebara) were worked by the Arabs, this shows that 
in the Lagid state itself they had the trade up to a certain 
degree in their hands ; and its passive attitude in respect 
to the traffic on the Arabian sea, whither at most an expedi- 
tion against the pirates was once undertaken,^ is the more 

' Sallet iu the Berliner Zeitsclirift fur Numismatik^ viii. 243 ; J. 
H. Mordtmann in the Wiener Numism. Zeitschrift, xii. 289. 

Pliny, H. N. xii. 14, 65, reckons the cost of a camel's load of 
frankincense by the land-route from the Arabian coast to Gaza at 688 
denarii (=£30). "Along the whole tract fodder and water and shelter 
and various custom-dues have to be paid for ; then the priests demand 
certain shares and the scribes of the kings ; moreover the guards 
and the halberdiers and the body-guards and servants have their ex- 
actions ; to which our imperial dues fall to be added." In the case of 
the water-transport these intervening expenses were not incurred. 

^ The chastising of the pirates is reported by Agatharchides in 
Diodorus, iii. 43, and Strabo, xvi, 4, 18, p. 777. But Ezion-Geber 
in Palestine, on the Elanitic gulf, ^ vvv BepevUti Ka\uTai (Josephus, 



[Book VIII. 

readily intelligible, if a state well organised and powerful 
at sea ruled these waters. We meet the Arabs of Yemen 
even beyond their own sea. Adane remained down to the 
Roman imperial times a mart of traffic on the one hand 
with India, on the other with Egypt, and, in spite of its 
own unfavourable position on the treeless shore, rose to 
such prosperity that the name of "Arabia Felix" had 
primary reference to this town. The dominion, which in 
our days the Imam of Muscat in the south-east of the 
peninsula has exercised over the islands of Socotra and 
Zanzibar and the African east coast from Cape Guardafui 
southward, pertained in Vespasian's time " from of old " 
to the princes of Arabia ; the island of Dioscorides, that 
same Socotra, belonged then to the king of Hadramaut, 
Azania, that is, the coast of Somal and further southward, 
to one of the viceroys of his western neighbour, the king 
of the Homerites. The southernmost station on the east 
African coast which the Egyptian merchants knew of, 
Rhapta in the region of Zanzibar, was leased from this 
sheikh by the merchants of Muza, that is nearly the 
modern Mocha, "and they send thither their trading- 
ships, mostly manned by Arabian captains and sailors, 
who are accustomed to deal and are often connected by 
marriage with the natives, and are acquainted with the 
localities and the languages of the country." The cultiva- 
tion of the soil and industry went hand in hand with com- 
merce ; in the houses of rank in India, Arabian wine 
was drunk alongside of the Falernian from Italy and the 
Laodicene from Syria ; and the lances and shoemakers' 
awls, which the natives of the coast of Malabar purchased 
from the foreign traders were manufactured at Muza. 
Thus this region, which morever sold much and bought 
little, became one of the richest in the world. 

How far its political development kept pace with the 
economic, cannot be determined for the pre-Roman and 
earlier imperial period ; only this much seems to result 

Arch., viii. 6, 4), was so called certainly not from an Egyptian prin- 
cess (Drojsen, Hellenismus^ iii. 2, 349), but from tlie Jewess of Titus. 

Chap. XII.] Egypt 315 

both from the accounts of the Occidentals and from the 
native inscriptions, that this south-west point of Arabia 
was divided among several independent rulers with terri- 
tories of moderate size. There subsisted in that quarter, 
alongside of the more prominent Sabaeans and Homerites, 
the already-mentioned Chatramotitae in the Hadramaut, 
and northward in the interior the Minaeans, all under 
princes of their own. 

With reference to the Arabians of Yemen the Komans 
pursued the very opposite policy to that adopted towards 
the Axomites. Augustus, for whom the non-enlargement 
of the bounds was the starting-point of the imperial govern- 
ment, and who allowed almost all the plans of conquest of 
his father and master to drop, made an exception of the 
south-west coast of Arabia, and here took aggressive meas- 
ures of his own free will. This was done on account of 
the position which this group of peoples occupied at that 
time in Indo-Egyptian commercial intercourse. In order 
to bring the province of his dominions, which was politi- 
cally and financially the most important, up, in an economic 
aspect, to the level which his predecessors in rule had 
neglected to establish or had allowed to decline, he needed 
above all to obtain inter-communication between Arabia 
and India on the one hand and Europe on the other. The 
Nile-route for long competed successfully with the Arabian 
and the Euphrates routes ; but Egypt played in this re- 
spect, as we saw, a subordinate part at least under the 
later Lagids. A trading rivalry subsisted not with the 
Axomites, but doubtless with the Arabians ; if the Egyptian 
traffic was to be converted from a passive into an active, 
from indirect into direct, the Arabs had to be overthrown ; 
and this it was that Augustus desired and the Roman gov- 
ernment in some measure achieved. 

In the sixth year of his reign in Egypt (end of 729) 
Augustus despatched a fleet, fitted out express- 
Expedition of ly for this expedition, of 80 warships and 130 
Gaiius. transports, and the half of the Egyptian army, 

a corps of 10,000 men, without reckoning the contingents 



[Book VIII. 

of the two nearest client kings, the Nabataean Obodas and 
the Jew Herod, against the states of Yemen, in order either 
to subjugate or at least to ruin them,^ while at the same 
time the treasures there accumulated were certainly taken 
into account. But the enterprise completely miscarried, 
and that from the incapacity of the leader, the governor of 
Egypt at the time, Gains Aelius Gallus.^ Since the occu- 

' This {Trpo(roLKeiov(r6ai tovtovs — rovs "Apafias — ^ Karaa'rpe<p€(T6at : 
Strabo, xvi. 4, 22 p. 780 ; ei /j.^ 6 SuWaTos avrhv — rhu TdWov — irpov^l- 
Sov, Kti,u KUTCcTTpiipaTo T^v Evdulfiova iracrav : lb. xvii. 1, 53, p. 819) was 
the proper aim of the expedition, although also the hope of spoil, 
just at that time very welcome for the treasury, is expressly men- 

2 The account of Strabo (xvi. 4, 22 f , , p. 780) as to the Arabian 
expedition of his "friend " Gallus {(plKos r]n7v koI kraipos, Strabo, ii, 
5, 12, p. 118), in whose train he travelled in Egypt, is indeed trust- 
worthy and honest, like all his accounts, but evidently accepted 
from this friend without any criticism. The battle in which 10,000 
of the enemy and two Romans fell, and the total number of the fal- 
len in this campaign, which is seven, are self-condemned ; but not 
better is the attempt to devolve the want of success on the Naba- 
taean vizier Syllaeos by means of a " treachery," such as is familiar 
with defeated generals. Certainly the latter was so far fitted for a 
scapegoat, as he some years afterwards was on the instigation of 
Herod brought to trial before Augustus, condemned and executed 
(Josephus, Arch. xvi. 10) ; but although we possess the report of 
the agent who managed this matter for Herod in Rome, there is 
not a word to be found in it of this betrayal. That Syllaeos should 
have had the design of first destroying the Arabians by means of 
the Romans, and then of destroying the latter themselves, as Strabo 
"thinks," is, looking to the position of the client-states of Rome, 
quite irrational. It might rather be thought that Syllaeos was 
averse to the expedition, because the commercial traffic through the 
Nabataean land might be injured by it. But to accuse the Arabian 
minister of treachery because the Roman transports were not fitted 
for navigating the Arabian coast, or because the Roman army was 
compelled to carry water with it on camels, to eat durra and dates 
instead of bread and flesh, and butter instead of oil ; to bring for- 
ward the deceitfulness of the guidance as an excuse for the fact that 
180 days were employed for the forward march over a distance over- 
taken on the return march in 60 days ; and lastly, to criticise the 
quite correct remark of Syllaeos that a march by land from Arsinoe 
to Leuce Come was impracticable, by saying that a caravan route 

Chap. XII.] Egyp. 317 

pation and the possession of the desolate coast from Leuce 
Come downwards to the frontier of the enemy's territory 
was of no consequence at all, it was necessary that the ex- 
pedition should be directed immediately against the latter, 
and that the army should be conducted fi'om the most 
southern Egyptian port at once into Arabia Felix/ In- 
stead of this the fleet was got ready at the most northerly, 
that of Arsinoe (Suez), and the army was landed at Leuce 
Come, just as if it were the object to prolong as much as 
possible the voyage of the fleet and the march of the 
troops. Besides, the war-vessels were superfluous, since 
the Arabians possessed no war-fleet, the Eoman sailors 
were unacquainted with the navigation on the Ai'abian 
coast, and the transports, although specially built for this 

went thence to Petra, only shows what a Roman of rank was able to 
make a Greek man of letters believe. 

^ The sharpest criticism of the campaign is furnished br the de- 
tailed account of the Egyptian merchant as to the state of the Ara- 
bian coast from Leuce Come (el-Haura to the north of Janbo. the port 
of Medina) to the Catacecaumene island (Jebel Talk near Lohaia). 
" Different peoples inhabit it, who speak languages partly somewhat 
different, partly wholly so. The inhabitants of the coast live in 
hurdles like the ' fish-eaters ' on the opposite coast " (these hurdles 
he describes, c. 2, as isolated and built into the clefts of the rocks), 
* ' those of the interior in villages and pastoral cempanies ; they are 
ill-disposed men speaking two languages, who plunder the seafarers 
that drift out of their course and drug the shipwrecked into slavery. 
For that reason they are constantly hunted by the viceroys and 
chief kings of Arabia ; they are called Kanraites (or Kassanites). In 
general navigation on all this coast is dangerous, the shore is with- 
out harbours and inaccessible, with a troublesome surf, rocky and 
in general very bad. Therefore, when we sail into these waters, 
we keep to the middle and hasten to get to the Arabian territory at 
the island Catacecaumene ; from thence onward the inhabitants are 
hospitable, and we meet with numerous flocks of sheep and camels." 
The same region between the Roman and the Homeritic frontiers, 
and the same state of things are in the view of the Axomite king, 
when he writes: ir^pau Se rrjs ipvOpas daXdacrvs olKovt^ras'Appa^LTas Kal 
KLvaLSoKoXiriras (comp. Ptolemaeus vi. 7, 20), crTpaTeviia vavriKhv KoL 
Tve^iKhv 5iaTreiJ.\pd/j.suos Kal vTrord^as avrcav rous ^aaLAeas, (popovs tt]s yrj^ 
reXeiy e/teAeutro Kal oSeveaOai /xer' elpxvvs koI TrAeeo'^oi, airS re AevKTjs 



[Book VIII. 

expedition, were unsuited for their purpose. The pilots 
had difficulty in finding their way between the shallows 
and the rocks, and even the voyage in Roman waters from 
Arsinoe to Leuce Come cost many vessels and men. Here 
the winter was passed ; in the spring of 730 the campaign 
in the enemy's country began. The Arabians offered no 
hindrance, but Arabia undoubtedly did so. Wherever the 
double axes and the slings and bows came into collision 
with the pilum and the sword, the natives dispersed like 
chaff before the wind ; but the diseases, which are endemic 
in the country, scurvy, leprosy, palsy, decimated the sol- 
diers worse than the most bloody battle, and all the more 
as the general did not know how to move rapidly forward 
the unwieldy mass of his army. Nevertheless the Roman 
army arrived in front of the walls of Mariaba, the capital of 
the Sabaeans first affected by the attack. But, as the in- 
habitants closed the gates of their powerful walls still stand- 
ing,' and offered energetic resistance, the Roman general 
despaired of solving the problem proposed to him ; and, after 
he had lain six days in front of the town, he entered on his 
retreat, which the Arabians hardly disturbed in earnest, and 
which was accomplished with comparative rapidity under 
the pressure of need, although with a severe loss in men. 
It was a bad miscarriage ; but Augustus did not aban- 
don the conquest of Arabia. It has already 
Further enter- ^^^^^ related (d. 41) that the I'ourney to the 

prises agamsc \i / j »/ 

the Arabs. East, which the crown-prince Gains entered 
1, upon in the year 753, was to terminate at Ara- 

bia ; it was this time contemplated after the 
subjugation of Armenia to reach, in concert with the Par- 
thian government or in case of need after the overthrow of 
their armies, the mouth of the Euphrates, and from thence 
to take the sea-route which the admiral Nearchus had 
once explored for Alexander, towards Arabia Felix. ^ These 

1 These walls, built of rubble, form a circle of a mile in diameter. 
They are described by Arnaud (Z.c, comp. p. 321, note 1). 

^ That the Oriental expedition of Gains had Arabia as its goal, is 
stated expressly by Tliny (particularly //. xii. 14, 55, 56 ; comp. 

CHAr. XII.] Eg7j:pt. 319 

hopes ended in another but not less unfortunate way, 
through the Parthian arrow which struck the crown-prince 
before the walls of Artageira. With him was buried the 
plan of Arabian conquest for all the future. The great 
peninsula remained through the whole imperial period — 
apart from the stripes of coast on the north and north- 
west — in possession of that freedom from which Islam, 
the executioner of Hellenism, was in its own time to 

But the Arabian commerce was at all events broken 
dow^n partly by the measures, to be explained 
win^oSmerce. farther OD, of the Eoman government for pro- 
tecting the Egyptian navigation, partly by a 
blow struck by the Eomans against the chief mart of 
Indo-Arabian traffic. Whether under Augustus himself, 
possibly among the preparations for the invasion to be 
carried out by Gains, or under one of his immediate suc- 
cessors, a Eoman fleet appeared before Adane and de- 
stroyed the place ; in Vespasian's time it was a village, 
and its prosperity was gone. We know only the naked 
fact,' but it speaks for itself. A counterpart to the de- 

ii. 67, 168 ; vi. 27, 141, c. 28, 160 ; xxxii. 1, 10). That it was to 
set out from the mouth of the Euphrates, follows from the fact that 
the expedition to Armenia and the negotiations with the Parthians 
preceded it. For that reason the Collectanea of Juba as to the im- 
pending expedition were based upon the reports of the generals of 
Alexander as to their exploring of Arabia. 

^ Our only information as to this remarkable expedition has been 
preserved to us by the Egyptian captain, who about the year 75 has 
described his voyage on the coasts of the Red Sea. He knows (c. 
26) the Adane of later writers, the modern Aden, as a village on the 
coast («:co;U77 7rapa0aAo(T(rio9), which belongs to the realm of Charibael, 
king of the Homerites, but was earlier a flourishing town, and was 
so termed (eu5aiV<wf 8' iireK\^d7] irpSrepov ovcra ttoXis) because before 
the institution of the direct Indo Egyptian traffic this place served 
as a mart : vvv 5e ov irph ttoXXqv twv rifieTepwu %poVctfj/ Ka7<rap avr^v 
KaTe(rrpe\f/aTo. The last word can here only mean " destroy," not, as 
more frequently, " subdue," because the conversion of the town into 
a village is to be accounted for. For KaTo-ap Schwanbeck {Rhein. Mus. 
MU6 Folge, vii. 353) has proposed XoptjSa^A, C. Miiller 'lAao-op (on 



[Book VIII 

struction of Corinth and of Carthage by the republic, it, 
hke these, attained its end, and secured for the Romano- 
Egyptian trade the supremacy in the Arabian gulf and in 
the Indian Sea. 

The prosperity, however, of the blessed land of Yemen 
was too firmly founded to succumb to this 

Later fortunes Tj-n-j i 

of the Homer- blow ; politically it was even perhaps m this 
epoch only that it more energetically rallied 
its resources. Mariaba, at the time when the arms of 

account of Strabo, xvi. 4, 21, p. 782) : neither is possible — not the 
latter, because this Arabian dynast ruled in a far remote district and 
could not possibly be presumed as well known ; not the former, be- 
cause Charibael was a centemporary of the writer, and there is here 
reported an incident which occurred before his time. We shall not 
take offence at the tradition, if we reflect what interest the Romans 
must have had in setting aside the Arabian mart between India and 
Egypt, and in bringing about direct intercourse. That the Roman 
accounts are silent as to this occurrence is in keeping with their 
habit ; the expedition, which beyond doubt was executed by an 
Egyptian fleet and simply consisted in the destruction of a presum- 
ably defenceless place on the coast, would not be from a military 
point of view of any importance ; about great commercial dealings 
the annalists gave themselves no concern, and generally the inci- 
dents in Egypt came still less than those in the other imperial prov- 
inces to the knowledge of the senate and therewith of the annalists. 
The naked designation Kalo-ap, in which from the nature of the 
case the ruler then reigning is excluded, is probably to be explained 
from the circumstance that the reporting captain, while knowing 
doubtless the fact of the destruction by the Romans, knew not its 
date or author. — It is possible that to this the notice in Pliny {H. N. 
ii. 67, 168) is to be referred : maiorem (oceani) partem et orientis 
mctoriae magni Alexandri lustravere usque in Arabicum sinum^ in 
quo res gerente G. Gaesare Aug. f. signa navium ex Hispaniensihus 
naufragiis feruntur agnita. Gains did not reach Arabia (Plin. H. N. 
vi. 28, 160) ; but during the Armenian expedition a Roman squad- 
ron may very well have been conducted by one of his sub com- 
manders to this coast, in order to pave the way for the main expe- 
dition. That silence reigns elsewhere respecting it cannot surprise 
us. The Arabian expedition of Gains had been so solemnly an- 
nounced and then abandoned in so wretched a way, that loyal re- 
porters had every reason to obliterate a fact which could not well 
be mentioned without also reporting the failure of the greater 

Chap. XII.] Egy;pt. 321 

Gallus failed before its walls, was perhaps no more than 
the capital of the Sabaeans ; but already at that time the 
tribe of the Homerites, whose capital Sapphar lay some- 
what to the south of Mariaba, also in the interior, was 
the strongest in Arabia Felix. A century later we find the 
two united under a king of the Homerites and of the Sa- 
baeans reigning in Sapphar, whose rule extends as far 
as Mocha and Aden, and, as was already said, over the 
island of Socotra and the coast of Somal and Zanzibar ; 
and at least from this time we may speak of a kingdom of 
the Homerites. The desert northwards from Mariaba as 
far as the Roman frontier did not at that time belong to 
it, and was under no regular authority at all ; * the princi- 
palities of the Minaei and of the Chatramotitae continued 
also to be under sovereigns of their own. The eastern 
half of Arabia formed constantly a part of the Persian em- 
pire (p, 13), and never was under the sceptre of the rulers 
of Arabia Felix. Even now therefore the bounds were 
narrow and probably remained so ; little is known as to 
the further development of affairs. In the middle of the 
fourth century the kingdom of the Homerites was united 
with that of the Axomites, and was governed from Axo- 
mis ^ — a subjection, however, which was subsequently 

^ The Egyptian merchant distinguishes the eudea/nos /9atrtA6i's of 
the Homerites (c. 23) sharply from the rvpavvoi, the tribal chiefs 
sometimes subordinate to him, sometimes independent (c. 14), and 
as sharply distinguishes these organised conditions from the lawless- 
ness of the inhabitants of the desert (c. 2). If Strabo and Tacitus 
had had eyes as open for these things as that practical man had, we 
should have known somewhat more of antiquity. 

-' The war of Macrinus against the Arabes eudaemones {tita, 12) 
and their envoys sent to Aurelian {lita, 33), who are named along 
with those of the Axomites, would prove their continued inde- 
pendence at that time, if these statements could be depended on. 

^ The king names himself, about the year 356 (p. 308, note 2), in 
a document (C. /. Or. 5128) fiaaiXevs 'A^co/xirciop koI 'Oix-qpiruiv koX tov 
'Paeidaf (castle in Sapphar, the capital of the Homerites ; Dillmann, 
Abh. der Berl. Akad. 1878, p. 207) . . . koI SajSaeiroiv koX tov 
2tAe7] (castle in Mariaba, the capital of the Sabaeans ; Dillmann, I.e.). 
With this agrees the contemporary mission of envoys ad gentem 
Vol. II.— 31 



[Book VIII. 

broken off again. The kingdom of the Homerites, as well 
as the united Axomitico-Homeritic, stood as independent 
states in intercourse and treaty with Eome during the 
later imperial period. 

In commerce and navigation the Arabians of the south- 
west of the peninsula occupied, if no longer 

Commercial ii i p i ■ . 

intercourse of tuc piacc oi suprcmacj, at any rate a promi- 
the Homerites. ^^^^ position throughout the whole imperial 
period. After the destruction of Adane, Muza became the 
commercial metropolis of this region. The representa- 
tion formerly given is still in the main appropriate for the 
time of Vespasian. The place is described to us at this 
time as exclusively Arabian, inhabited by shipowners and 
sailors, and full of stirring mercantile life ; the Muzaites 
with their own ships navigate the whole east coast of 
Africa and the west coast of India, and not merely carry 
the goods of their own country, but bring also the purple 
stuffs and gold embroideries prepared according to Orien- 
tal taste in the workshops of the West, and the fine wines 
of Syria and Italy, to the Orientals, and in turn to the 
western lands the precious wares of the East. In f rankin- 
ccDse and other aromatics Muza and the emporium of the 
neighbouring kingdom of Hadramaut, Cane to the east of 
Aden, must always have retained a sort of practical mo- 
nopoly ; these wares, used in antiquity very much more 
than at present, were produced not only on the southern 
coast of Arabia, but also on the African coast from Adulis 
as far as the "promontory of spices," Cape Guardafui, and 
from thence the merchants of Muza fetched them and 
brought them into general commerce. On the already 
mentioned island of Dioscorides there was a joint trading 
settlement of the three great seafaring nations of these 
seas, the Hellenes, that is, the Egyptians, the Arabians, 
and the Indians. But of relations to Hellenism, such as 
we found on the opposite coast among the Axomites (p. 

Axumitarum et Ilomerita {ruin] {C. Tli. xii. 12, 2). As to the later 
state of tilings comp. especially Nonnosus (/r. hist. Gr. iv. p. 179, 
Miill.) and Procopius, Ilist. Pers. i. 20 

Chap. XII.] Egyp. 323 

308), we meet no trace in the land of Yemen ; if the coin- 
age is determined by Occidental types (p. 813 f.), these 
were current throughout the East. Otherwise writing 
and language and the exercise of art, so far as we are able 
to judge, developed themselves here just as independently 
as commerce and navigation ; and certainly this co-oper- 
ated in producing the result that the Axomites, while they 
subjected to themselves the Homerites in a political point 
of view, subsequently reverted from the Hellenic path into 
the Arabic (p. 308). 

In the same spirit as for the relations to southern Africa 
and to the Arabian states, and in a more 

Land-routes , . . . t • -n j 

and harbours plcasiug Way, provision was made m -cjgypt it- 
m Egypt. routes of commercial intercourse, 

in the first instance by Augustus, and beyond doubt by 
all its intelligent rulers. The system of roads and har- 
bours established by the earlier Ptolemies in the footsteps 
of the Pharaohs had, like the whole administration, fallen 
into sad decay amidst the troubles of the last Lagid pe- 
riod. It is not expressly mentioned that Augustus put 
again into order the land and water routes and the ports of 
Egypt ; but that it was done, is none the less certain. 
Coptos remained through the whole imperial period the 
rendezvous of this traffic.^ From a recently found docu- 
ment we gather that in the first imperial period the two 
routes leading thence to the ports of Myos Hermos and of 
Berenice were repaired by the Roman soldiers and pro- 
vided at the fitting places with the requisite cisterns.^ 

' Aristides {Or. xlviii. p. 485, Dind.) names Coptos the Indian 
and Arabian entrepot. In the romance of Xenophon the Ephesian 
(iv. 1), the Syrian robbers resort to Coptos, " for there a number of 
merchants pass through, who are travelling to Aethiopia and India." 

^ Hadrian later constructed " the new Hadrian's road" which led 
from his town Antinoopolis near Hermopolis, probably through the 
desert to Myos Hermos, and from Myos Hermos along the sea to 
Berenice, and provided it with cisterns, stations (TTa0/uot), and forts 
(inscription in Revue Arclieol. N. S. xxi. year 1870, p. 314). How- 
ever there is no mention of this road subsequently, and it is a ques- 
tion whether it continued to subsist. 



[Book VIII. 

The canal whicli connected the Ked Sea with the Nile, and 
so with the Mediterranean Sea, was in the Roman period 
only of secondary rank, employed chiefly perhaps for the 
conveyance of blocks of marble and porphyry from the 
Egyptian east coast to the Mediterranean ; but it remained 
navigable throughout the imperial period. The emperor 
Trajan renewed and probably also enlarged it — perhaps 
it was he who placed it in communication with the still 
undivided Nile near Babylon (not far from Cairo), and 
thereby increased its water-supply — and assigned to it the 
name of Trajan's or the emperor's river [Augustus amnis), 
from which in later times this part of Egypt was named 
(Augustamnica) . 

Augustus exerted himself also in earnest for the sup- 
pression of piracy on the Red and Indian Seas ; 
Piracy. Egyptians long even after his death 

thanked him, that through his efforts piratical sails disap- 
peared from the sea and gave way to trading vessels. No 
doubt what was done in that respect was far from enough. 
The facts that, while the government doubtless from time 
to time set naval squadrons to work in these waters, it 
did not station there a standing war-fleet ; and that the 
Roman merchantmen regularly took archers on board in 
the Indian Sea to repel the attacks of the pirates, would 
be surprising, if a comparative indifference to the insecur- 
ity of the sea had not everywhere — here, as well as on the 
Belgian coast, and on those of the Black Sea — clung like a 
hereditary siii to the Roman imperial government or rather 
to the Roman government in general. It is true that the 
governments of Axomis and of Sapphar were called by 
their geograghical position still more than the Romans at 
Berenice and Leuce Come to check piracy, and it may be 
partly due to this consideration that the Romans remained, 
upon the whole, on a good understanding with these 
weaker but indispensable neighbours. 

We have formerly shown that the maritime intercourse 
of Egypt, if not with Adulis (p. 309), at any rate with 
Arabia and India at the epoch which immediately preceded 

Chap. XII.] 



the Koman rule, was not carried on in the main through 
the medium of Egyptians. It was only through 
Egyptian actfve the Komaus that Egypt obtained the great mar- 
traffic to the -^ij^g ^^^^^ ^l^e East. " Not twenty Egyp- 
tian ships in the year," says a contemporary 
of Augustus, " ventured forth under the Ptolemies from the 
Arabian gulf ; now 120 merchantmen annually sail to India 
from the port of Myos Hermos alone." The commercial 
gain, which the Eoman merchant had been obliged hitherto 
to share with the Persian or Arabian intermediary, flowed 
to him in all its extent after the opening up of direct com- 
munication with the more remote East. This result was 
probably brought about in the first instance by the cir- 
cumstance that the Egyptian ports were, if not directly 
barred, at any rate practically closed,' by differential cus- 
tom-dues against Arabian and Indian transports ; ' only 
by the hypothesis of such a navigation-act in favour of 
their own shipping could this sudden revolution of com- 
mercial relations be explained. But the traffic was not 
merely violently transformed from a passive into an active 
one ; it was also absolutely increased, partly in conse- 
quence of the increased inquiry in the West for the wares 
of the East, partly at the expense of the other routes of 
traffic through Arabia and Syria. For the Arabian and In- 
dian commerce with the West the route by way of Egypt 

" This is nowhere expressly said, but it is clearly evident from the 
Periplus of the Egyptian. He speaks at numerous places of the in- 
tercourse of the non-Roman Africa with Arabia (c. 7, 8), and con- 
versely of the Arabians with the non-Roman Africa (o. 17, 21, 31 ; 
and after him Ptolemaeus, 1. 17, 6), and with Persia (c. 27, 33), and 
India (c. 21, 27, 49) ; as also of that of the Persians with India (c. 
36), as well as of the Indian merchantmen with the non-Roman 
Africa (c. 14, 31, 32), and with Persia (c. 36) and Arabia (c. 32). 
But there is not a word indicating that these foreign merchants came 
to Berenice, Myos Hermos, or Leuce Come ; indeed, when he re- 
marks with reference to the most important mart of all this circle 
of traffic, Muza, that these merchants sail with their own ships to 
the African coast outside of the Straits of Bab El Mandeb (for that 
is for him ir4pav), and to India, Egypt cannot possibly be absent 
by accident. 



[Book VIII. 

more and more proved itself the shortest and the cheap- 
est. The frankincense, which in the olden time went in 
great part by the land-route through the interior of Ara- 
bia to Gaza (p. 313, note 2), came afterwards for the most 
part by water through Egypt. The Indian traffic received 
a new impulse about the time of Nero, when a skilled and 
courageous Egyptian captain, Hippalus, ventured, instead 
of making his way along the long stretch of coast, to steer 
from the mouth of the Arabian Gulf directly through the 
open sea for India ; he knew the monsoon, which thence- 
forth the mariners, who traversed this route after him, 
named the Hippalus. Thenceforth the voyage was not 
merely materially shortened, but was less exposed to the 
land and sea pirates. To what extent the secure state of 
peace and the increasing luxury raised the consumption of 
Oriental wares in .the West, may be discerned in some 
measure from the complaints, which were in the time of 
Vespasian loudly expressed, regarding the enormous sums 
which went out of the empire for that purpose. The whole 
amount of the purchase-money annually paid to the Ara- 
bians and the Indians is estimated by Pliny at 100,000,000 
sesterces (=£1,100,000), for Arabia alone at 55,000,000 ses- 
terces ( =£600,000), of which, it is true, a part was cov- 
ered by the export of goods. The Arabians and the In- 
dians bought doubtless the metals of the West, iron, cop- 
per, lead, tin, arsenic, the Egyptian articles mentioned 
formerly (p. 277), wine, purple, gold and silver plate, also 
precious stones, corals, saffron, balm ; but they had al- 
ways far more to offer to foreign luxury than to receive 
for their own. Hence the Roman gold and silver money 
went in considerable quantities to the great Arabian and 
Indian emporia. In India it had already under Vespasian 
so naturalised itself that the people there preferred to 
use it. Of this Oriental traffic the greatest part went to 
Egypt ; and if the increase of the traffic benefited the 
government-chest by the increased receipts from customs, 
the need for building ships and making mercantile voyages 
of their own elevated the prosperity of private individuals. 

Chap. XII.] 



While thus the Koman government limited its rule in 
Egypt to the narrow space which is marked off by the 
navigableness of the Nile, and, whether in pusillanimity or 
in wisdom, at any rate never attempted with consistent 
energy to conquer either Nubia or Arabia, it strove as 
energetically after the possession of the Arabian and the 
Indian wholesale traffic, and attained at least an important 
limitation of the competitors. As the unscrupulous pursuit 
of commercial interests characterised the policy of the 
republic, so not less did it mark that of the principate, 
especially in Egypt. 

"We can only determine approximately how far the 
direct Eoman maritime traffic went towards 
commercial the East. In the first instance it took the 
mtercourse. direction of Barygaza (Barotch on the Gulf of 
Cambay above Bombay), which great mart must have 
remained through the whole imperial period the centre of 
the Egyptio-Indian traffic ; several places in the peninsula 
of Gujerat bear among the Greeks Greek designations, 
such as Naustathmos and Theophila. In the Flavian 
period, in which the monsoon-voyages had already become 
regular, the whole west coast of India was opened up to 
the Koman merchants as far down as the coast of Malabar, 
the home of the highly-esteemed and dear-priced pepper, 
for the sake of which they visited the ports of Muziris 
(probably Mangaluru) and Nelcynda (in Indian doubtless 
Nilakantha from one of the surnames of the god Shiva, 
probably the modern Nileswara) ; somewhat farther to the 
south at Kananor numerous Roman gold coins of the 
Julio-Claudian epoch have been found, formerly exchanged 
against the spices destined for the Roman kitchens. On 
the island Salice, the Taprobane of the older Greek navi- 
gators, the modern Ceylon, in the time of Claudius a Ro- 
man official, who had been driven thither from the Ara- 
bian coast by storms, had met with a friendly reception 
from the ruler of the country, and the latter, astonished, 
as the report says, at the uniform weight of the Roman 
pieces of money in spite of the diversity of the emperor's 



[Book VIII. 

heads, had sent along with the shipwrecked man envoys to 
his Eoman colleague. Thereby in the first instance it 
was only the sphere of geographical knowledge that was 
enlarged ; it was not till later apparently that navigation 
was extended as far as that large and productive island, in 
which on several occasions Koman coins have come to light. 
But coins are found only by way of exception beyond Cape 
Comorin and Ceylon,^ and hardly has even the coast of 
Coromandel and the mouth of the Ganges, to say nothing 
of the Further Indian peninsula and China, maintained 
regular commercial intercourse with the Occidentals. 

Chinese silk was certainly already at an early period sold 
regularly to the West, but, as it would appear, exclusively 
by the land-route, and through the medium partly of the 
Indians of Barygaza, partly and chiefly of the Parthians ; 
the Silk-people or the Seres (from the Chinese name of silk 
Sr) of the Occidentals were the inhabitants of the Tarim- 
basin to the north-west of Thibet, whither the Chinese 
brought their silk, and the Parthian intermediaries jeal- 
ously guarded the traffic thither. By sea, certainly, indi- 
vidual mariners reached accidentally or by way of explora- 
tion at least to the east coast of Further India and perhaps 
still farther; the port of Cattigara known to the Komans at 
the beginning of the second century a.d. was one of the 
Chinese coast-towns, perhaps Hang-chow-foo at the mouth 
of the Yang-tse-kiang. The report of the Chinese annals 
that in 166 a.d. an embassy of the emperor Antun of Ta- 
(that is Great) Tsin (Eome) landed in Ji-nan (Tonkin), 
and thence by the land-route arrived at the capital Lo- 
yang (or Ho-nan-foo on the middle Hoang-ho) to the em- 
peror Hwan-ti, may warrantably be referred to Rome and 

' In Bamanghati (district Singhbhum) westward from Calcutta, a 
great treasure of gold coins of Roman emperors (Gordian and Con- 
stantine are named), is said to have come to light (Beglar, in Cun- 
ningham's Archaeological Survey of India, vol. xiii. p. 72) ; hut such 
an isolated find does not prove that regular intercouse extended so 
far. In Further India and China Roman coins have never, so far 
as we know, been found. 

Chap. XII. 1 



the emperor Antoninus. This event, however, and what 
the Chinese authorities mention as to a similar appearance 
of the Romans in their country in the course of the third 
century, can hardly be understood of public missions, 
since as to these Roman statements would hardly have 
been wanting ; but possibly individual captains may have 
passed with the Chinese court as messengers of their gov- 
ernment. These connections had perceptible consequences 
only in so far as the earlier tales regarding the procuring 
of silk gradually gave way to better knowledge. 



North Africa, in a physical and ethnographic point of 
view, stands by itself like an island. Nature 
and the Berber has isolated it On all sidcs, partly by the At- 
stock. lantic and the Mediterranean Sea, partly by 

the widely-extended shore, incapable of cultivation, of 
the Great Syrtis below the modern Fezzan, and, in con- 
nection therewith, by the desert, likewise closed against 
cultivation, which shuts off the steppe-land and the oases 
of the Sahara to the south. Ethnographically the popu- 
lation of this wide region forms a great family of peoples, 
distinguished most sharply from the Blacks of the south, 
but likewise strictly separated from the Egyptians, al- 
though perhaps with these there may once have subsisted 
a primeval fellowship. They call themselves in the Eiff" 
near Tangier Amazigh, in the Sahara Imoshagh, and the 
same name meets us, referred to particular tribes, on 
several occasions among the Greeks and Romans, thus as 
Maxyes at the founding of Carthage (ii. 14), as Mazi- 
ces in the Roman period at different places of the 
Mauretanian north coast ; the similar designation that has 
remained with the scattered remnants jDroves that this great 
people has once had a consciousness, and has permanently 
retained the impression, of the relationship of its mem- 
bers. To the peoples who came into contact with them 
this relationship was far from clear ; the diversities which 
prevail among their several parts are not merely at the 
present day glaring, after in the past thousands of years 
the mixture with the neighbouring peoples, particularly 
the Negroes in the south and the Arabs in the north, has 
had its effect upon them, but certainly were as consider- 

Chap. XIII.] The African Provinces, 


able even before these foreign influences as their extension 
in space demands. A universally valid expression for the 
nation as such is wanting in all other idioms ; even where 
the name goes beyond the designation of stock, ' it yet does 
not describe the circle as a whole. That of Libyans, which 
the Egyptians, and after their precedent the Greeks use, 
belongs originally to the most easterly tribes coming into 
contact with Egypt, and has always remained specially 
pertaining to those of the eastern half. That of Nomades, 
of Greek origin, expresses in the first instance only the 
absence of settlement, and then in its Koman transforma- 
tion as Numidians, has become associated with that terri- 
tory which king Massinissa united under his sway. That 
of Mauri, of native origin, and current among the later 
Greeks as well as the Eomans, is restricted to the western 
parts of the land, and continues in use for the kingdoms 
here formed and the Roman provinces that have proceeded 
from them. The tribes of the south are comprehended 
under the name of the Gaetulians, which, however, the 
stricter use of language limits to the region on the At- 
lantic Ocean to the south of Mauretania. We are accus- 
tomed to designate the nation by the name of Berbers, 
which the Arabs apply to the northern tribes. 

As to their type they stand far nearer to the Indo-Ger- 
manic than to the Semitic, and form even at 


the present day, when since the invasion of 
Islam North Africa has fallen to the Semitic race, the sharp- 
est contrast to the Arabs. It is not without warrant that 
various geographers of antiquity have refused to let Africa 

' The designation Afer does not belong to tins series. So far as 
we can follow it back in linguistic usage, it is never given to the 
Berber in contrast to other African stocks, but to every inhabitant 
ot the Continent lying over against Sicily, and particularly also to 
the Phoenician ; if it has designated a definite people at all, this 
can only have been that, with which the Komans here first and 
chiefly came into contact (comp. Suetonius, xita Terent.). Reasons 
philological and real oppose themselves to our attempt in i. 199 to 
trace back the word to the name of the Hebrews ; a satisfactory 
etymology has not yet been found for it. 


The African Provinces. 

[Book VIII. 

pass at all as a third continent, but have attached Egypt 
to Asia and the Berber territory to Europe. As the plants 
and animals of northern Africa correspond in the main to 
those of the opposite south-European coast, so the type 
of man, where it has been preserved unmixed, points alto- 
gether to the north : — the fair hair and the blue eyes of 
a considerable portion, the tall stature, the slender but 
powerfully knit form, the prevailing monogamy and re- 
spect for the position of woman, the lively and emotional 
temperament, the inclination to settled life, the community 
founded on the full equality in rights among the grown-up 
men, which in the usual confederation of several communi- 
ties afibrds also the basis for the formation of a state/ To 
strictly political development and to full civilisation this 
nation, hemmed round by Negroes, Egyptians, Phoeni- 
cians, Romans, Arabs, at no time attained ; it must have 
approximated to it under the government of Massinissa. 
The alphabet, derived independently from the Phoenician, 
of which the Berbers made use under Eoman rule, and 
which those of the Sahara still use at the present day, as 
well as the feeling which, as we have observed, they once 
had of common national relationship, may probably be 
referred to the great Numidian king and his descendants, 
whom the later generations worshipped as gods.^ In spite 

^ A good observer, Charles Tissot {Geogr. de la province romaine cle 
VAfrique, i. p. 403), testifies that upwards of a third of the inhabi- 
tants of Morocco have fair or brown hair, and in the colony of the 
inhabitants of the Riff in Tangier two-thirds. The women made 
the impression on him of those of Berry and of Auvergne. Sur les 
Tiauts sommets de la chaine atlantique, d'apres les renseignements qui 
m^ont etefournis^ la population tout entUre serait vemarquaUement 
blonde. Elle aurait les yeux hleus, gris ou '^mrts, comme ceux des 
chats,^^ pour reproduire V expression meme dont s''est servi le cJieikh 
qui me renseignait. The same phenomenon meets us in the moun- 
tain masses of Grand Kabylia and of the Aures, as well as on the Tu- 
nisian island Jerba and the Canary Islands. The Egyptian repre- 
sentations also show to us the Libu not red, like the Egyptians, but 
white, and with fair or brown hair. 

^ Cyprian, Quod idola dii non sint, c. 2 : Mauri manifeste reges 
suos colunt nec ullo velamento lioe nomen ohtexunt. Tertullian, Apolog. 

Chap. XIIT.] The African Provinces. 333 

of all invasions they have maintained their original ter- 
ritory to a considerable extent ; in Morocco now about 
two- thirds, in Algiers about half of the inhabitants are 
reckoned of Berber descent. 

The imiDigration, to which all the coasts of the Mediter- 
ranean were subjected in the earliest times, 
h^SgraSon. ^^^^ North Africa Phoenician. To the Phoe- 
nicians the natives had to give up the largest 
and best part of the north coast ; the Phoenicians withdrew 
all North Africa from Greek civilisation. The Great Syr- 
tis again forms the linguistic as well as the political line 
of separation ; as on the east the Pentapolis of Cyrene be- 
longs to the Greek circle, so on the west the Tripolis 
(Tripoli) of Great-Leptis became and remained Phoeni- 
cian. We have formerly narrated how the Phoenicians 
after several hundred years of struggle succumbed to the 
Romans. Here we have to give account of the fortunes 
of Africa, after the Romans had occupied the Carthagin- 
ian territory and had made the neighbouring regions 
dependent on them. 

The short-sightedness and narrow-mindedness — we may 
here say, the perversity and brutality — of the 

The government . ^ i. i! xi, -o it 

of the Roman torcign government oi the Roman republic 
repubhc. j^^^ nowlierc so full sway as in Africa. In 
southern Gaul, and still more in Spain, the Roman govern- 
ment pursued at least a consolidated extension of territory, 
and, half involuntarily, the rudiments of Latinising ; in the 
Greek East the foreign rule was mitigated and often al- 
most compensated by the power of Hellenism forcing the 
hand even of hard policy. But as to this third continent 

24 : Mauretaniae {dei sunt) reguU sui. G. I. L. viii., 8834: lemsali 
L. Percenius L. f. Stel. Eogatus v. (s. I. a.), found at Thubusuptu 
in tlie region of Sitifis, wliich place may well liave belonged to 
the Numidian kingdom of Hiempsal. Thus tbe inscription also of 
Tlmbursicum [G. I. L. viii. n. 7* (comp. Eph. epigr. v. p. 651, n. 
1478) must have rather been badly copied than falsified. Still, in 
the year 70, it was alleged that in Mauretania a pretender to the 
throne had ascribed to himself the name of Juba (Tacitus, Hist. ii. 

334 The African Provinces, [Book vm. 

the old national hatred towards the Poeni seemed still to 
reach j3eyond the grave of Hannibal's native city. The 
Komans held fast the territory which Carthage had poss- 
essed at its fall, but less in order to develop it for their 
own benefit than to prevent its benefiting others, not to 
awaken new life there, but to watch the dead body ; it was 
fear and envy, rather than ambition and covetousness, that 
created the province of Africa. Under the republic it 
had not a history ; the war with Jugurtha was for Africa 
nothing but a lion -hunt, and its historical significance lay 
in its connection with the republican party struggles. 
The land was, as a matter of course, turned to full ac- 
count by Roman speculation ; but neither might the de- 
stroyed great city rise up afresh, nor might a neighbour- 
ing town develop into a similar prosperity ; there were 
here no standing camps as in Spain and Gaul ; the Roman 
province, with its narrow bounds, was on all sides sur- 
rounded by relatively civilised territory of the dependent 
king of Numidia, who had helped in the work of the 
destruction of Carthage, and now, as a reward for it, 
received not so much the spoil as the task of protecting 
it from the inroads of the wild hordes of the interior. 
That thereby a political and military importance was 
given to this state, such as no other client-state of Rome 
ever possessed, and that even on this side the Roman 
policy, in order merely to banish the phantom of Carth- 
age, conjured up serious dangers, was shown by the share 
of Numidia in the civil wars of Rome ; never during all the 
internal crises of the empire before or after did a client- 
prince play such a part as the last king of Numidia in the 
war of the republicans against Caesar. 

All the more necessarily the state of things in Africa 

became transformed by this decision of arms, 
carpoucy!"' other provinces, as a consequence of 

the civil wars, there was a change of rule ; in 
Africa there was a change of system. The African pos- 
session of the Phoenicians itself was not a proper dominion 
over Africa ; it may be in some measure compared with 

Chap. XIII.] The African Provinces. 


the dominion in Asia Minor of the Hellenes before Alex- 
ander. Of this dominion the Komans had then taken 
over but a small part, and of that part they had nipped 
the bud. Now Carthage arose afresh, and, as if the soil 
had only been waiting for the seed, soon flourished anew. 
The whole country lying behind — the great kingdom of 
Numidia — became a Koman province, and the protection 
of the frontier against the barbarians was undertaken by 
the Eoman legionaries. The kingdom of Mauretania be- 
came, in the first instance, a Roman dependency, and 
soon also a part of the Roman empire. With the dictator 
Caesar the civilising and Latinising of Africa took their 
place among the tasks of the Eoman government. Here 
we have to set forth how the task was carried out, first 
as to the outward organisation, and then as to the arrange- 
ments made and results achieved for the several districts. 
Territorial sovereignty over the whole of North Africa 
had doubtless already been claimed on the 
Roman ruf?^ part of the Eomau republic, perhaps as .a por- 
tion of the Carthaginian inheritance, perhaps 
because " our sea " early became one of the fundamental 
ideas of the Eoman commonwealth ; and, in so far, all its 
coasts were regarded by the Eomans even of the developed 
republic as their true property. Nor had this claim of 
Eome ever been properly contested by the larger states of . 
North Africa after the destruction of Carthage ; if in many 
places the neighbours did not submit to the dominion, 
they were just as little obedient to their local rulers. That 
the silver moneys of king Juba I. of Numidia and of king 
Bogud of Mauretania were coined after the Eoman stand- 
ard, and the Latin legend — little as it was suited to the 
relations of language and of intercourse then subsisting 
in North Africa — ^was never absent from them, was the 
direct recognition of the Eoman supremacy, a conse- 
quence, it may be presumed, of the new organisation of 
North Africa that in the year 674 u.c. was ac- 
complished by Pompeius. The generally in- 
significant resistance which the Africans, apart from Car- 


The African Provinces. 

[Book VIII. 

tliage, opposed to the Komans, came from tlie descend- 
ants of Massinissa ; after king Jugurtha, and later king 
Juba, were vanquished, the princes of the western coun- 
try submitted without more ado to the dependence re- 
quired of them. The arrangements which the emperors 
made were carried out quite after the same way in the 
territory of the dependent princes as in the immediate 
territory of Eome ; it was the Roman government that 
regulated the boundaries in all North Africa, and con- 
stituted Boman communities at its discretion in the king- 
dom of Mauretania no less than in the province of Nu- 
midia. We cannot therefore speak, in the strict sense, of 
a Eoman subjugation of North Africa. The Romans did 
not conquer it like the Phoenicians or the French ; but 
they ruled over Numidia as over Mauretania, first as su- 
zerains, then as successors of the native governments. It 
is so much the more a question, whether the notion of 
frontier admits of application to Africa in the usual sense. 
The states of Massinissa, of Bocchus, of Bogud, as also 
the Carthaginian, proceeded from the northern verge, and 
all the civilisation of North Africa is based pre-eminently 
on this coast ; but, so far as we can discern, they all re- 
garded the tribes settled or roving in the south as sub- 
jects, and, if they withdrew themselves from subjection, as 
insurgents, so far as the distance and the desert did not 
by doing away with contact do away with control. Neigh- 
bouring states, with which relations of right or of treaty 
might have subsisted, can hardly be pointed out in the 
south of northern Africa, or where such a one appears, 
such as, in particular, the kingdom of the Garamantes, its 
position is not to be strictly distinguished from that of 
the hereditary principalities within the civilised territory. 
This was the case also as regards Roman Africa ; as for 
the previous rulers, so also doubtless for Roman civilisa- 
tion there was to be found a limit to the south, but hardly 
so for the Roman territorial supremacy. There is never 
mention of any formal extension or taking back of the 
frontier in Africa ; the insurrections in the Roman territory, 

Chap, XIII.] The African Provinces. 


and the inroads of the neighbouring peoples, look here all 
the more similar to each other, as even in the regions un- 
doubtedly in Koman possession, still more than in Syria or 
Spain, many a remote and impassable district knew noth- 
ing of Eoman taxation and of Roman recruiting. For 
that reason it seems appropriate to connect with the view 
of the several provinces at the same time the slight in- 
formation which has been left to us in historical tradition, 
or by means of preserved monuments, respecting the 
friendly or hostile relations of the Romans with their 
southern neighbours. 

The former territory of Carthage and the larger part of 
the earlier kingdom of Numidia, united with 
Africa and it by the dictator Caesar, or, as they also 
Numidia. called it, the old and the new Africa, formed 
until the end of the reign of Tiberius the province of 
that name, which extended from the boundary of Cyrene 
to the river Ampsaga, embracing the modern state of 
Tripoli as well as Tunis and the French province of Con- 
stantine (iv. 535 f.). The government, however, for this 
territory, which was considerable, and required an ex- 
tended frontier-defence, reverted under the emperor Gains 
in the main to the twofold division of the republican times, 
and committed the portion of the province that did not 
stand in need of special border-defence to the civil govern- 
ment, and the rest of the territory furnished with gar- 
risons to a military commandant not further amenable to 
its authority. The cause of this was, that Africa in the 
partition of the provinces between emperor and senate 
was given to the latter, and, as from the state of things 
there a command on a larger scale could not be dispensed 
with, the co-ordination of the governor delegated by the 
senate and of the military commandant nominated by the 
emperor — which latter according to the subsisting hier- 
archy was placed under the orders of the former — could 
not but provoke and did provoke collisions between these 
officials and even between emperor and senate. To this 
an end was put in the year 37 by an arrangement that the 
Vol. II.— 22 


The African Provinces. 

[Book VIIL 

coast-land from Hippo (Bonah), as far as the borders of 
Cyrene, should retain the old name of Africa and should 
remain with the proconsul, whereas the western part of 
the province with the capital Cirta (Constantine), as well 
as the interior with the great military camps to the north 
of the Aures, and generally all territory furnished with 
garrisons, should be placed under the commandant of the 
African legion. This commandant had senatorial rank, but 
belonged not to the consular, but to the praetorial class. 
The western half of North Africa was divided at the 
time of the dictator Caesar (iv. 524) into the 
ix taniiin king- two kingdoms of Tingi (Tangier), at that time 
' under king Bogud, and of lol, the later Cae- 

sarea (Zershell), at that time under king Bocchus. As 
both kings had as decidedly taken the side of Caesar in 
the struggle against the republicans as king Juba of Nu- 
midia had taken the side of the opposite party, and as they 
had rendered most essential services to him during the 
African and the Spanish wars, not merely were both left 
in possession of their rule, but the domain of Bocchus, 
and probably also that of Bogud, was enlarged by the 
victor.^ Then, when the rivalries between Antonius and 

1 This is attested for the year 705 as regards both by Dio, xli. 42 
(comp. Suetonius, Caes. 54). In the year 707 Bogud 
lends assistance to the Caesarian governor of Spain 
{Bell. Alex. 59, 60), and repels an incursion of the 
younger Gnaeus Pompeius {Bell. Afric. 23). Bocchus, 
in combination with P. Sittius, in the African war makes a success- 
ful diversion against Juba and conquers even the important Cirta 
{Bell. Afr. 23 ; Appian, ii. 96 ; Dio, xliii. 3). The two obtained in 
return from Caesar the territory of the prince Massinissa (Appian, 
iv. 54). In the second Spanish war Bogud appears in the army of 
Caesar (Dio, xliii. 36, 38) ; the statement that the son of Bocchus 
had served in the Pompeian army (Dio, I.e.) must be a confusion, 
probably with Arabio the son of Massinissa, who certainly went to 
the sons of Pompeius (Appian, I.e.). After Caesar's death Arabio 
possessed himself afresh of his dominion (Appian, l.c.)^ but after 
his death in the year 714 (Dio, xlviii. 22) the Cae- 
sarian arrangement must have again taken effect in 
its full extent. The bestowal on Bocchus and Sittius is probably to 

Chap. XIII.] The African Promnces. 


Caesar the younger began, king Bogud alone in the west 
placed himself on the side of Antonius, and on the insti- 
gation of his brother and of his wife invaded 
Spain during the Perusine war (714) ; but his 
neighbour Bocchus and his own capital Tingis took part 
for Caesar and against him. At the conclusion of peace 
Antonius allowed Bogud to fall, and Caesar gave the rest 
of his territory to king Bocchus, but gave Roman muni- 
cipal rights to the town of Tingis. When, some years 
later, a rupture took place between the two rulers, the ex- 
king took part energetically in the struggle in the hope of 
regaining his kingdom on this occasion, but at the capture 
of the Messenian town Methone he was taken prisoner by 
Agrippa and executed. 

Already some years before (721) king Bocchus had 
died ; his kingdom, the whole of western 
Africa, was soon afterwards (729) obtained by 
25. the son of the last Numidian king, Juba IL, 

the husband of Cleopatra, the daughter of 
Juba II. Antonius by the Egyptian queen. ^ Both had 
been exhibited to the Roman public in early youth as cap- 
be understood to the effect that, in the western part of the former 
Numidian kingdom otherwise left to Bocchus, the colony of Cirta 
to be founded by Sittius was to be regarded as an independent Ro- 
man town, like Tingi subsequently in the kingdom of Mauretania. 
' If, according to Dio, xl. 43, Caesar in the year 731, after the 
death of Bocchus, nominates no successor, but makes 


Mauretania a province, and then (li. 15) in the year 
30. 724, on occasion of the end of the queen of Egypt, 

there is mention of the marriage of her daughter 
with Juba and his investiture with his father's kingdom, and, lastly 
(liii. 26), under the year 729 there is reported Juba's 
investiture with a portion of Gaetulia instead of his 
hereditary kingdom, as well as with the kingdoms of Bocchus and 
Bogud ; only the last account confirmed by Strabo, xvii. 3, 7, p. 
828, is correct. The first is at least incorrect in its way of appre- 
hending the matter, as Mauretania evidently was not made a 
province in 721, but only the investiture was held in 
abeyance for the time being ; and the second partly 
anticipates, since Cleopatra, born before the triumph about 719 
{Eph. epigr. i., p. 276), could not possibly be married in 724, and 


The African Provinces. 

[Book VIII. 

tive kings' children, Juba in the triumphal procession of 
Caesar the father, Cleopatra in that of the son ; it was a 
wonderful juncture that they now were sent away from 
Rome as king and queen of the most esteemed vassal- 
state of the empire, but it was in keeping with the circum- 
stances. Both were brought up in the imperial family ; 
Cleopatra was treated by the legitimate wife of her father 
with motherly kindness like her own children ; Juba had 
served in Caesar's army. The youth of the dependent 
princely houses, which was numerously represented at the 
imperial court and played a considerable part in the circle 
around the imperial princes, was generally employed in 
the early imperial period for the filling up of the vassal 
principalities, after a similar manner, according to free 
selection, as the first class in rank of the senate was em- 
ployed for the filling up of the governorships of Syria and 
Germany. For almost fifty years (729-775 u.c, b.c. 25 
-A.D. 23) he, and after him his son Ptolemaeus, bore rule 
over western Africa ; it is true, that, like the town Tingis 
from his predecessor, a considerable number of the most 
important townships, particularly on the coast, was with- 
drawn from him by the bestowal of Roman municipal 
rights, and, apart from the capital, these kings of Mau- 
retania were almost nothing but princes of the Berber 

This government lasted up to the year 40, when it ap- 
peared fitting to the emperor Gains, chiefly on 
proSnTes'^of*^^ accouut of the rich treasure, to call his cousin 
Tingr^*^^*^ to Rome, to deliver him there to the execu- 
tioner, and to take the territory into imperial 
administration. Both rulers were unwarlike, the father a 
Greek man of letters after the fashion of this period, com- 
piling so-called memorabilia of a historical or geographi- 

is partly mistaken, because Juba certainly never got back his pa- 
ternal kingdom as such. If he had been king of Numidia before 
729, and if it had been merely the extent of his kingdom that then 
underwent a change, he would have counted his years from the 
first installation and not merely from 729. 

Chap. XIIT.] 

The African Provinces. 


cal kind, or relative to the history of art, in endless books, 
noteworthy by his — we might say — international literary 
activity, well read in Phoenician and Syrian literature, but 
exerting himself above all to diffuse the knowledge of Ko- 
man habits and of so-called Roman history among the 
Hellenes, moreover, a zealous friend of art and frequenter 
of the theatre ; the son a prince of the common type, pass- 
ing his time in court-life and princely luxury. Among 
their subjects they were held of little account, whether as 
regards their personality or as vassals of the Romans ; 
against the Gaetulians in the south king Juba had on sev- 
eral occasions to invoke the help of the Roman governor, 
and, when in Roman Africa the prince of the Numidians, 
Tacfarinas, revolted against the Romans, the Moors flocked 
in troops to his banner. Nevertheless the end of the dy- 
nasty and the introduction of Roman provincial govern- 
ment into the land made a deep impression. The Moors 
were faithfully devoted to their royal house ; altars were 
still erected under Roman rule in Africa to the kings of 
the race of Massinissa (p. 335). Ptolemaeus, whatever he 
might be otherwise, was Massinissa's genuine descendant 
in the sixth generation, and the last of the old royal house. 
A faithful servant of his, Aedemon, after the catastrophe 
called the mountain-tribes of the Atlas to arms, and it 
was only after a hard struggle that the governor Sueto- 
nius Paullinus — the same who afterwards fought with the 
Britons (i. 195) was able to master the revolt (in the year 
42). In the organisation of the new territory the Romans 
reverted to the earlier division into an eastern and a west- 
ern half, or, as they were thenceforth called from the cap- 
itals, into the provinces of Caesarea and of Tingi ; or 
rather they retained that division, for it was, as will be 
afterwards shown, necessarily suggested by the physical 
and political relations of the territory, and must have con- 
tinued to subsist even under the same sceptre in one or 
the other form. Each of these provinces was furnished 
with imperial troops of the second class, and placed under 
an imperial governor not belonging to the senate. 


The African Provinces. 

[Book VIII. 

The state and the destinies of this great and peculiar 
new seat of Latin civiHsation were conditioned by the phys- 
ical constitution of North Africa. It is formed by two 
great mountain-masses, of which the northern falls steeply 
towards the Mediterranean, while the southern, the Atlas, 
slopes off slowly in the Sahara-steppe dotted with numer- 
ous oases towards the desert proper. A smaller steppe, 
similar on the whole to the Sahara and dotted with numer- 
ous salt-lakes, serves in the middle portion, the modern 
Algeria, to separate the mountains on the north coast and 
those on the southern frontier. There are in North Africa 
no extensive plains capable of culture ; the coast of the 
Mediterranean Sea has a level foreland only in a few dis- 
tricts ; the land capable of cultivation, according to the 
modern expression the Tell, consists essentially of the 
numerous valleys and slopes within those two broad 
mountain-masses, and so extends to its greatest width 
where, as in the modern Morocco and in Tunis, no steppe 
intervenes between the northern and the southern bor- 

The region of Tripolis, politically a part of the province 
of Africa, stands as respects its natural rela- 
tions outside of the territory described, and is 
annexed to it in peninsular fashion. The frontier-range 
sloping down towards the Mediterranean Sea touches at 
the bay of Tacapae (Gabes), with its foreland of steppe 
and salt-lake, immediaely on the shore. To the south of 
Tacapae as far as the Great Syrtis there extends along the 
coast the narrow Tripolitan island of cultivation, bounded 
inland towards the steppe by a chain of moderate height. 
Beyond it begins the steppe-country with numerous oases. 
The protection of the coast against the inhabitants of the 
desert is here of special difficulty, because the high margin 
of mountains is wanting ; and traces of this are apparent 
in the accounts that have come to us of the mihtary ex- 
peditions and the military positions in this region. 

It was the arena of the wars with the Garamantes. 
Lucius Cornelius Balbus, who in his younger years had 

Chap. XIII.] The African Provinces. 


fought and administered under Caesar with the most ad- 
venturous boldness as well as with the most 
the G-ara- cruel recklessness, was selected by Augustus to 
reduce these inconvenient neighbours to quiet, 
and in his proconsulate (735) he subdued the interior as 
far as Cidamus (Ghadames), twelve days' journey inland 
from Tripolis, and Garama (Germa) in Fezzan ; ' at his 
triumph — he was the last commoner who celebrated such 
an one — a long series of towns and tribes, hitherto un- 
known even by name, were displayed as vanquished. 
This expedition is named a conquest ; and so doubtless 
the foreland must have been thereby brought in some 
measure under the Roman power. There was fighting 
subsequently on many occasions in this region. Soon 
afterwards, still under Augustus, Publius Sulpicius Qui- 
rinius made an expedition against the tribes of Marmarica, 
that is, of the Libyan desert above Gyrene, and at the 
same time against the Garamantes. That the war against 
Tacfarinas under Tiberius extended also over this region 
will be mentioned further on. After its termination the 
king of the Garamantes sent envoys to Eome, to procure 
pardon for his having taken part in it. In the year 70 an 
irruption of the Garamantes into the pacified territory was 
brought about by the circumstance that the town Oea (Trip- 
oli) called the barbarians to help the Tripolis in a quarrel, 
which had grown into war, with the neighbouring town 
Great-Leptis (Lebda), whereupon they were beaten back 

^ That Balbus carried on this campaign as proconsul of Africa, is 
shown in particular bj the triumphal Fasti ; but the consul L. 
Cornelius of the year 732 must have been another person, since 
Balbus, according to Velleius ii. 51, obtained that consular governor- 
ship, ex privato consularis, i.e. without having filled a curule office. 
The nomination, therefore, cannot have taken place according to 
the usual arrangement by lot. To all appearance he fell into dis 
grace with Augustus for good reasons on account of his Spanish 
quaestorship (Drumann ii. 609), and was then, after the lapse of 
more than twenty years, sent, as an extraordinary measure, to 
Africa, on account of his undoubted aptitude for this specially 
difficult task. 


The Af rican Provinces. 

[Book VIH. 

by the governor of Africa and pursued to their own settle- 
ments. Under Domitian on the coast of the Great Syrtis, 
which had been from of old held by the Nasamones, a re- 
volt of the natives provoked by the exorbitant taxes had 
to be repressed with arms by the governor of Numidia ; 
the territory already poor in men was utterly depopulated 
by this cruelly conducted war. The emperor Severus 
took conspicuous care of this his native province — he was 
from Great-Leptis — and gave to it stronger military pro- 
tection against the neighbouring barbarians. With this 
we may bring into connection the fact, that in the time 
from Severus to Alexander the nearest oases, Cidamus 
(Ghadames), Gharia el Gharbia, Bonjem, were provided 
with detachments of the African legion, which, it is true, 
owing to the distance from the headquarters, could not 
be much more than a nucleus for the probably consider- 
able contingents of the subject tribes here rendering ser- 
vices to the Komans. In fact the possession of these 
oases was of importance not merely for the protection of 
the coast, but also for the traffic, which at all times passed 
by waj'' of these oases from the interior of Africa to the 
harbours of Tripolis. It was not till the time of decay 
that the possession of these advanced posts was aban- 
doned ; in the description of the African wars under Val- 
entinian and Justinian we find the towns of the coast 
directly harassed by the natives. 

The basis and core of Koman Africa was the province 

of that name, including the Numidian, which 
Namtfiar"^ was a brauch from it. Eoman civilisation en- 
! ^"'^ tered upon the heritage partly of the city of 

Carthage, partly of the kings of Numidia, 
and if it here attained considerable results, it may never 
be forgotten that it, properly speaking, merely wrote its 
name and inscribed its language on what was already 
there. Besides the towns, which were demonstrably 
founded by the former or by the latter, and to which we 
shall still return, the former as well as the latter led the 
Berber tribes, inclined at any rate to agriculture, towards 

Chap. XIII.] 

The African Provinces. 


fixed settlements. Even in the time of Herodotus the 
Libyans westward of the bay of Gabes were no longer no- 
mads, but peacefully cultivated the soil ; and the Numid- 
ian rulers carried civilisation and agriculture still farther 
into the interior. Nature, too, was here more favourable 
for husbandry than in the western part of North Afri- 
ca ; the middle depression between the northern and the 
southern range is indeed here not quite absent, but the 
salt lakes and the steppe proper are less extensive than in 
the two Mauretanias. The military arrangements were 
chiefly designed to plant the troops in front of the mighty 
Aurasian mountain-block, the Saint Gotthard of the 
southern frontier-range, and to check the irruption of the 
non-subject tribes from the latter into the pacified terri- 
tory of Africa and Numidia. For that reason Augustus 
placed the stationary quarters of the legion at Theveste 
(Tebessa), on the high plateau between the Aures and the 
old province ; even to the north of it, between Ammae- 
dara and Althiburus, Eoman forts existed in the first im- 
perial period. Of the details of the warfare we learn little ; 
it must have been permanent, and must have consisted in 
the constant repelling of the border-tribes, as well as in 
not less constant pillaging raids into their territory. 
Only as to a single occurrence of this sort has infor- 
mation in some measure accurate come to us ; 
T^cfarinas!*^ namely, as to the conflicts which derive their 
name from the chief leader of the Berbers, 
Tacfarinas. They assumed unusual proportions ; they 
lasted eight years (17-24), and the garrison of the prov- 
ince otherwise consisting of a legion was on that account 
reinforced during the years 20-22 by a second desj)atched 
thither from Pannonia. The war had its origin from the 
great tribe of the Musulamii on the south slope of the 
Aures, against whom already under Augustus Lentulus 
had conducted an expedition, and who now under his suc- 
cessor chose that Tacfarinas as their leader. He was an 
African Arminius, a native Numidian, who had served in 
the Eoman army, but had then deserted and made him- 


The African Provinces. [Book VIII. 

self a name at the head of a band of robbers. The insur- 
rection extended eastwards as far as the Cinithii on the Lit- 
tle Syrtis and the Garamantes in Fezzan, westwards over 
a great part of Mauretania, and became dangerous through 
the fact that Tacfarinas equipped a portion of his men 
after the Eoman fashion on foot and on horseback, and 
gave them Koman training ; these gave steadiness to the 
light bands of the insurgents, and rendered possible regu- 
lar combats and sieges. After long exertions, and after the 
senate had been on several occasions induced to disregard 
the legally prescribed ballot in filling up this important 
post of command, and to select fitting men instead of the 
usual generals of the type of Cicero, Quintus lunius Blae- 
sus in the first instance made an end of the insurrection by 
a combined operation, inasmuch as he sent the left flank 
column against the Garamantes, and with the right cover- 
ed the outlets from the Aures towards Cirta, while he ad- 
vanced in person with the main army into the territory of 
the Musulamii and permanently occupied it (year 22). But 
the bold partisan soon afterwards renewed the struggle, 
and it was only some years later that the proconsul Pub- 
lius Cornelius Dolabella, after he had nipped in the bud 
the threatened revolt of the just chastised Musulamii by 
the execution of all the leaders, was able with the aid of the 
troops of the king of Mauretania to force a battle in his 
territory near Auzia (Aumale), in which Tacfarinas lost his 
life. With the fall of the leader, as is usual in national 
wars of insurrection, this movement had an end.' 

1 The tribes whom Tacitus names in his account of the war, far 
from clear, as always, in a geographical point of view, may be in 
some measure determined ; and the position between the Leptita- 
nian and the Cirtensian columns {Ann. iii. 74) points for the middle 
column to Theveste. The town of Thala {Ann. iii. 20) cannot pos- 
sibly be sought above Ammaedara, but is probably the Thala of the 
Jugurtlian war in the vicinity of Capsa. The last section of the war 
has its arena in western Mauretania about Auzia (iv. 25), and 
accordingly in Thubuscum (iv. 24) there lurks possibly Thubusuptu 
or Thubusuctu. The river Pagyda {Ann. iii. 20) is quite indefin- 

Chap. XIII.] The African Provinces. 


From later times detailed accounts of a like kind are 
lacking ; we can only follow out in some meas- 

Later conflicts. , ^ ^ t> t e 

ure the general course oi the Koman work oi 
pacification. The tribes to the south of Aures were, if not 
extirpated, at any rate ejected and transplanted into the 
northern districts ; so in particular the Musulamii them- 
selves/ against whom an expedition was once more con- 
ducted under Claudius. The demand made by Tacfarinas 
to have settlements assigned to him and his people with- 
in the civilised territory, to which Tiberius, as was rea- 
sonable, only replied by redoubling his exertions to anni- 
hilate the daring claimant, was supplementarily after a 
certain measure fulfilled in this way, and probably contrib- 
uted materially to the consolidation of the Roman gov- 
ernment. The camps more and more enclosed the Aura- 
sian mountain-block. The garrisons were pushed farther 
forward into the interior ; the headquarters themselves 
moved under Trajan away from Theveste farther to the 
west ; the three considerable Roman settlements on the 
northern slope of the Aures, Mascula (Khenschela), at 
the egress of the valley of the Arab and thereby the key to 
the Aures mountains, a colony at least already under Mar- 
cus and Verus ; Thamugadi, a foundation of Trajan's ; and 
Lambaesis, after Hadrian's day the headquarters of the 
African army, formed together a settlement comparable to 
the great military camps on the Rhine and on the Danube, 
which, laid out on the lines of communication from the 
Aures to the great towns of the north and the coast Cirta 

^ Ptolemaeus, iv. 3, 23, puts the Musulamii southward from the 
Aures, and it is only in accord therewith that they are called in 
Tacitus ii. 52, dwellers beside the steppe and neighbours of the 
Mauri; later they are settled to the north and west of Theveste (C 
/. L. viii. 270, 10667), The Nattabutes dwelt according to Ptole- 
maeus I. c. southward of the Musulamii ; subsequently we find them 
to the south of Calama ( C. L L. viii. 484). In like manner the 
Chellenses Numidae^ between Lares and Althiburus {Eph. epigr. V. 
n. 639), and the conventus {civmm Romanorum ef) Numidarum qui 
Mascululae habitant (lb. n. 597), are probably Berber tribes trans- 
planted from Numidia to the proconsular province. 


The African Provinces. 

[Book VIIT. 

(Constantine), Calama (Gelma), and Hippo regius (Bonah), 
secured the peace of tlie latter. The intervening steppe- 
land was, so far as it could not be gained for cultivation, 
at least intersected by secure routes of communication. 
On the west side of the Aures a strongly occupied chain 
of posts which followed the slope of the mountains from 
Lambaesis over the oases Calceus Herculis (el Kantara) 
and Bescera (Beskra), cut off the connection with Maure- 
tania. Even the interior of the mountains subsequently 
became Eoman ; the war, which was waged under the em- 
peror Pius in Africa, and concerning which we have not 
accurate information, must have brought the Aurasian 
mountains into the power of the Romans. At that time a 
military road was carried through these mountains by a 
legion doing garrison duty in Syria and sent beycnd doubt 
on account of this war to Africa, and in later times we 
meet at that very spot traces of Eoman garrisons and even 
of Eoman towns, which reach down to Christian times ; 
the Aurasian range had thus at that time been occupied, 
and continued to be permanently occupied. The oasis 
Negrin, situated on its southern slope, was even already 
under or before Trajan furnished by the Eomans with 
troops, and still somewhat farther southward on the ex- 
treme verge of the steppe at Bir Mohammed ben Jfmis 
are found the ruins of a Eoman fort ; a Eoman road also 
ran along the southern base of this range. Of the mighty 
slope which falls from the tableland of Theveste, the 
watershed between the Mediterranean and the desert, in 
successive stages of two to three hundred metres down to 
the latter, this oasis is the last terrace ; at its base begins, 
in sharp contrast towards the jagged mountains piled up 
behind, the sand desert of Suf, with its yellow rows of 
dunes similar to waves, and the sandy soil moved about by 
the wind, a huge wilderness, without elevation of the 
ground, without trees, fading away without limit into the 
horizon. Negrin was certainly of old, as it still is in our 
time, the standing rendezvous and the last place of refuge 
of the robber chiefs as well as of the natives defying 

CHAr. XIII.] The African Provinces. 


foreign rule — a position commanding far and wide the 
desert and its trading routes. Even to this extreme limit 
reached Roman occupation and even Roman settlement in 

Mauretania was not a heritage like Africa and Numidia. 

Of its earlier condition we learn nothing ; 

Roman civilisa- , , . , , • n i i j 

tion in Maure- there cauuot liave been considerable towns 
even on the coast here in earlier times, and 
neither Phoenician stimulus nor sovereigns after the type 
of Massinissa effectively promoted civilisation in this quar- 
ter. When his last descendants exchanged the Numidian 
crown for the Mauretanian, the capital, which changed its 
name lol into Caesarea, became the residence of a culti- 
vated and luxurious court, and a seat of seafaring and of 
traffic. But how much less this possession was esteemed 
by the government than that of the neighbouring prov- 
ince, is shown by the difference of the provincial organi- 
sation ; the two Mauretanian armies were together not 
inferior in number to the Africano-Numidian,^ but here 
governors of equestrian rank and imperial soldiers of the 
class of peregrim sufficed. Caesarea remained a consider- 
able commercial town ; but in the province the fixed settle- 
ment was restricted to the northern mountain-range, and 
it was only in the eastern portion that larger inland towns 
were to be found. Even the fertile valley of the most 
considerable river of this province, the Shelif, shows weak 
urban development ; further to the west in the valleys of 
the Tafna and the Malua it almost wholly disappears, and 
the names of the divisions of cavalry here stationed serve 
partly in place of local designations. The province of 
Tingi (Tangier) even now embraced nothing but this town 
with its immediate territory and the stripe of the coast 
along the Atlantic Ocean as far as Sala, the modern Rebat, 

' In the year 70 the troops of the two Mauretanias amounted to- 
gether, in addition to militia levied in large numbers, to 5 alae and 
19 cohortes (Tacitus, Hist ii. 58), and so, if we reckon on the aver- 
age every fourth as a double troop, to about 15,000 men. The regu- 
lar army of Numidia was weaker rather than stronger. 


Tlie African Provinces. [Book VIII. 

while in tlie interior Roman settlement did not even reach 
to Fez. No land-route connects this province with that of 
Caesarea ; the 220 miles from Tingi to Eusaddir (Melilla) 
they traversed by water, along the desolate and insubor- 
dinate coast of the Riff. Consequently for this province 
the communication with Baetica was nearer than that with 
Mauretania ; and if subsequently, when the empire was di- 
vided into larger administrative districts, the province of 
Tingi fell to Spain, that measure was only the outward car- 
rying out of what in reality had long subsisted. It was 
for Baetica what Germany was for Gaul ; and, far from 
lucrative as it must have been, it was perhaps instituted 
and retained for the reason that its abandonment would 
even then have brought about an invasion of Spain similar 
to that which Islam accomplished after the collapse of the 
Roman rule. 

Beyond the limit of fixed settlement herewith indicated 
— the line of frontier tolls and of frontier 
wars.^^^*'^^^^^ posts — and in various non-civilised districts 
enclosed by it, the land in the two Maureta- 
nias during the Roman times remained doubtless with the 
natives, but they came under Roman supremacy ; there 
would be claimed from them, as far as possible, taxes and 
war-services, but the regular forms of taxation and of levy 
would not be applied in their case. For example, the tribe 
of Zimizes, which was settled on the rocky coast to the 
west of Igilgili (Jijeli) in eastern Mauretania, and so in 
the heart of the domain of the Roman power, had assigned 
to it a fortress designed to cover the town of Igilgili, to 
be occupied on such a footing that the troops were not 
allowed to pass beyond the radius of 500 paces round the 
fort.^ They thus employed these subject Berbers in the 

• Inscription C. I. L. viii. 8369 of the year 129 : Termini positi 
inter Igilgilitanos, in quorum finibus kastellum Victoriae positum est, 
et Zimiz{es), ut sciant Zimizes non plus in usum se habere ex auctori- 
tate M. Vetti Latronis pro{curatoris) Aug{usti) qua{m) in circuitu a 
mAiro kast{elli) p{edes) D. The Zimlses are placed by the Peutinge- 
rian map alongside of Igilgili to the westward. 

Chap. XIII.] The African Provinces. 


Eoman interest, but did not organise them in the Roman 
fashion, and hence did not treat them as soldiers of the 
imperial army. Even beyond their own province the irreg- 
ulars from Mauretania vs^ere employed in great numbers, 
particularly as horsemen in the later period,' while the 
same did not hold of the Numidians. 

How far the field of the Eoman power went beyond the 
Roman towns and garrisons and the end of the imperial 
roads, we are not able to say. The broad steppe-land 
round the salt-lakes to the west of Lambaesis, the moun- 
tain-region from Tlemsen till towards Fez, including the 
coast of the Riff, the fine corn-country on the Atlantic 
Ocean southward from Sala as far as the high Atlas, the 
civilisation of which in the flourishing time of the Arabs 
vied with the Andalusian, lastly, the Atlas range in the 
south of Algeria and Morocco and its southern slopes, 
which afforded for pastoral people abundant provision in 
the alternation of mountain and steppe pastures, and de- 
veloped the most luxuriant fertility in the numerous oases 
— all these regions remained essentially untouched by the 
Roman civilisation ; but from this it does not follow that 
they were in the Roman time independent, and still less 
that they were not at least reckoned as belonging to the 
imperial domain. Tradition gives us but slight informa- 
tion in this respect. We have already mentioned (p. 341) 
that the proconsuls of Africa helped to make the Gaetu- 

' If the praef ect of a cohort doing garrison duty in Numidia held 
the command at the same time over six Gaetulian tribes (nationes, 
C. I. L. V. 5267), men that were natives of Mauretania were em- 
ployed as irregulars in the neighbouring province. Irregular Mau- 
retanian horsemen frequently occur, especially in the later imperial 
period. Lusius Quietus under Trajan, a Moor and leader of a 
Moorish troop (Dio, Ixviii. 32), no Ai/^us e/c tTis utttj/coou Aifivrjs, aXA.' e| 
dSo|ou Kai a.iru)Ki(Tix4vr]s effxa-Tias (Themistius, Or. xvi. p. 250 Dind.), 
was without doubt a Gaetulian sheikh, who served with his follow- 
ers in the Roman army. That his home was formally independent 
of the empire, is not affirmed in the words of Themistius ; the 
" subject territory " is that with Roman organisation, the iaxarid its 
border inhabited by dependent tribes. 


The African Provinces. 

[Book VIII. 

lians — that is, the tribes in southern Algeria — subject to 
king Juba ; and the latter constructed purple dyeworks 
at Madeira (p. 368, note). After the end of the Maureta- 
nian dynasty and the introduction of the immediate Ro- 
man administration, Suetonius Paullinus crossed, as the 
first Eoman general, the Atlas (p. 341), and carried his 
arms as far as the desert-river Ger, which still bears the 
same name, in the south-east of Morocco. His successor, 
Gnaeus Hosidius Geta, continued this enterprise, and 
emphatically defeated the leader of the Mauri Salabus. 
Subsequently several enterprising governors of the Mau- 
retanian provinces traversed these remote regions, and the 
same holds true of the Numidian, under whose command, 
not under the Mauretanian, was placed the frontier-range 
stretching southward behind the province of Caesarea ; ^ 
yet nothing is mentioned from later times of war-expe- 
ditions proper in the south of Mauretania or Numidia. 
The Romans can scarcely have taken over the empire of 
the Mauretanian kings in quite the same extent as these 
had possessed it ; but yet the expeditions that were under- 
taken after the annexation of the country were probably 
not without lasting consequences. At least a portion of 
the Gaetulians submitted, as the auxiliary troops levied 
there prove, even to the regular conscription during the 
imperial period ; and, if the native tribes in the south of 
the Roman provinces had given serious trouble to the Ro- 
mans, the traces of it would not have been wholly wanting.'* 
Probably the whole south as far as the great desert passed 
as imperial land," and even the effective dependence ex- 

' To the inscriptions, which prove this (C. 1. L. viii. p. xviii. 
747), falls now to be added the remarkable dedication of the leader 
or an expeditionary column from the year 174, found in the neigh- 
bourhood of Geryville {Eph. epigr. v. n. 1043). 

"-' The tumultus Gaetulicus ( C. I. L. viii. 6958) was rather an in- 
surrection than an invasion. 

^ Ptolemy certainly takes as boundary of the province of Caesarea 
the line above the Shott, and does not reckon Gaetulia as belonging 
to it ; on the other hand he extends that of Tingis as far as the 
Great Atlas. Pliny v. 4, 30, numbers among the subject peoples of 

Chap. XIII.] The African Promnces. 


tended far beyond the domain of Eoman civilisation, 
which, it is true, does not exclude frequent levying of 
contributions and pillaging raids on the one side or the 

The pacified territory experienced attack, properly so 
called, chiefly from the inhabitants of the 
the MoC?8into shore settled around and along the Kiff, the 
Spam. Mazices, and the Baquates ; and this indeed 

took place, as a rule, by sea, and was directed chiefly 
against the Spanish coast (i. 73). Accounts of inroads of 
the Moors into Baetica run through the whole imperial 
period,' and show that the Komans, in consequence of the 

Africa ' * all Gaetulia as far as the Niger and the Ethiopian frontier, " 
which points nearly to Timbuctoo. The latter statement will accord 
with the official conception of the matter. 

' Already in Nero's time Calpurnius {Bgl. iv. 40) terms the shore 
of Baetica trucibus dbnoxia Mauris. — If under Pius the Moors were 
beaten off and driven back as far as and over the Atlas {mta Pii, 5 ; 
Pausanias viii. 43), the sending of troops at that time from Spain to 
the Tingitana (C /. L. iii. 5212-5215) makes it probable that 
this attack of the Moors affected Baetica, and the troops of the Tar- 
raconensis marching against these followed them over the straits. 
The probably contemporary activity of the Syrian legion at the 
Aures (p. 348) suggests moreover that this war extended also to Nu- 
midia. — The war with the Moors under Marcus {mta Mard, 21, 22 ; 
vita Severi, 2), had its scene essentially in Ba;etica and Lusitania. — 
A governor of Hither Spain under Severus had to fight with the 
"rebels ' by water and by land {C. I. L. ii. 4114). — Under Alexan- 
der {vita^ 58) there was fighting in the province of Tingi, but without 
mention of Spain in the case. — From the time of Aurelian {mta Sat- 
urnini, 9) there is mention of Mauro-Spanish conflicts. We cannot 
exactly determine the time of a sending of troops from Numidia to 
Spain and against the Mazices {G. 1. L. viii. 2786), where presumably 
not the Mazices of the Caesariensis but those of the Tingitana on the 
Riff (Ptolem. iv. 1, 10), are meant ; perhaps with this is connected 
the fact that Gains Vallius Maximianus, as governor of Tingitana, 
achieved in the province Baetica (according to Hirschfeld, Wiener 
Stud. vi. 123, under Marcus and Commodus)a victory over the Moors 
and relieved towns besieged by them {G. I. L. ii. 1120, 2015) ; these 
events prove at least that the conflicts with the Moors on the Riff 
and the associates that flocked to them from the country lying be- 
hind did not cease. When the Baquates on the same coast besieged 
Vol. II.— 33 


The African Provinces. 

[Book VIII 

absence of energetic oiBfensive, found themselves here per- 
manently on a defensive, which indeed did not involve a 
vital danger for the empire, but yet brought constant in- 
security and often sore harm over rich and peaceful reg- 
ions. The civilised territories of Africa appear to have 
suffered less under the Moorish attacks, probably because 
the headquarters of Numidia, immediately on the Maure- 
tanian frontier, and the strong garrisons on the west side 
of the Aures, did their duty. But on the collapse of the 

imperial power in the third century the inva- 
i^nf sio^ liere also began; the feud of Five Peoples, 

as it was called, which broke out about the 
time of Gallienus, and on account of which twenty years 
later the emperor Maximianus went personally to Africa, 
arose from the tribes beyond the Shott on the Numido- 
Mauretanian frontier, and affected particularly the towns 
of Eastern Mauretania and of Western Numidia, such as 
Auzia and Mileu.^ 

"We come to the internal organisation of the country. 

In respect of language, that which belonged 
the Berber propcrly to the pcoplc was treated like the 
language. Ccltic in Gaul and the Iberian in Spain ; here 
in Africa all the more, as the earlier foreign rule had al- 

the pretty remote Cartenna (Tenes) in the Caesariensis ( G. I. L. viii. 
9663), they perhaps came by sea. Where the wars with the Moors 
under Hadrian (vita^ 5, 12) and Commodus {vita^ 13) took place is 
not known. 

^ More information than in the scanty accounts of "Victor and Eu- 
tropius is supplied as to this war by the inscribed stones, G. 1. L. 
viii. 2615, 8836, 9045, 9047. According to these the Quinquegentiani 
may be followed out from Gallienus to Diocletian. The beginning 
is made by the Baquates who, designated as Transtagnenses, must 
have dwelt beyond the Shott. Four "kings" combine for an ex- 
pedition. The most dreaded opponent is Faraxen with his gentiles 
Fraxinenses. Towns like Mileu in Numidia not far from Cirta and 
Auzia in the Caesariensis are attacked, and the citizens must in good 
part defend themselves against the enemy. After the end of the 
war Maxim iau constructs great magazines in Thubusuctu not far 
from Saldae. These fragmentary accounts give in some measure an 
insight into the relations of the time. 

Chap. XIII.] The African Provinces. 


ready set the example in that respect, and certainly no 
Roman understood this popular idiom. The Berber 
tribes had not merely a national language, but also a 
national writing (p. 322) ; but never, so far as we see, was 
use made of it in official intercourse, at least it was never 
put upon the coins. Even the native Berber dynasties 
formed no exception to this, whether because in their 
kingdoms the more considerable towns were more Phoe- 
nician than Libyan, or because the Phoenician civilisation 
prevailed so far generally. The language was written in- 
deed also under Roman rule, in fact most of the Ber- 
ber votive or sepulchral inscriptions proceed certainly 
from the imperial period ; but their rarity proves that it 
attained only to limited written use in the sphere of the 
Roman rule. It maintained itself as a popular language 
above all naturally in the districts, to which the Romans 
came little or not at all, as in the Sahara, in the moun- 
tains of the Riff of Morocco, in the two Kabylias ; but 
even the fertile and early cultivated island of the Tripolis, 
Girba (Jerba), the seat of the Carthaginian purple manu- 
facture, still at the present day speaks Libyan. Taken 
on the whole, the old popular idiom in Africa defended 
itself better than among the Celts and the Iberians. 

The language which prevailed in North Africa, when it 
became Roman, was that of the foreign rule 
the Phoenician whicli preceded the Roman. Leptis, probably 
language. TripoHtau, but that near Hadrumetum, 

was the only African town which marked its coins with a 
Greek legend, and thus conceded to this language an at 
least secondary position in public intercourse. The Phoe- 
nician language prevailed at that time so far as there was 
a civilisation in North Africa, from Great Leptis to Tingi, 
most thoroughly in and around Carthage, but not less in 
Numidia and Mauretania.' To this language of a highly 

' Apart from the coins this is proved also by the inscriptions. 
According to the comparison, for which I am indebted to Herr Eut- 
ing, the great mass of the old Punic inscriptions, that is, those writ- 
ten probably before the destruction of Carthage, falls to Carthage 


The Af rican Provinces. [Book VIII. 

developed althougli foreign culture certain concessions 
were made on the change in the system of administration. 
Perhaps already under Caesar, certainly under Augustus 
and Tiberius, as well the towns of the Eoman province, 
such as Great Leptis and Oea, as those of the Mauretanian 
kingdom, like Tingi and Lix, employed in official use the 
Phoenician language, even those which like Tingi had 
become Roman burgess-communities. Nevertheless they 
did not go so far in Africa as in the Greek half of the 
empire. In the Greek provinces of the empire the Greek 
language prevailed, as in business intercourse generally, 
so particularly in direct intercourse with the imperial 
government and its officials ; the coin of the city organ- 
ised after the Greek fashion names also the emperor in 
Greek. But in the African the coin, even if it speaks in 
another language, names the emperor or the imperial 
official always in Latin. Even on the coins of the kings 
of Mauretania the name of the Greek queen stands pos- 
sibly in Greek, but that of the king — also an imperial 
official — uniformly in Latin, even where the queen is 
named beside him. That is to say, even the government 
did not admit the Phoenician in its intercourse with the 
communities and individuals in Africa, but it allowed 
it for internal intercourse ; it was not a third imperial 
language, but a language of culture recognised in its own 

But this limited recognition of the Phoenician language 
did not long subsist. There is no document for the public 
use of Phoenician from the time after Tiberius, and it 
hardly survived the time of the first dynasty. ' How and 

itself (about 2500), the rest to Hadrumetum (9), Thugga (the famous 
Phoenico-Berber one), Cirta (5), lol-Caesarea (1). The new Punic 
occur most numerously in and around Carthage (30), and generally 
they are found not unfrequently in the proconsular province, also 
in Great Leptis (5) and on the islands of Girba (1) and Cossura 
(1) ; in Numidia, in and near Calama (23), and in Cirta (15) ; in 
Mauretania hitherto only 'in Portus Magnus (2). 

' The coining in Africa ceases in the main after Tiberius, and 
thereafter, since African inscriptions from the first century after 

Chap. XIII.] The African Provinces. 


when tlie change set in we do not know ; probably the 
government, perhaps Tiberius or Claudius, spoke the deci- 
sive word and accomplished the linguistic and national 
annexation of the African Phoenicians as far as it could 
be done by state authority. In private intercourse the 
Phoenician held its ground still for a long time in Africa, 
longer apparently than in the mother land ; at the begin- 
ning of the third century ladies of genteel houses in Great 
Leptis spoke so little Latin or Greek, that there was no 
place for them in Koman society ; even at the end of the 
fourth there was a reluctance to appoint clergymen in the 
environs of Hippo Regius (Bona), who could not make 
themselves intelligible in Punic to their countrymen ; these 
termed themselves at that time still Canaanites, and Punic 
names and Punic phrases were still current. But the 
language was banished from the school ^ and even from 
written use, and had become a popular dialect ; and even 
this probably only in the region of the old Phoenician 
civilisation, particularly the old Phoenician places on the 
coast that stood aloof from intercourse on a large scale.^ 

Christ are before us only in very small numbers, for a considerable 
period documents fail us. The coins of Babba in the Tingitana, 
going from Claudius down to Galba, have exclusively Latin legends ; 
but the town was a colony. The Latin-Punic inscriptions of Great 
Leptis, G. I. L. viii. 7, and of Naraggara, C. I. L. viii, 4636, may 
doubtless belong to the time after Tiberius, but as bi-lingual tell 
rather for the view that, when they were set up, the Phoenician 
language was already degraded. 

^ From the expression in the epitome of Victor, that the emperor 
Severus was Latinis litteris sufficienter instructus, Graecis sermonihus 
eruditus, Punica eloquentia promptior, quippe genitus apud Leptim, 
we may not infer a Punic course of rhetoric in the Tripolis of that 
time ; the late and inferior author has possibly given a scholastic 
version of the well-known notice. 

^ On the statement of the younger Arnobius, writing about 460 
{ad Psalm. 104, p. 481 Migne : Cham mro secundus jilius Noe a 
Rhinocoruris usque Oadira habens Unguas sermone Punico a parte 
Oaramantum^ Latino a parte horeae^ harbarico a parte meridiani, 
AetJiiopum et Aegyptiorum ac barbaris interioribus mrio sermone 
numero ugintz duabus Unguis in patriis trecentis nonaginta et 
quattuor), no reliance is to be placed, still less upon the nonsense 


The African Provinces. [Book VIII. 

When the Arabs came to Africa they found as language of 
the country doubtless that of the Berbers, but no longer 
that of the Poeni ; ' with the Carthagino-Roman civilisa- 
tion the two foreign languages disappeared, while the old 
native one still lives in the present day. The civilised 
foreign dominions changed ; the Berbers remained like the 
palm of the oasis and the sand of the desert. 

The heritage of the Phoenician language fell not to 

Greek, but to Latin. This was not involved in 
ilnj^age!^ the natural development. In Caesar's time the 

Latin and the Greek were alike in North Africa 
foreign languages, but as the coins of Leptis already show, 
the latter by far more diffused than the former ; Latin was 
spoken then only by the officials, the soldiers, and the 
Italian merchants. It would have at that time been 
probably easier to introduce the Hellenising of Africa than 
the Latinising of it. But it was the converse that took 
place. Here the same will prevailed, which did not allow 
the Hellenic germs to spring up in Gaul, and which incor- 
porated Greek Sicily into the domain of Latin speech ; the 
same will, which drew the boundaries between the Latin 
West and the Greek East, assigned Africa to the former. 
In a similar sense the internal organisation of the 

country was regulated. It was based, as in 
urban organ- Italy ou the Latin and in the East on the Hel- 
isation. lenic urban community, so here on the Phoeni- 

cian. When the Eoman rule in Africa began, the Cartha- 
ginian territory at that time consisted predominantly of 
urban communities, for the most part small, of which 
there were counted three hundred, each administered by 
its sufetes ; ^ and the republic had made no change in this 

of Procopius, de hello Vand. ii. 10, as to the Phoenician inscription 
and language in Tigisis. Authorities of this sort were hardly able 
to distinguish Berber and Punic. 

' In a single place on the Little Syrtis the Phoenician may 
still have been spoken in the eleventli century (Movers, PTion. ii. 
2, 478). 

^ More clearly than by the Latin inscriptions found in Africa, 
which begin too late to illustrate the state of things before the sec- 

Chap. XIII.] Tlie African Provinces. 


.respect. Even in the kingdoms tlie towns formerly Phoe- 
nician had retained their organisation under the native 
rulers, and at least Calama — an inland town of Numidia 
hardly of Phoenician foundation — had demonstrably the 
same Phoenician municipal constitution ; the civilisation 
which Massinissa gave to his kingdom must have con- 
sisted essentially in his transforming the villages of the 
agricultural Berbers into towns after the Phoenician 
model. The same will hold good of the few older urban 
communities which existed in Mauretania before Augus- 
tus. So far as we see, the two annually changing sufetes 
of the African communities coincide in the main with the 
analogous presidents of the community in the Italian mu- 
nicipal constitution ; and that in other respects, e.g. in 
the common councils among the Carthaginians formed 
after a fashion altogether divergent from the Italian (ii. 
23), the Phoenician urban constitution of Roman Africa 
has preserved national peculiarities, does not at least ad- 
mit of proof. ^ But the fact itself that the contrast, if even 
but formal, of the Phoenician town to the Italian was re- 
tained was, like the permission of the language, a recog- 

ond century A. d. , this is shown by the four contracts of patronatus 
from the time of Tiberius, quoted in next note, concluded by two 
small places of the proconsular province Apisa mains and Siagu, 
and two others nowhere else mentioned, probably adjacent, The- 
metra and Thimiligi ; according to which the statement of Strabo 
(xvii. 3, 15, p. 833) that at the beginning of the last war the Car- 
thaginian territory numbered 300 towns, appears not at all in- 
credible. In each of those four smaller places there were sufetes ; 
even where the old and new Punic inscriptions name magistrates, 
there are regularly two sufetes. That these are comparatively fre- 
quent in the proconsular province, and elsewhere can only be 
pointed out in Calama, serves to show how much more strongly the 
Phoenician urban organisation was developed in the former. 

' The contracts of patronatus from the time of Caesar {G. I. L. 
viii. 10525), of Augustus {ih. 68 comp. 69), and Tiberius ((7. 1. L. 
V. 4919-4922), concluded by the senatus populusque of African com- 
munities (civitates) of peregrine rights with Romans of rank, appear 
to have been entered into quite after the Roman fashion by the 
common council, which represents and binds the community. 


The African Provinces. 

[Book VIII. 

nition of the Phoenician nationality and a certain security ♦ 
for its continuance even under Roman rule. That it was 
recognised in the first instance as the regular form of ad- 
ministration of the African territory, is proved by the es- 
tablishment of Carthage by Caesar primarily as a Phoe- 
nician city as well under the old sufetes ' as in a certain 
measure with the old inhabitants, seeing that a great, 
perhaps the greatest part of the new burgesses was taken 
from the surrounding townships, again also under the 
protection of the great goddess of the Punic Carthage, 
the queen of heaven Astarte, who at that time marched 
in with her votaries anew into her old abode. It is true 
that in Carthage itself this organisation soon gave place 
to the Italian colonial constitution, and the protecting 
patroness Astarte became the — at least in name — Latin 
Caelestis. But in the rest of Africa and in Numidia the 
Phoenician urban organisation probably remained through- 
out the first century the predominant one, in so far as 
it pertained to all communities of recognised municipal 
rights and lacking Roman or Latin organisation. Abolished 
in the proper sense it doubtless was not, as in fact sufetes 
still occur under Pius ; but by degrees they everywhere make 
way for the duoviri, and the changed principle of govern- 
ment entails in this sphere also its ultimate consequences. 

' On the coin undoubtedly struck under Caesar (Miiller Num de 
VAfr. ii. 149) with Kar{thago) Veneris and Aristo Mutumhal Ricoce 
suf{etes)j the first two names are probably to be taken together 
as a Graeco-Phoenician double name, such as elsewhere is not rare 
(comp. G. I. L. V. 4932: agente Celere Imilchonis Gulalsaejiliosufete). 
Since on the one hand sufetes cannot be assigned to a Roman col- 
ony, and on the other hand the conducting of such a colony to 
Carthage itself is well attested, Caesar himself must either have 
subsequently changed the form of founding the city, or the found- 
ing of the colony must have been carried into effect by the trium- 
virate as a posthumous ordinance of the dictator (as is hinted by 
Appian, Pun. 136). We may compare the fact that Curubis stands 
in the earlier time of Caesar under sufetes (C. /. L. viii. 10525), in 
the year 709 u.c. as a Caesarian colony under duoviri {ib. 977) ; yet 
the case is different, since this town did not, like Carthage, owe its 
existence to Caesar. 

Chap. XIII.] 

The African Provinces. 


The transformation of Phoenician urban rights into 
Italian began under Caesar. The old Phoe- 
J/thfphSeS" nician town of Utica, predecessor and heiress 
itaUan"^"^ Carthage — as some compensation for the 

severe injury to its interests by the restoration 
of the old capital of the country — obtained, as the first Ital- 
ian organisation in Africa, perhaps from the dictator Cae- 
sar, Latin rights, certainly from his successor Augustus the 
position of a Roman municipium. The town of Tingi re- 
ceived the same rights, in gratitude for the fidelity which it 
had maintained during the Perusine war (p. 339). Several 
others soon followed ; yet the number of communities with 
Eoman rights in Africa down to Trajan and Hadrian re- 
mained limited.' Thenceforth there were assigned on 
a great scale — although, so far as we see, throughout by 
individual bestowal — to communities hitherto Phoenician 
municipal or else colonial rights ; for the latter too were 
subsequently as a rule conferred merely in a titular way 
without settlement of colonists. If the dedications and 
memorials of all sorts, that formerly appeared but spar- 
ingly in Africa, present themselves in abundance from the 
beginning of the second century, this was doubtless chiefly 
the consequence of the adoption of numerous townships 
into the imperial union of the towns with best rights. 

Besides the conversion of Phoenician towns into Italian 
municipia or colonies, not a few towns of Italian rights 

^For Africa and Numidia Plinj (R. JV., v. 4, 29 f.) numbers in 
all 516 communities, among which are 6 colonies, 15 commu- 
nities of Roman burgesses, 2 Latin towns (for the oppidum sti- 
pendiarium must, according to the position which is given to it, 
have been also of Italian rights), the rest either Phoenician towns 
(oppida), among which were 30 free, or else Libyan tribes (jwn 
civitates tantum, sed pleraeque etiam nationes iure did possunt). 
Whether these figures are to be referred to Vespasian's time or to an 
earlier, is not ascertained ; in any case they are not free from errors, 
for, besides the six colonies specially adduced, six are wanting 
(Assuras, Carpi, Clupea, Curubi, Hippo Diarrhytos, Neapolis), which 
are referable, partly with certainty partly with probability, to Cae- 
sar or Augustus. 


The African Provinces. [Book VIll. 

arose in Africa by means of the settlement of Italian colo- 
nists. For this too the dictator Caesar laid 

Settlement of ii n t j. • t t p 

Italian colonists the loundation — as mdeed tor no province 
m Africa. perhaps so much as for Africa were the paths 
prescribed by him — and the emperors of the first dynasty 
followed his example. We have already spoken of the 
founding of Carthage ; the town obtained not at once, 
but very soon, Italian settlers and therewith Italian or- 
ganisation and full rights of Roman citizenship. Beyond 
doubt from the outset destined once more to be the capi- 
tal of the province and laid out as a great city, it rap- 
idly in point of fact became so. Carthage and Lugu- 
dunum were the only cities of the West which, besides the 
capital of the empire, had a standing garrison of imperial 
troops. Moreover in Africa — in part certainly already by 
the dictator, in part only by the first emperor — a series 
of small country-towns in the districts nearest to Sicily, 
Hippo Diarrhytus, Clupea, Curubi, Neapolis, Carpi, Max- 
ula, Uthina, Great-Thuburbo, Assuras, were furnished with 
colonies, probably not merely to provide for veterans, but 
to promote the Latinising of this region. The two colo- 
nies which arose at that time in the former kingdom of 
Numidia, Cirta with its dependencies, and New-Cirta or 
Sicca, were the result of special obligations of Caesar 
towards the leader of free bands Publius Sittius from 
Nuceria and his Italiano-African bands (iv. 535, 648), 
The former, inasmuch as the territory on which it was 
laid out belonged at that time to a client state (p. 339, 
note), obtained a peculiar and very independent organ- 
isation, and retained it in part even later, although it soon 
became an imperial city. Both rose rapidly and became 
considerable centres of Roman civilisation in Africa. 

The colonisation, which Augustus undertook in the 

kingdom of Juba and Claudius carried for- 
tenta" ward, bore another character. In Mauretania, 

still at that time very primitive, there was a 
want both of towns and of the elements for creating them ; 
the settlement of soldiers of the Roman army, who had 

Chap. XIII.] The African Provinces. 


served out their time, brought civihsation here into a 
barbarous land. Thus in the later province of Caesarea 
along the coast Igilgili, Saldae, Eusazu, Rusguniae, Gu- 
nugi, Cartenna (Tenes), and farther away from the sea 
Thubusuptu and Zuccabar, were settled with Augustan, 
and Oppidum Novum with Claudian, veterans ; as also 
in the province of Tingi under Augustus Zilis, Babba, 
Banasa, under Claudius Lix. These communities with 
Eoman burgess-rights were not, as was already observed, 
under the kings of Mauretania, so long as there were such, 
but were attached administratively to the adjoining Roman 
province ; consequently there was involved in these settle- 
ments, as it were, a beginning towards the annexation of 
Mauretania. ' The pushing forward of civilisation, such as 
Augustus and Claudius aimed at, was not subsequently 
continued, or at any rate continued only to a very limited 
extent, although there was room enough for it in the west- 
ern half of the province of Caesarea and in that of Tingi ; 
that the later colonies regularly proceeded from titular 
bestowal without settlement, has already been remarked 
(p. 362). 

Alongside of this urban organisation we have specially 
to mention that of the large landed estates in 
eSatlsl^^*^^^ this province. According to Roman arrange- 
meot it fitted itself regularly into the com- 
munal constitution ; even the extension of the latifundia 
affected this relationship less injuriously than we should 
think, since these, as a rule, were not locally compact and 
were often distributed among several urban territories. 
But in Africa the large estates were not merely more nu- 
merous and more extensive than elsewhere, but these as- 

1 Pliny, V. 1, 2, says indeed only of Zulil or ratlier Zili regum 
dicioni exempta et iura in Baeticam petere iussa, and this might be 
connected with the transfer of this community to Baetica as lulia 
Traducia (Strabo, iii. 1, 8, p. 140). But probably Pliny gives 
this notice in the case of Zili alone, just because this is the first 
colony laid out beyond the imperial frontier which he names. The 
burgess of a Roman colony cannot possibly have had his forum of 
justice before the king of Mauretania. 


The Af rican Provinces. 

[Book VIII. 

sumed also the compactness of urban territories ; around 
the landlord's house there was formed a settlement, which 
was not inferior to the small agricultural towns of the 
province, and, if its president and common councillors 
often did not venture and still oftener were not able to 
subject such a fellow-burgess to the full payment of the 
communal burdens falling upon him, the de facto release 
of these estates from the communal bond of union became 
still further marked, when such a possession passed over 
into the hands of the emperor. ' But this early occurred 
in Africa to a great extent ; Nero in particular, lighted 
with his confiscations on the landowners, as is said, of half 
Africa, and what was once imperial was wont to remain so. 
The small lessees, to whom the domanial estate was farmed 
out, appear for the most part to have been brought from 
abroad, and these imperial coloni may be reckoned in a 
certain measure as belonging to the Italian immigration. 
We have formerly remarked (p. 333) that the Berbers 
formed a considerable portion of the popula- 
the Berber com- tion of Numidia and Mauretania through the 
mumties. wholc time of the Roman rule. But as to 
their internal organisation hardly more can be ascertained 
than the emergence of the clan {gens) ^ instead of the 

' Frontinus in the well-known passage, p. 53 Lachm. , respecting 
processes between the urban communities and private persons, or, 
as it may be, the emperor, appears not to presuppose state-districts 
de iure independent and of a similar nature with urban territories — 
such as are incompatible with Roman law — but a de facto refractory 
attitude of the great landowner towards the community which 
makes him liable, e.g. for the furnishing of recruits or compulsory 
services, basing itself on the allegation that the piece of land made 
liable is not within the bounds of the community requiring the ser- 

^ The technical designation gens comes into prominence particu- 
larly in the fixed title of the praefectus gentis Musulamiorum, etc. ; 
but, as this is the lowest category of the independent common- 
wealth, the word is usually avoided in dedications (comp. G. I. L. 
viii. p. 1100) and cimtas put instead, a designation, which, like the 
oppidum of Pliny foreign to the technical language (p. 361, note), 
includes in it all communities of non-Italian or Greek organisation. 

CHAr. XIII.] The African Provinces. 


urban organisation under duoviri or sufetes. The societies 
of the natives were not, like those of North Italy, assigned 
as subjects to individual urban communities, but were 
placed like the towns immediately under the governors, 
doubtless also, where it seemed necessary, under a Roman 
officer specially placed over them (praefectus gentis j, and 
further under authorities of their own ^ — the " headman " 

The nature of the gens is described by the paraphrase {G. I. L. 
viii. 68) alternating with cidtas Gurzensis (ib. 69): senatus populusque 
cicitatium stipendiarioru7n pago Gurzenses, that is, the "elders and 
community of the clans of tributary people in the village of Gurza." 

'When the designation princeps (0. I. L. viii. p. 1102) is not 
merely enunciative but an official title, it appears throughout in 
communities which are neither themselves urban communities nor 
parts of such, and with special frequency in the case of the gentes. 
We may compare the "eleven first" (comp. Epli. epigr. v. n. 302, 
521, 533) with the seniores to be met with here and there. An evi- 
dence in support of both positions is given in the inscription G. L 
L. viii. 7041 : Florus Labaeonisf. princeps et undecimprimus gentis 
Saboidum. Recently at Bu Jelida, a little westward of the great 
road between Carthage and Theveste, in a valley of the Jebel Rihan, 
and so in a quite civilised region, there have been found the re- 
mains of a Berber village, which calls itself on a monument of the 
time of Pius (still unprinted) (/e^^s Baccliuiana^ and is under "eleven 
elders"; the names of gods {Saturno AcJiaiaei [?] Aug[usto], like 
the names of men (Gandidus Braisamonis fil.), are half local, half 
Latin. In Calama the dating after the two sufetes and the prin- 
ceps (G. I. L. viii. 5306, comp. 5369) is remarkable ; it appears that 
this probably Libyan community was first under a chief, and then 
obtained sufete.s without the chief being dropped. It may readily 
be understood that our monuments do not give much information 
upon the gentes and their organisation ; in this field doubtless little 
was written on stone. Even the Libyan inscriptions belong, at least 
as regards the majority, to towns in part or wholly inhabited by 
Berbers; the bilingual inscriptions found at Tenelium {G. I. L. 
viii. p. 514), in Numidia westward from Bona in the Sheffia plain, 
the same place that has furnished till now most of the Berber stone 
inscriptions, show indeed in their Latin part Libyan names, e.g. 
Gliinidial Misicir f . and JS'addJisen Gotuzanis f . , both from the clan 
(tribu) of the Misiciri or Misictri ; but one of these people, who has 
served in the Roman army and has acquired the Roman franchise, 
names himself in the Latin text c^^)^to^6 swc* Tcnelio flamen per- 
2)etuus^ according to which this place seems to have been organised 


The African Provinces. [Book VIII. 

(princeps), who in later times bore possibly the title of 
king, and the "eleven first." Presumably this arrange- 
ment was monarchical in contrast to the collegiate one of 
the Phoenician as of the Latin community, and there stood 
alongside of the tribal chief a limited number of elders 
instead of the numerous senate of decuriones of the towns. 
The communities of natives in Roman Africa seem to have 
attained afterwards to Italian organisation only by way of 
exception ; the African towns with Italian rights, which 
did not originate from immigration, had doubtless for the 
most part Phoenician civic rights previously. Exceptions 
occur chiefly in the case of transplanted tribes, as indeed 
the considerable town Thubursicum originated from such 
a forced settlement of Numidians. The Berber commu- 
nities possessed especially the mountains and the steppes ; 
they obeyed the foreigners, without either the masters or 
the subjects feeling any desire to come to terms with one 
another ; and, when other foreigners invaded the land, 
their position in presence of the Vandals, the Byzantines, 
the Arabs, the French, remained almost on the old foot- 

In the economy of the soil the eastern half of Africa 
vies with Egypt. Certainly the soil is un- 
HusDandry. equal, and rocks and steppes occupy not only 
the greater portion of the western half, but also consider- 
able tracts in the eastern ; here too there were various 
inaccessible mountain-regions, which yielded but slowly 
or not at all to civilisation ; particularly on the rocky 
ridges along the coast the Roman rule left few or no 
traces. Even the Byzacene, the south-eastmost part of 
the proconsular province, is only designated as a specially 
productive region by an erroneous generalisation of what 
holds good as to individual coast districts and oases ; 
from Sufetula (Sbitla) westward the land is waterless and 

like a town. If, therefore, success should ever attend the attempt 
to read and decipher the Berber inscriptions with certainty, they 
would hardly give us sufficient information as to the internal organ- 
isation of the Berber tribes. 

CHAr, xiiL] The African Provinces. 


rocky ; in the fifth century a.d. Byzacene was reckoned to 
have about a half less per cent, of land capable of culture 
than the other African provinces. But the northern and 
north-western portion of the proconsular province, above 
all the valley of the largest river in north Africa, the 
Bagradas (Mejerda), and not less a considerable part of 
Numidia, yield abundant grain crops, almost like the val- 
ley of the Nile. In the favoured districts the country 
towns, very frequent, as their ruins show, lay so near to 
each other that the population here cannot have been 
much less dense than in the land of the Nile, and accord- 
ing to all traces it prosecuted especially husbandry. The 
mighty armed masses, with which after the defeat at 
Pharsalus the republicans in Africa took up the struggle 
against Caesar, were formed of these peasants, so that in 
the year of war the fields lay untilled. Since Italy used 
more corn than it .produced, it was primarily dependent, 
in addition to the Italian islands, on the almost equally 
near Africa ; and after it became subject to the Komans, 
its corn went thither not merely by way of commerce, 
but above all as tribute. Already in Cicero's time the 
capital of the empire doubtless subsisted for the most 
part on African corn ; through the admission of Numidia 
under Caesar's dictatorship the corn thenceforth coming 
in as tribute increased according to the estimate about 
1,200,000 Roman bushels (525,000) hectolitres annually. 
After the Egyptian corn supplies were instituted under 
Augustus, for the third part of the corn used in Rome 
North Africa was reckoned upon, and Egypt for a like 
amount ; while the desolated Sicily, Sardinia, and Baetica, 
along with Italy's own production, covered the rest of 
the need. In what measure the Italy of the imperial 
period was dependent for its subsistence on Africa is 
shown by the measures taken during the wars between 
Vitellius and Vespasian and between Severus and Pes- 
cennius ; Vespasian thought that he had conquered Italy 
when he occupied Egypt and Africa ; Severus sent a strong 
army to Africa to hinder Pescennius from occupying it. 


368 The Af rican Provinces. [Book Vlll. 

Oil, too, and wine had already held a prominent place 
in the old Carthaginian husbandry, and on 
Little-Leptis (near Susa), for example, an an- 
nual payment of 3,000,000 pounds of oil (nearly 10,000 
hectolitres) could be imposed by Caesar for the Koman 
baths, as indeed Susa still at the present day exports 
40,000 hectolitres of oil. Accordingly the historian of the 
Jugurthan war terms Africa rich in corn, poor in oil and 
wine, and even in Vespasian's time the province gave in 
this respect only a moderate yield. It was only when the 
peace with the empire became permanent — a peace which 
the fruit-tree needed even far more than the fruits of the 
field — that the culture of olives extended ; in the fourth 
century no province supplied such quantities of oil as 
Africa, and the African oil was predominantly employed 
for the baths in Rome. In quality, doubtless, it was al- 
ways inferior to that of Italy and Spai^, not because nat- 
ure there was less favourable, but because the preparation 
lacked skill and care. The cultivation of the vine acquired 
no prominent importance in Africa for export. On the 
other hand the breeding of horses and of cattle flourished, 
especially in Numidia and Mauretania. 

Manufactures and trade never had the same importance 
in the African provinces as in the East and in 
fnTcomme?ce. Egypt. The Phoenicians had transplanted the 
preparation of purple from their native coun- 
try to these coasts, where the island of Gerba (Jerba) be- 
came the African Tyre, and was inferior only to the lat- 
ter itself in quality. This manufacture flourished through 
the whole imperial period. Among the few deeds which 
king Juba 11. has to show, is the arrangement for obtain- 
ing purple on the coast of the Atlantic Ocean and on the 
adjacent islands.' Woollen stuffs of inferior quality and 

1 That the Gaetulian purple is to be referred to Juba is stated by 
Pliny, H. N. vi. 31, 201 : paucas {Mauretaniae insulas) co7istat esse 
ex adverso Autololum a luha repertas, in quibus Gaetulicam pur. 
puram tinguere instituerat ; by these insulae purpurariae (ib. 203) 
can only be meant Madeira. In fact the oldest mention of this 

Chap. XIII.] The African Provinces. 


leather goods were manufactured in Mauretania, appar- 
ently by the natives, also for export. ' The trade in slaves 
was very considerable. The products of the interior of 
the country naturally passed by way of North Africa into 
general commerce, but not to such an extent as by way of 
Egypt. The elephant, it is true, was the device of Mau- 
retania in particular, and there, where it has now for long 
disappeared, it was still hunted down to the imperial pe- 
riod ; but probably only small quantities came thence into 

The prosperity which subsisted in the part of Africa at 
all cultivated is clearly attested by the ruins 
Prosperity. .^^ numerous towns, which, in spite of the 

narrow bounds of their domains, everywhere exhibit 
baths, theatres, triumphal arches, gorgeous tombs, and 
generally buildings of luxury of all kinds, mostly mediocre 
in art, often excessive in magnificence. Not quite in the 
villas of the superior nobility, as in the Gallic land, but 
in the middle class of the farming burgesses must the 
economic strength of these regions have lain.'^ 

purple is that in Horace, Ep. ii. 2, 181. Proofs are wanting as to 
the later duration of this manufacture, and, as the Roman rule 
did not extend to these islands, it is not probable, although from the 
sagum purpurium of the tariff of Zarai (C. 1. L. viii. 4508) we may 
infer Mauretanian manufactures of purple. 

^ The tariff of Zarai set up at the Numidian customs-frontier 
towards Mauretania (C. 1. L. viii. 4508) from the year 202 gives a 
clear picture of the Mauretanian exports. Wine, figs, dates, sponges, 
are not wanting ; but slaves, cattle of all sorts, woollen stuffs (vesUs 
Afra\ and leather wares play the chief part. The Description of 
the earth also from the time of Constantius says, c. 60, that Mau- 
retania vestem et mancipia negotiatur. 

^ According to an epitaph found in Mactaris in the Byzacene 
{Eph. epigr. v. n. 279), a man of free birth there, after having been 
actively engaged in bringing in the harvests far around in Africa, 
first throughout twelve years as an ordinary reaper and then for 
other eleven as a foreman, purchased for himself with the savings of 
his pay a town and a country house, and became in his turn a mem- 
ber of council and burgomaster. His poetical epitaph shows, if not 
pulture, at least pretensions to it. A development of life of this 
Vol. II.— 24 


The African Provinces. [Book VIII. 

The frequency of intercourse, so far as we may judge 
of it from our knowledge of the network of 
roads, must within the civihsed territory have 
corresponded to the density of the population. During 
the first century the imperial roads originated, which con- 
nected the headquarters at that time, Theveste, partly 
with the coast of the Lesser Syrtis — a step, having close 
relation to the formerly narrated pacification of the dis- 
trict between the Aures and the sea — partly with the 
great cities of the north coast. Hippo regius (Bona) and 
Carthage. From the second century onward we find all 
the larger towns and several smaller active in providing 
the necessary communications within their territory ; this, 
however, doubtless holds true of most of the imperial lands, 
and only comes into clearer prominence in Africa, because 
this opportunity was made use of more diligently here 
than elsewhere to do homage to the reigning emperor. 
As to the road-system of the districts, which though 
Koman were yet not Komanised, and as to the routes 
which were the medium of the important traffic through 
the desert, we have no general information. 

But probably a momentous revolution occurred in the 
desert-traffic during that time by the intro- 
ofcameit''*'' ductiou of the camel. In older times it meets 
us, as is well known, only in Asia as far as 
Arabia, while Egypt and all Africa knew simply the horse. 
During the first three centuries of our era the countries 
effected an exchange, and, like the Arabian horse, the 
Libyan camel, we may say, made its appearance in history. 
Mention of the latter first occurs in the history of the war 
waged by the dictator Caesar in Africa ; when here among 
the booty by the side of captive officers twenty-two camels 
of king Juba are adduced, such a possession must at that 
time have been of an extraordinary nature in Africa. In 
the fourth century the Koman generals demand from the 

sort was in the Roman imperial period doubtless not so rare as it 
at first may seem, but probably occurred in Africa more frequently 
than elsewhere. 

CHAr. XIII.] Xhe African Provinces. 


towns of Tripolis thousands of camels for the transport of 
water and of provisions before they enter upon the march 
into the desert. This gives a gHmpse of the revolution 
that had taken place during the interval in the circum- 
stances of the intercourse between the north and the south 
of Africa ; whether it originated from Egypt or from Cy- 
rene and Tripolis we cannot tell, but it redounded to the 
advantage of the whole north of this continent. 

Thus North Africa was a valuable possession for the 
finances of the empire. "Whether the Roman 

Character and ,, . t , , i ii 

culture of the uatiou generally gamed or lost more by the 
people. assimilation of North Africa, is less ascer- 

tained. The dislike which the Italian felt from of old to- 
wards the African did not change after Carthage had 
become a Roman great city, and all Africa spoke Latin ; 
if Severus Antoninus combined in himself the vices of 
three nations, his savage cruelty was traced to his African 
father, and the ship captain of the fourth century, who 
thought that "Africa was a fine countrj^ but the Africans 
were not worthy of it, for they were cunning and faithless, 
and there might be some good people among them, but 
not many," was at least not thinking of the bad Hannibal, 
but was speaking out the feeling of the great public at 
the time. So far as the influence of African elements may 
be recognised in the Roman literature of the imperial 
period, we meet with specially unpleasant leaves in a book 
generally far from pleasant. The new life, which bloomed 
for the Romans out of the ruins of the nations extirpated 
by them, was nowhere full and fresh and beautiful ; even 
the two creations of Caesar, the Celtic land and North 
Africa — for Latin Africa was not much less his work than 
Latin Gaul — remained structures of ruins. But the toga 
suited, at any rate, the new-Roman of the Rhone and 
the Garonne better than the " Seminumidians and Semi- 
gaetulians." Doubtless Carthage remained in the num- 
bers of its population and in wealth not far behind 
Alexandria, and was indisputably the second city of the 
Latin half of the empire, next to Rome the most lively, 


The African Provinces. 

[Book VIII. 

perhaps also tlie most corrupt, city of the West, and the 
most important centre of Latin culture and literature. 
Augustine depicts with lively colours how many an honest 
youth from the province went to wreck there amid the 
dissolute doings of the circus, and how powerful was the 
impression produced on him — when, a student of seven- 
teen years of age, he came from Madaura to Carthage — 
by the theatre with its love-pieces and with its tragedy. 
There was no lack in the African of diligence and talent ; 
on the contrary, perhaps more value was set upon the 
Latin and along with it the Greek instruction, and on its 
aim of general culture, in Africa than anywhere else in the 
empire, and the school-system was highly developed. The 
philosopher Appuleius under Pius, the celebrated Chris- 
tian author Augustine, both descended from good bur- 
gess-families — the former from Madaura, the latter from 
the neighbouring smaller place Thagaste — received their 
first training in the schools of their native towns ; then 
Appuleius studied in Carthage, and finished his training in 
Athens and Kome ; Augustine went from Thagaste first 
to Madaura, then likewise to Carthage ; in this way the 
training of youth was completed in the better houses 
throughout. Juvenal advises the professor of rhetoric 
who would earn money to go to Gaul or, still better, to 
Africa, " the nurse of advocates." At a nobleman's seat 
in the territory of Cirta there has recently been brought 
to light a private bath of the later imperial period equipped 
with princely magnificence, the mosaic pavement of which 
depicts how matters went on once at the castle ; the pal- 
aces, the extensive hunting-park with the hounds and 
stags, the stables with the noble race-horses, occupy no 
doubt most of the space, but there is not wanting also 
the "scholar's corner" [filosofi locus), and beside it the 
noble lady sitting under the palms. 

But the black spot of the African literary character is 
lust its scholasticism. It does not begin till 

Scholasticism. ^ /.ttt- t i> t\- 

late ; before the time oi Hadrian and of rms 
the Latin literary world exhibits no African name of 

Chap. XIII. ] The Africaii Provinces. 


repute, and subsequently the Africans of note were 
thi'oughout, in the first instance, schoolmasters, and came 
as such to be authors. Under those emperors the most 
celebrated teachers and scholars of the capital were na- 
tive Africans, the rhetor Marcus Cornelius Fronto fi'om 
Cirta, instructor of the j)rinces at the court of Pius, and 
the philologue Gaius Sulpicius Apollinaris from Carthage. 
For that reason there prevailed in these circles sometimes 
the foolish purism that forced back the Latin into the old- 
fashioned paths of Ennius and of Cato, whereby Fronto 
and Apollinaris made theii' repute, sometimes an utter 
oblivion of the earnest austerity innate in Latin, and a 
frivolity producing a worse imitation of bad Greek models, 
such as reaches its culmination in the — in its time much 
admired — " Ass-romance " of that philosopher of Madaura. 
The language swarmed partly with scholastic reminis- 
cences, partly with unclassical or newly coined words and 
phrases. Just as in the emperor Severus, an African of 
good family and himself a scholar and author, his tone of 
speech always betrayed the African, so the style of these 
Afi'icans, even those who were clever and from the first 
trained in Latin, like the Carthaginian TertuUian, has 
regularly something strange and incongruous, with its dif- 
fuseness of petty detail, its minced sentences, its witty 
and fantastic conceits. There is a lack of both the grace- 
ful charm of the Greek and of the dignity of the Roman. 
Significantly we do not meet in the whole field of Afri- 
cano -Latin authorship a single poet who deseiwes to be so 
much as named. 

It was not till the Christian period that it became other- 
wise. In the development of Chi'istianitv 
S!ie ?n iJifca'. ^frica plays the very first part ; if it arose in 
Syria, it was in and through Africa that it be- 
came the rehgion for the world. As the translation of the 
sacred books from the Hebrew language into the Greek, 
and that into the popular language of the most consider- 
able Jewish community out of Judaea, gave to Judaism its 
position in the world, so in a similai* way for the transfer- 


The African Provinces. 

[Book VIII. 

ence of Christianity from the serving East to the ruling 
West the translation of its confessional writings into the 
language of the West became of decisive importance ; and 
this all the more, inasmuch as these books were trans- 
lated, not into the language of the cultivated circles of the 
West, which early disappeared from common life and in 
the imperial age was everywhere a matter of scholastic at- 
tainment, but into the decomposed Latin already prepar- 
ing the way for the structure of the Eomance languages — ■ 
the Latin of common intercourse at that time familiar to 
the great masses. If Christianity was by the destruction 
of the Jewish church-state released from its Jewish basis 
(p. 249), it became the religion of the world by the fact, 
that in the great world-empire it began to speak the 
universally current imperial language ; and those name- 
less men, who since the second century Latinised the 
Christian writings, performed for this epoch just such a 
service, as at the present day, in the heightened measure 
required by the enlarged horizon of the nations, is carried 
out in the footsteps of Luther by the Bible Societies. And 
these men were in part Italians, but above all Africans.' 

1 How far our Latin texts of tlie Bible are to be referred to several 
translations originally different, or whether, as Lachmann assumed, 
the different recensions have proceeded from one and the same 
translation as a basis by means of manifold revision with the aid of 
the originals, are questions which can scarcely be definitely decided 
— for the present at least — in favour of either one or the other view. 
But that both Italians and Africans took part in this work — whether 
of translation or of correction — is proved by the famous words of 
Augustine, de doctr. Christ, ii. 15, 22, in ipsis autem interpretatioin- 
bus Itala ceteris praeferatur, nam est verhorum tenador cum perspi- 
cuitate sententiae., over which great authorities have been perplexed 
but certainly without reason. Bentley's proposal, approved afresh 
of late (by Corssen, Jalirb. fur protestant. Theol. vii. p. 507 f . ), to 
change Itala into ilia and nam into quae., is inadmissible alike pliilo ■ 
logically and in substance. For the twofold change is destitute of 
all external probability, and besides na^n is protected by the copyist 
Isidorus, Etym., vi. 4, 2. The further objection that linguistic 
usage would require Italica, is not borne out {e.g. Sidonius and lor - 
danes as well as the inscriptions of latei times, G. I. L. x. p. 1146, 

Chap. XIII.] The African Provinces. 


In Africa to all appearance the knowledge of Greek, which 
is able to dispense with translations, was far more seldom 
to be met with than at least in Rome ; and, on the other 
hand, the Oriental element, that preponderated particular- 
ly in the early stages of Christianity, here found a readier 
reception than in the other Latin-speaking lands of the 
West. Even as regards the polemic literature called es- 
pecially into existence by the new faith, since the Ro- 
man church at this epoch belonged to the Greek circle 

write Italus by turns with Italicus), and the designation of a singlo 
translation as the most trustworthy on the whole is quite consistent 
with the advice to consult as many as possible ; whereas by the change 
proposed an intelligent remark is converted into a meaningless com- 
monplace. It is true that the Christian Church in Rome in the first 
three centuries made use throughout of the Greek language, and that 
we may not seek there for the Itali who took part in the Latin Bible. 
But that in Italy outside of Rome, especially in Upper Italy, the know- 
ledge of Greek was not much more diffused than in Africa, is most 
clearly shown by the names of freedmen ; and it is just to the non- 
Roman Italy that the designation used by Augustine points; while we 
may perhaps also call to mind the fact that Augustine was gained for 
Christianity by Ambrosius in Milan. The attempt to identify the 
traces of the recension called by Augustine Itala in such remains as 
have survived of Bible translations before Jerome's, will at all 
events hardly ever be successful ; but still less will it admit of being 
proved that Africans only worked at the pre-Hieronymian Latin 
Bible texts. That they originated largely, perhaps for the most part, 
in Africa has certainly great probability. The contrast to the one 
Itala can only in reason have been several Afrae ; and the vulgar 
Latin, in which these texts are all of them written, is in full agree- 
ment with the vulgar Latin, as it was demonstrably spoken in Africa. 
At the same time we must doubtless not overlook the fact that we 
know the vulgar Latin in general principally from African sources, 
and that the proof of the restriction of any individual linguistic 
phenomenon to Africa is as necessary as it is for the most part un- 
adduced. There existed side by side as well vulgarisms in general 
use as African provincialisms (comp. EipJi. epigr. iv. p. 520, as to the 
cognomina in -osm) ; but that forms like glorijicare, nudijicare, justi- 
ficare, belong to the second category, is by no means proved from the 
fact that we first meet with them in Africa, since analogous docu- 
ments to those which we possess, e.g. for Carthage in the case of Ter-> 
tuUian, are wanting to us as regards Capua and Milan. 


The African Promnces. 

[Book VIII. 

(p. 24 f.), Africa took the lead in the Latin tongue. The 
whole Christian authorship down to the end of this period 
is, so far as it is Latin, African ; TertuUian and Cyprian 
were from Carthage, Arnobius from Sicca, Lactantius, and 
probably in like manner Minucius Felix, were, in spite of 
their classic Latin, Africans, and not less the already men- 
tioned somewhat later Augustine. In Africa the growing 
church found its most zealous confessors and its most 
gifted defenders. For the literary conflict of the faith 
Africa furnished by far the most and the ablest combat- 
ants, whose special characteristics, now in eloquent discus- 
sion, now in witty ridicule of fables, now in vehement in- 
dignation, found a true and mighty field for their display 
in the onslaught on the old gods. A mind — intoxicated 
first by the whirl of a dissolute life, and then by the fiery 
enthusiasm of faith — such as utters itself in the Confes- 
sions of Augustine, has no parallel elsewhere in antiquity. 


Abdagaeses, ii. 47. 

Abgarus, of Edessa, ii. 49 (under 

Claudius), 72 (under Trajan), 83 

(under Severus). 
Abrinca, rivulet, i. 129 n. 
Achaeans, diet, i. 286. 
Achaemenids, dynasty, ii. 2, 3, 10 ; 

seven houses,'' 6. 
Achaia, province, i. 277 f . n. ; under 

the emperors, 281. 
Acraephia, inscription, i. 387 w., 

296 n. 
Actiads, i. 321 n. 
Actian games, i. 321 n. 
Adane, ii. 313 f. ; destroyed, 319 

f . n. 

Adiabene, ii. 73, 84 /i., 94. 
AdiabenicnSy ii. 84 n. 
Adminius, i. 189. 
Adrianopolis, i. 333. 
Adulis, ii. 304, 305, 306, 323. 
Aedemon, ii. 341. 
Aeizanas, ii. 308 n. 
Aelana, ii. 313. 

Aemilianus, Marcus Aemilius, i. 

Aemilianus, Egyptian tyrant, ii. 
273 n. 

Aethiopia and Aethiopians, ii. 298- 

302 ; traffic, 302. 
Afer, ii. 331 n. 

Africa, North, ii. 330 ; Berber stock, 
330-333 ; Phoenician immigration, 
333 ; government of republic, 333 
f. ; Caesar's policy, 384 f. ; extent 
of Roman rule, 335 f . ; no strict 
frontier, 336 ; province of, 337 ; 
two Mauretanian kingdoms, 338 
f . ; physical conformation, 342 ; 
Africano-Numidian territory, 344 
f. ; war against Tacfarinas and 
later conflicts, 345-348; Roman 
civilisation in Mauretania, 349 f . ; 
continuance of Berber language, 
354 f. ; of Phoenician, 355 f. ; 
coinage, 356 n. ; Latin language. 

358 ; Phoenician urban organisa- 
tion, 358 ; transformed into Ital- 
ian, 361 ; number of towns, 361 n. ; 
Italian colonists, 361 ; large landed 
estates, 363 f. ; husbandry, 366; 
corn supplied to Rome, 367 ; oil 
and wine, 367 f. ; manufactures 
and commerce, 368 f . ; prosperity, 
369 ; roads, 369 f. ; introduction 
of camels, 370 ; character and cult- 
ure of people, 371 f. ; scholasti- 
cism, 373 ; Christian literature, 
373-376; Latin Scriptures, 374 
f. n. 

Agonistic institutes, i. 313 n, 
Agonothesia, i. 375 377 n. 
Agricola, Gnaeus Julius, i. 197-200, 

Agrippa; see Herod Agrippa. 

Agrippa, M. Vipsanius, in command 
on the Danube, i. 25 ; transfer- 
ence of Ubii, 29 ; combats in 
Gaul, 87. 

Agrippa, Marcus Fonteius, i. 237. 

Agrippina (Cologne), i. 130. 

Ahenobarbus, Lucius Domitius, ex- 
pedition to Elbe, i. 34 ; dyke be- 
tween Ems and Lower Rhine, 39. 

Ahuramazda, ii. 11 f., 90. 

Alamanni, war with, i. 175 f . , 177 ; 
raids, 180 f . 

Alani, ii. 65 n., 68, 78, 79 n. 

Albani, ii. 77 f . 

Alexander the Great, basing his em- 
pire on towns, not on tribes, ii. 

Alexander II, of Egypt, testament, 
ii, 352. 

Alexander, son of Cleopatra, ii. 26, 
27, 28 ; installed king of Armenia, 

Alexander Severus, purchases peace 
in Germany, i. 176 ; murder, 176 ; 
ii. 97 ; character, 96 f . ; war with 
Ardashir, 97 n. : nicknamed 
"chief Rabbi," 286. 



Alexander of Abonoteichos, i. 379. 

Alexander, Tiberius Julius, ii. 183, 
22;;5, 2G3 n., 267 n. 

Alexandria, in Egypt, under the 
Palmyrenes, ii. 117, 271 ; number 
and position of Jews, 179 218 
n., 290; Jew-hunt, 208, 209 n.\ 
deputations to Gains, 210 f. ; 
" Greek city," 255 f. ; chief priest 
of, 258 ; exemptions and privi- 
leges, 261 n. ; libraries, 267, 294 ; 
chief officials, 267 n. ; distribution 
of corn, 273 n. ; Italian settlement 
in, 280 ; mariners' guilds, 279 n. ; 
comparison with Antioch, 285 ; 
Alexandrian Fronde, 285 ; nick- 
names, 286; tumults frequent and 
serious, 286 n., 287; worship, 288 
f., 289 n. ; old cultus retaining its 
hold, 290 ; learned world, 291 f . ; 
physicians and quacks, 291 ; 
Bcholar-life, 292 f. ; Museum, 295 
f., 296; labours 'of erudition, 295 
f. ; "jointure " of Greek science, 
296 ; camp in suburb of Nicopolis, 

Alexandria, in Troas, i. 353 f . 

Alexandropolis, ii. 16. 

Aliso, fortress, i. 38 f., 41 ; defence 
by Caedicius, 53. 

Allegorical interpretation, Jewish, 
ii. 183 f. 

AUobroges, i. 94, 9ihn., 99. 

Alps, subjugation, i. 18 ; military 
districts, 20 f . ; roads and colo- 
nies, 21. 

Amasia, i. 359. 

Amazigh, ii. 330. 

Ambubaia, ii. 145. 

Amida, ii. 125. 

Amisus, i. 359 f. 

Amphictiony remodelled by Augus- 
tus, i. 275 w., 276 n. 

Amsivarii, i. 134. 

Amyntas, i. 362 n. ; ii. 26, 39. 

Ancyra, i. 369 370 n. 

Anthedon, ii. 228. 

Antigonea, ii. 139 n. 

Antigonus, son of Hyrcanus, ii. 

Antinoopolis, ii. 257, 258 w., 323 n. 

Antioch, earthquake at, ii. 73 ; capt- 
ure by the Persians (260), 109, 145, 
and by Aurelian, 119 ; creation of 
monarchic policy, 138 ; capital of 
Syria, 1 39 ; Daphne, 140 ; water 
supply, and lighted streets, 141 
n. ; poverty of intellectual inter- 
ests, 142 ; paucity of inscriptions, 
144 ; exhibitions and games, 144 ; 
races, 144 n. ; immorality, 145 ; 

dissolute cultuB, 146 ; fondness 
for ridicule, 146 f . ; support of 
pretenders, 146 ; reception of, and 
capture by Nushirvan, 147 ; Jew- 
hunt at, 238. 

Antioch in Pisidia, i. 364 f. 

Antiochus of Commagene, ii. 52, 
56 ; tomb of, 137 ; his buildings 
at Athens, i. 302. 

Antiochus Epiphanes, ii. 213. 

Antoninus Pius : wall from Forth 
to Clyde, i. 203 n. ; conflicts in 
Britain under, 205 n. 

Antonius, Marcus, ii. 23 f. ; position 
in 38 B.C., 25 f. ; his army, 26; 
his aims, 26 f. ; children by Cleo- 
patra, 28 n. ; preparations for 
Parthian war, 28 f . ; tempera- 
ment, 29 ; Parthian war, 30 f . ; re- 
sistance in Atropatene, 31 ; re- 
treat, 32, 33 ; last years in the 
East, 34 ; dismisses Ociavia seek- 
ing reconciliation, 35 ; punishes 
those blamed for his miscarriage, 
35 ; attempt on Palmyra, 100 ; 
government in Alexandria, 252. 

Antipater the Idumaean, ii. 189- 

Apamea in Phrygia, i. 354. 

Apamea in Syria, ii. 148, 154. 

Aper, Marcus, i. 122. 

Apharban, ii. 124. 

Apion, ii. 210, 211 n. 

Apocalypse of John : conception of 
Roman and Parthian empires as 
standing side by side, ii. 1 n. ; 
pseudo-ISTero of, 69 f. ; directed 
against the worship of the emper- 
ors, 213, 214-217 n. 

Apollinaris, Gains Sulpicius, ii. 373. 

Apollo, Actian, i. 320 f. 

Apollonia, i. 219 f., 325. 

Apollonius of Tyana, i. 379. 

Appian, historian, ii. 241, 242. 

Appuleius of Madaura, ii. 372, 373. 

Appuleius, Pseudo-, Dialogue of the 
gods quoted, ii. 289 n. 

Apri, i. 332. 

Apronius, Lucius, i. 135. 
Apulum, i. 247. 
Aquae Sextiae, i. 85, 94. 
Aquileia, i. 215 f., 350, 252. 
Aquincum, i. 247 ; contra-Aquin- 

cum, 270. — . 
Aquitania, wars, i. 70, 87 ; coins, 86 

n. ; province, 74 ; cantons of, 


Arabia, ii. 13 ; Roman, what it ins 
eluded, 156 f . ; institution of 
province by Trajan, 166 ; west 
coast of, 309 f. ; Homerites, 311 



f. ; Felix, 309, 314 ; policy of Au- 
gustus, 315 ; expedition of Gallus, 
315 f . ; state of tlie coast, 316 ii. ; 
expedition of Gains, 318 w. ; in- 
jury to its commerce, 319. 

Arachosia, ii. 14, 16. 

Aradus, ii. 151 n. 

Aramaic language, ii. 178. 

Arbela, ii. 4, 94. 

Archaism, Greek, i. 306 n. 

Archelaus of Cappadocia, ii. 43. 

Archelaus, son of Herod the Great, 
ii. 199 f. 

Architecture, Syrian, ii. 170 f. 

Ardashir (Artaxares), ii. 87 n.^ 89 
n., 90, 92, 95 w., 98. 

Arelate, i. 93, 96; amphitheatre, 

Aretas, ii. 161 w., 162 f. n., 164 f. 
Argentoratum, i. 129, 159. 
Ariarathes of Cappadocia, ii. 35. 
Ariobarzanes, ii. 40, 42. 
Aristobulus, of Chalcis, ii. 52. 
Aristobulus, prince of Judaea, ii. 
190 f . 

Aristotle's recommendation to Alex- 
ander, ii. 262. 

Armenia, ii. 7, 20, 21, 36, 37, 38, 
43 f. ; Parthian appanage for sec- 
ond son, 54, 63 ; Roman policy as 
to, 53-56 ; subdued by Corbulo, 57 
f. ; under Parthian prince vassal 
to Rome, 63 f. ; Roman province 
under Trajan, 72 f., 75 f. ; be- 
comes again vassal-state, 77 ; Par- 
thian invasion, 79 f., 86 w., 96 f., 
99, 110, 113, 122 n., 124, 124 ox., 
125 n. 

Arminius, i. 47 ; defeat of Varus, 51 
f. ; combats with Germanicus, 
59; attack on Maroboduus, 66 f.; 
desertion of Inguiomerus, 66 ; 
civil war and end, 68. 

Arnobius, ii. 376. 

Arrianus, Flavius, ii. 21 n., 79 n. 

Arsaces, founder of Parthian dy- 
nasty, ii. 3, 4, 7. 

Arsaces, son of Artabanus, ii. 45. 

Arsacids and their rule, ii. 3-14. 

Arsamosata, ii. 60, 63. 

Arsinoe, ii. 304, 317 f. 

Art, constructive, in Gaul, i. 124 ; 
in Syria, ii. 170 f. 

Artabanus (III.), king of the Par- 
thians, ii. 43-47. 

Artabanus (IV.), ii. 94 f. 

Artageira, ii. 42, 

Artavazdes of Armenia, ii. 30-35 

Artavazdes of Atropatene, ii. 30, 31, 

Artaxaxes ; see Ardashir. 

I Artaxata, ii. 51, 56 f., 81. 

Artaxes, ii. 36-41. 
I Artaxias of Armenia, ii. 45 f, 

Asander, i. 338, 339 n. 

Ascalon, ii. 230. 

Asia Minor : natives and colonists, 
i. 347 ; Hellenism, 348 f. ; forma- 
tion of new centres, 349 ; prov- 
inces of, 350 ; territories added to 
empire, 350 f. ; senatorial and im- 
perial government, 350 f . ; changes 
in boundaries of provinces and 
vassal-states, 351 n. ; municipal 
vanity, 355 n. ; honorary Hellen- 
ism, 372 ; leagues of Hellenism, 
372, 373 n. ; representatives, 372 
n. ; land-diets and land festi- 
vals, 372 f . ; provincial priests 
and Asiarchs, 374 f. ; superintend- 
ence of emperor-worship, 376 ; 
system of religion, 379 ; public 
safety, 379 ; occupying force, 380 
f. ; justice in, 381 n. ; constitu- 
tion of towns, 382 f. ; clubs, 383 ; 
free autonomous communities, 
383; urban life, 384 f. ; prosper- 
ity, 384 f. ; defects of municipal 
administration, 386 ; roads, 388 n. ; 
trade, 389 f . ; commerce, 390 ; sup- 
plies teachers and physicians to 
Italy, 391, 395 ; literary activity, 
392 ; instruction, 392 ; sophistic 
system, 393-396. 

Asia, Roman : extent of province, i. 
352 ; coast-towns, 352 f . ; inland 
townships, 353 f . ; position under 
Romans, 354 ; urban rivalries, 356 
f. ; legions in, ii. 67. 

Asiarchs, i. 374-376 n. 

Asklepios, i. 379. 

Asoka, ii. 14, 15 n. 

Astarte, ii. 360. 

Astingi, i. 256. 

Astures, i. 71, 77. 

Asturica, Augusta, i. 72. 

Athens : privileged position, i. 275, 
279 ; administration, 300 f . ; pos- 
sessions, 300 ; Hadrian's grants, 
301 f . ; street-riots, 302 ; state of 
the language, 305, 306 n. 

Atropatene, ii. 19, 21, 30 f., 36 f., 40. 

Attalia, i. 361. 

Augusta Emerita, i. 70 n. 

Augusta Praetoria (Aosta), i. 23 f. 

Augusta Vindelicorum, i. 23, 166, 
213 f. 

Augustamnica, ii. 324. 

Augustan History, falsification as to 
Postumus, i. 178 n. 

Augustodunum, seat of Gallic stud- 
ies, i. 133 f. 



Augustinus, Aurelius, picture of 
Carthage, ii. 372 ; Itala, 374 n. ; 
Confessions^ 376. 

Augustus, the Emperor : expedition 
against Alpine tribes, i. 18 ; mon- 
ument to, above Monaco, 19; 
roads or colonies in Alps, 21 f . ; 
visit to Germany, 29; German 
policy and motives for changing 
it, 61-65 ; visits Spain, 70 ; organi- 
sation of towns there, 74 f. ; or- 
ganisation of the three Gauls, 91 
f . ; restricted franchise of Gauls, 
107 ; altar at Lugudunum, 101 ; 
altar for Germanic cantons, 39, 
106, 127 ; discharge of Batavian 
guards, 131 ; project of connect- 
ing Rhine and Danube, 159 ; proj- 
ects as to Britain not carried out, 
187 ; reasons for and against its 
occupation, 187 ; conviction of its 
necessity, 188 f. ; arrangements 
on the Danubian frontier, 212 f. ; 
Illyricum subdued, 218 ; settle- 
ment of veterans in Dalmatia, 
219 ; his Amphictiony, 275 f. ; 
dealings with Greece, 283 ; treat- 
ment of Athens, 300 ; insurrection 
at, 302 ; foundation and privileges 
of Nicopolis, 320 f . ; colonies in 
Macedonia, 326; pacification of 
Cilicia and Pisidia, 363 f. ; diets 
and festivals for, in Asia Minor, 
373 ; cancels debtors' claims there, 
386; decorum of, ii. 28 n. ; first 
arrangements in East, 37 f . ; policy 
open to him, 38 ; inadequate 
measures, 39 f. ; in Syria (20 
B.C.), 40 f. ; mission of Gains to 
East, 41 ; Nicolaus Damascenus 
on his youth, 182 ; treatment of 
the Jews, 186 f . ; dealing with 
Herod's testament, 198, 200 ; atti- 
tude towards J ewish worship, 202 ; 
annexation of Egypt, 252 f . , 259 ; 
Egyptian titles, 265 ; policy as to 
south-western Arabia, 315 ; expe- 
dition of Gallus, 315 f. ; of Gains, 
318; repression of piracy in Red 
Sea, 324 ; colonisation in Maiu:e- 
tania, 362 ; death, i. 57. 

Aurelianus, defeats the Juthungi, i. 
180 ; combats with the Goths on 
Danube, 268 f. ; against the Pal- 
myrenes, ii. 117 f. ; battle of He- 
mesa, 118 w,., 119 n. ; destruction 
of Palmyra, 120 n. 

Aurelius Antoninus, Marcus, Ger- 
many under, i. 174 ; Chattan war, 
174 ; Roman wall in Britain at- 
tacked, 204 ; Marcomanian war, 

248 f. ; his qualities, 251 ; prog- 
ress of war, 251 f. ; takes name 
of Germanicus, 253 ; terms laid 
down for the vanquished, 254 ; 
second war, 254 ; death, 255 ; Par- 
thian war under Marcus and Ve- 
rus, ii. 79 f. ; embassy to China, 

Aiures, ii. 344, 346, 348. 

AusoDius, i. 119, 123 n. 

Autonomy, idea of, ii. 131. 

Autricum, i. 99. 

Auzia, ii. 346, 354. 

Aventicum, i, 140. 

A vesta, ii, 10. 

Axidares, ii. 70 n. 

Axomis, kingdom of, ii. 305 n. ; 
extent and development, 306 f. ; 
Rome and the Axomites, 308 ; en- 
voys to Arvidian, 308 ; relation to 
piracy, 324. 

Azania, ii. 314. 

Bactra, ii. 15, 16 w., 19. 

Bactro-Indian empire, ii. 15, 18 n. 

Baetica, i. 73 ; towns with burgess- 
rights, 74 ; exemption from levy, 
80; Moors in, ii. 353. 

Bagradas, ii. 367. 

Balbus, Lucius Cornelius, ii. 343 n. 
Ballomarius, i.- 249 n. 
Bamanghati, coins found at, ii. 328 n. 
Baquates, ii. 353, 354 n. 
Bar-Kokheba, Simon, ii. 244 n. 
Barley-wine, i. 117 n. 
Barsemias of Hatra, ii. 83. 
Barygaza, ii. 17 w., 327. 
Basil of Caesarea, i 360, 
Bassus, Caecilius, ii. 23 f. 
Bassus, Publius Ventidius, ii. 34, 

Bastarnae, i. 14, 235, 257. 

Batanaea, ii. 157 ; see Hauran. 

Batavi, i. 31, 48, 106 n. ; settle- 
ments and privileges, 130 ; rising 
of Batavian auxiliaries, 140 f. ; 
Civilis, 141 ; progress of the 
movement, 141 f. ; its conse- 
quences, 154 f . ; later attitude, 

Bato, the Dalmatian, i. 43, 45. 
Bato, the Pannonian, i. 43-46. 
Beads, glass, ii. 278. 
Beer, i. 117. 

Belatucadrus (Mars), i. 209. 
Belgica, i. 92 ; division of command, 

Belus, ii. 289. 

Berbers, ii. 330 f.; type, 331, 332 w.; 
language, 354 f . ; organisation of 
gentes, 364 f . 


Berenice, sister of Agrippa II., ii. 

Berenice, Trogodytic, ii. 304, 308, 

310, 313, 323. 
Beroe, i. 260. 

Berytus, ii. 132 ; Latin island in the 
East, 142 ; factories in Italy, 151 n. 

Bescera, ii. 348. 

Bessi, i. 14, 227 n. 

Bether, ii. 244. 

Betriacum, i. 141, 154. 

Biriparach, ii. 86 n. 

Bithynia, i. 350, 351, 857; Greek 
settlements in, 357 f. ; Hellenism 
of, 35S f. ; place in literature, 358 ; 
Gothic raids, 266. 

Bithyniarch, i. 374. 

Blaesus, Quintas Junius, ii. 346. 

Blemyes, ii. 271, 301, 302. 

Bocchus, ii. 336, 338, 338 n. 

Boeotian league, i. 280, 287. 

Bogud, ii. .335 f., 338, 338 

Borani, i. 263, 265. 

Bosporan kingdom, i. 262; Greek 
towns of, 264, 338 ; kings, 340 n. ; 
extent of, 341 f.; coins, 344 315; 
titles, 343 ti. ; military position, 
343 f . ; court, 346 ; trade and com- 
merce, 346. 

Bostra, ii. 102 ; plain around, 158 f. ; 
legionary camp at, 167 ; impor- 
tance of, 169 ; Hellenic basis, 170. 

Boudicca, i. 195, 197, 204. 

Boule, the, in Egyptian cities, ii. 
256 n. 

Breuci, i. 26. 

Brigantes, i. 194, 196, 198, 204. 
Brigetio, i. 247. 

Britain, Caesar's expedition, i. 185 ; 
designs of Augustus, 186 ; reasons 
for and against occupation, 187 f.; 
conviction of its necessity, 188 f.; 
occasion for the war, 189 ; arrange- 
ments for occupation, 190 n.\ its 
course, 190 t ; Roman towns, 192 ; 
resistance in West Britain, 193 ; 
national insurrection, 195 ; sub- 
jugation of the West, 196 ; of the 
North, 198 ; Caledonia abandoned, 
200 ; grounds for this policy, 200 f . ; 
divM:sities of race, 201 ; fortifying 
of northern frontier, 202 f . ; wars 
in second and third centuries, 
204 f . ; Roman fleet, 206 ; garrison 
and administration, 206 ; taxation 
and levy, 237 f . ; communal organ- 
isation, 208 ; prosperity, 209 ; 
roads, 209 ; Roman manners and 
culture, 209 ; country houses, 211 ; 
scholastic training, 211. 

Brixia, i. 98. 

dex. 381 

Bructeri, i. 41, 56, 144, 157. 

Burdigala, i. 122. 

Burebista, i. 15, 234, 238, 335 f. 

Burgundiones, i. 181. 

Buri, i. 240, 243. 

Burnum, i. 220. 

Burrus, ii. 224. 

Busiris, ii. 273. 

Buthrotum, i. 320. 

Byzacene, ii. 367. 

Byzantium, i. 266, 316, 330, 331 n.. 

Cabinet-secretary, imperial, ii 

296 f. 
Cadusians, ii. 94 n. 
Caecina, Aulus, governor of Moesia, 

i. 54 f.; march to the Ems, and 

retreat, 57 f. 
Caedicius, Lucius, defence of Aliso, 


Caesar, Gains Julius, measures for 
Dalmatian war, i. 9 f . ; Romanis- 
ing of southern Gaul, 93 ; policy 
as to cantons of Gaul, 100 f. ; Bri- 
tannic expedition and aims, 185 ; 
project of crossing Euphrates, ii. 
23 ; arrangements as to Judaea, 
190 f. ; African policy, 334 f. ; 
Italian colonists in Africa, 362. 

Caesar, Gains, mission to East, ii. 
41 f . ; meeting with Phraataces, 42 ; 
early death, 42. 

Caesaraugusta, i. 75. 

Caesarea in Cappadocia, i. 360 ; ii. 
110 f. 

Caesarea (lol), province of, ii. 340, 
341, 349. 

Caesarea Paneas, ii. 70, 160, 165. 

Caesarea Stratonis, ii. 197, 202 f. ; 
insurrection, 224 f., 227 f. ; obtains 
Roman organisation, 237. 

Caesarion, ii. 27 n.^ 28 n. 

Caesian Forest, i. 134. 

Calama, ii. 347 w ., 358 n., 365 n. 

Caledonia abandoned, i. 200; prob- 
able grounds for this policy, 200 f . ; 
under Severus, 205. 

Caligula, Gains Caesar, incapable of 
serious plans, i. 187 ; declines 
' ' great number " of statues, 316 ; 
the Bast under, ii. 48 ; pardons 
Aretas, 165 ; treatment of Jews, 
208 f. ; Jewish deputations to, 
210 f.; orders his effigy to be set 
up in the Temple, 212; death, 

Callaecia, Roman, i. 69 f . ; separated 

from Lusitania, 71. 
Calhstus, ii. 110 w., 111. 
Calybe, i. 328. 330 n. 



Camalodnnum, i. 185, 186, 191, 192, 

195, 209 f. 
Camels in Africa, ii. 370. 
Camunni, i. 18 f. 
Canabae, i. 182. 

Canal, Egyptian, ii. 303, 304, 323 f. 
Canatha, ii. 16'J ; temple of Baalsa- 

min, 170 ; Odeon," 172. 
Candace, ii. 299 300, 301. 
Cane, ii. 322. 
Canius Rufus, i. 83. 
Cannenefates, i. 41, 106 w., 131, 137 

f., 140, 142, 153. 
Canopus, ii. 281 7i. ; decree of, 283. 
Cantabri, i. 71, 72, 73. 
Cantonal system of Spain, i. 77, 

78 n. ; of Gaul, 97 f. ; influence of , 

102; cantons represented in diet, 

103 n., 105 n. ; in Britain, 208. 
Cappadocia, i. 3.50, 351 ; inland, 359 ; 

division into praefectures, 360 ; 

Greek accent of, 360; ii. 21, 43, 


Caracalla, Severus Antoninus, cam- 
paign against Alamanni, i. 175 ; 
named Geticus, 258 ; Parthian 
war, ii. 93 ; assassinated, 95 ; treat- 
ment of Alexandria, 286; unit- 
ing the vices of three races, 138, 

Caratacus, i. 191 f., 194. 

Caravans, Palmyrene, ii. 106 n. 

Caren, ii. 6, 49, 90. 

Carnuntum, i. 26, 215, 223. 

Carnutes, i. 99. 

Carpi, i. 257 f. 

Carrhae, ii. 23, 25, 83, 124. 

Carthage, 'ii. 334, 359, 360, 371. 
Carthage, New, 1. 74. 
Cartimandus, i. 198 f. 
Carus, Marcus Aurelius, Persian 

war, ii. 122 f. ; death, 123. 
Caspian gates, ii. 65 n. 
Cassius, Avidius, ii. SOn.^ 284. 
Cassivellannus, i. 185. 
Castra Regina, i. 214. 
Cattigara, ii. 328. 
Catualda, i. 67, 233. 
Caucasian tribes, ii. 37, 38, 65, 72, 

78^.., 97 n. _ 
Cavalry recruited mainly from Gaul, 

i. 116. 

Celtic inscriptions, i. 108 n. ; divin- 
ities, 113 f.; language, see Gaul. 

Cenomani, i. 98. 

Census of Gaul, i. 91. 

Cerialis, Quintus Petillius, i. 151 f., 
153, 196, 199. 

Cernunnos, i. 113. 

Chaeremon, ii. 282, 296 n. 

Chaeronea in the civil wars, i. 290. 
Chalcedon, i. 265. 
Chalcidian peninsula, i. 325. 
Chandragupta, ii. 14. 
Charax Spasinu, ii. 73, 106 7i. 
Charibael, ii. 819 n. 
Chariomerus, i. 158. 
Chastisement, corporal, in Egypt, ii. 
261 n. 

Chatramotitis, ii. 311, 315, 321. 

Chatti, i. SO, 32, 33, .56, 144; take 
the lead, 161 ; Chattan wars, 
162 n. ; under Domiti^' 163 n., 
171; under Marcus, 174, 214, 
249 f. 

Chauci, i. 32 ; renewed rising, 40, 
48 ; settlements and attitude, 131 ; 
revolt, 136. 

CJicmi^ ii. 273. 

Chemmis, ii. 255. 

Cherusci, i. 30, 31, 32; rising, 40; 
under Arminius, 47, 57, 65 ; later 
position, 156. 

China, embassy to, ii. 328. 

Chosroes, ii. 70. 

Chosroes Nushirvan, ii. 147. 

Chrestus, ii. 217 n. 

Christianity in Syria, ii. 138 ; SjTiac 
Christian literature, 136 ; Chris- 
tian symbols, 154 ; effect on Chris- 
tians of destruction of Jerusalem, 
239 f. ; Christians not, like Jews, 
a nation, 245 oi. ; Christianity and 
Judaism, 249 f. ; Christians and 
the imperial cultus, i. 377 ; con- 
ception of the persecutions of the 
Christians, ii. 215 7i. 

Chrysogonus, i. 265. 

Cidamus, ii. 344. 

Cilicia, i. 350, 351 ; piracy in, 362 ; 

becomes province, 361. 
Cimbri, i. 41. 
Cinithii, ii. 346. 
Circesium, ii. 98, 102 n. 
Circumcision, ii. 243 ; prohibited, 

248 n. 

Cirta, ii. 338 347, 362, 373. 

Civilis, i. 141 f . ; siege of Vetera, 
145 f. ; capitulation of Romans, 
149 ; last struggles, 153 f . 

Classicus, Julius, i. 149 f. 

Claudius I. , emperor, a true Gaul, i. 
107 ; cancels restriction of Gallic 
franchise, 108 ; rising of Chauci, 
136; directs withdrawal from 
right bank of Rhine. 136 ; occupa- 
tion of Britain, 187, 190 f. ; Jazy- 
ges under, 235 ; re-establishes old 
arrangement in Greece, 299 ; pol- 
icy of Claudius in the Eatit, ii. 48 ; 
death, 52 ; policy towards the 



Jews, 216 f. ; directs his works to 

be read publicly, 295. 
Claudius Gothicus, Gothic victories 

of, i. 207 f. ; renewed fortifying 

of Danubian frontier, 268. 
Cleopatra, ii. 27 n., 30, 194 f. 
Clitae, i. 364. 
Clubs, i. 383, 385. 

Cnidus, appeal to the Emperor from, 

i. 381 n. 
Cogidumnus, i. 191. 
Colonate, i. 356. 
Columella, i. 83. 
Column of Trajan, i. 242 f. 
Commagene, ii. 21 ; annexed, 43 ; 

kingdom revived by Gains, 48 ; 

province, 67 129. 
Commodus, conflicts in Britain 

under, i. 205 ; frontier-regulation 

in Dacia, 247 ; character, 255 ; 

peace with Marcomani, 256. 
Concordia, coemeterium of, ii. 153. 
Coptic, ii. 265. 

Coptos, ii. 273, 304, 313, 323 n. 

Corbulo, Gnaeus Domitius, reduces 
Frisians, i. 136 ; directed to with- 
draw from right bank of Rhine, 
136 ; sent to Cappadocia, ii. 52 ; 
character of ti;oops, 53 ; offensive 
against Tiridates, 55 ; in Armenia, 
56 n. ; capitulation of Paetus, 61 
w., 62 n. ; conclusion of peace, 
61-64 ; partiality of Tacitus's ac- 
count, 61 w., 62 64 n. 

Corduba in Latin literature, i. 82. 

Corinth, treatment of, i.279; Caesar's 
atonement, 281 f. 

Corn drawn from Egypt, ii. 260 f. 

Correctores^ i. 303 f. 

Corycus, epitaphs of Christians at, 
i. 389 n., 391 n. 

Costoboci, i. 262. 

Cottius of Segusio, i. 19, 20. 

Cotys, i. 228 n. 

Cragus-Sidyma, i. 384 f. 

Cremna, i. 363, 364, 365. 

Crete, i. 350, 351, 371. 

Ctesiphon, ii. 3, 8, 30, 82, 85, 90, 123. 

Cugerni, i. 37, 134 n. 

Cur obelinus, i. 186 n., 189, 191. 

Cyprian, ii. 376. 

Cyprus, i. 350, 351, 371 ; Jews in, ii. 
240 f., 242, 245. 

Cyrene, i. 350 f. ; Pentapolis, 371 ; 
"peasants," 371; categories of 
population, ii. 179 n. ; Jewish ris- 
ing in, 240, 242, 255 n. 

Cyzicus, i. 357, 377. 

Dabel, ii. 162 w., 165. 

Daci and Dacia : preparations for 

Dacian war, i. 12 ; internal trou- 
bles, 13 ; raid to Apollonia, 15 ; 
war of Lentulus, 46 ; Dacian lan- 
guage, 225 ; Daci under Tiberius, 
235 ; war under Domitian, 238 ; 
chronology of it, 239 n. ; war un- 
der Trajan, 240 f. ; second war, 
241 f. ; Dacia an advanced posi- 
tion, 247 f. ; loss of Dacia, 261. 

Daesitiatae, i. 43 f . , 46. 

Dalmatia, war, i. 10 f. ; towns with 
Roman franchise, 12; Dalmato- 
Pannonian rising, 43 f. ; Italian 
civilisation, 218 ; ports, 219; state 
of interior, 220; prosperity under 
Diocletian, 221 f. 

Damascus, environs of, ii. 157 ; 
Greek, 159 ; under Nabataean pro- 
tection, 1 62 11. ; relation to Aretas, 
162 n. ; Jews in, 181 ; Jews put to 
death, 227. 

Danava, ii. 102, 167. 

Danube, region of, i. 24 f . ; boundary 
of empire, 26, 212 f. ; fleet, 222 ; 
army, 236 f. ; military position 
after Trajan, 244 ; primacy of 
Danubian armies, 271. 

Daphne, ii. 119 ; pleasure-garden, 
140, 141 n. 

Dardani, i. 11, 14, 324. 

Decapolis, ii. 159 n. 

Decebalus, i. 238 f., 242. 

Decianus, i. 83. 

Decianus Catus, i. 196. 

Decius Traianus, proclaimed em- 
peror, i. 259 ; conflicts with Goths 
and relief of Nicopolis, 260 ; 
death, 260. 

Declamations in Gaul, i. 124. 

Decumates {agri)., i. 165 w., 213 f. 

Deiotarus, i. 367 f. 

Dellius, ii. 34 n. 

Delminium, i. 220. 

Delos, i. 280, 292; Delian inscrip- 
tions, ii. 280 n. 

Dentheletae, i. 14. 

Deultus, i. 332. 

Deva, camp of, i. 194, 210. 

Dexippus, i. 259 260 n., 263 w., 
266 n., 267?*., 304. 

Diegis, i. 239. 

Dio of Prusa, i. 291 f., 297, 317 n., 
397 f . ; address to Rhodians, i. 293 f . 

Diocletianus : favour for Dalmatia 
and Salonae, i. 221 f . ; Sarmatian 
victories, 270 ; Persian war under, 
ii. 124 f. ; terms of peace, 125 ; re- 
volt in Egypt, 273 ; edict, as to 
grain, 273 f., as to linen, 277 n. ; 
resolves to cede the Dodecaschoiiios 
to Nubians, 301 f . 



Dionysius, bishop of Alexandria/Ii. 
272 n. 

Dionysius, cabinet secretary, ii. 
297 n. 

Dionysos, Thracian sbrine of, i. 16, 

28 ; Thraciau god, 226. 
Dioscorides, island of, ii. 314, 322, 
Dioscurias, i. 262. 
Dmer, ii. 162 w., 167. 
Dodecaschoinos, ii. 300 n., 301 n.. 

302 n. 
Dodona, i. 322 n. 

Dolabella, Publius Cornelius, ii. 346. 

Domitianus : careful administration, 
i. 117 ; restricts number of vines, 
118 f. ; wars with the Chatti, 162 
f. ; construction of the Flavian 
altars," 165 ; Dacian war, 238 f. ; 
defeated by Marcomani, 239 ; gives 
urban rights to Philippopolis, 332. 

Domitius Afer, Gnaeus, i. 121. 

Double names in Egpyt, ii. 265. 

Drobetae, bridge at, i. 241. 

Druids and Druidism in Gaul, i. 113 
f. ; prohibited by Tiberius and 
Claudius, 114 ; schools of priests, 
121 ; in Anglesey, 201. 

Druidesses, i. 115. 

Drusus, Nero Claudius : victory 
over Raeti, i. 19, 20 ; sent to the 
Rhine, 25 ; German war, 30 f . ; ex- 
pedition to North Sea, 32 ; death 
of, 33 f. ; character, 30, 34 ; Ger- 
man tribes subdued, 134 f . 

Dubnovellaunus, i. 186 n. 

Durocortorum, i. 97. 

Durostorum, i. 245, 335. 

Dusaris, ii. 168 ; Dusaria, 168 n. 

Dyarchy not applied in Egypt, ii. 

Dyme, letter of governor to, i. 282 n. 
Dynamis, i. 339. 
Dyrrachium, i. 219, 325, 326. 

EA.RTHQUAKES in Asia Minor, i. 888. 
Eburacum, i. 199, 202, 210. 
Ecbatana, ii. 4, 30. 
Edessa, ii. 72 f., 82, 83, 85, 108, 110, 
136 n. 

Education in Gaul, i. 121 f. ; in Asia 
Minor, 392 f. ; in Africa, ii. 371 f . 

Egypt : annexation, ii. 252 f . ; exclu- 
sively an imperial possession, 253 
f.; twofold nationality, 254 ; land- 
districts and Greek cities, 255 f. ; 
coinage, 257 n. ; absence of land- 
diet, 258 ; government of Lagids, 
259 f. ; imperial administration 
financially, 259 f. ; revenues, 260 j 
f.; privileged position of Hellenes, | 
261 f. ; personal privileges in Ro- 

man period, 262 ; native language, 
264 ; titles of Augustus in, 265 n. ; 
abolition of resident court, 265 f . ; 
officials, general and local, 267-269; 
insurrections, 271 ; in the Palmy- 
rene period (ii. 116 f.), 271 f. ; re- 
volt under Diocletian, 273 ; oppo- 
sition emperors, 273 ; agriculture, 
273 ; granary of Rome, 274 f. ; rev- 
enue from imperial domains, 275 
w., 276 ; trades, 277 ; linen, 277 ; 
papyrus, 277 ; building materials, 

278 ; navigation of Mediterranean, 

279 f . ; population, 280 ; manners, 
281 f. ; religious customs, 282 f. ; 
. sorcery, 283 ; other abuses con- 
nected with the cultus, 283; re- 
volt of the "Herdsmen," 284 f. ; 
Alexandria, 285-206 ; strength of 
occupying army, 297 f. ; recruited 
from camp-children, 297 ; task of 
the troops, 298 ; east coast and 
general commerce, 302 f. ; canal, 
303 f. ; sea-route to India, 303 ; 
eastern ports, 304 ; relations with 
west coast of Arabia, 309 f . ; land-* 
routes and harbours, 323 ; piracy 
repressed, 324 ; active traffic to 
the East, 325 f. 

Eirenarchs, i. 381 n., 382. 
Elagabalus. origin of name, ii. 135. 
Elateia, i. 262. 

Eleazar, ii. 225, 227, 233, 234. 
Eleazar of Modein, ii. 244 n. 
Elegeia, battle of, ii. 80. 
Eleutherolacones, i. 282 n. 
Elis, i. 283 n. • flax of, 317. 
Elymais, ii. 7. 
Emmaus, ii. 231 f., 237. 
Emona, i. 12, 23, 2i5, 223. 
Ephesus, i. 357, 390, 391. 
Epictetus, i. 296. 

Epidaphne^ a blunder of Tacitus, ii 
140 n. 

Epirus, i. 319 f. ; northern, i. 322. 
Equestrian offices in Egypt, ii. 253 

w., 263 n., 267, 268, 271. 
Eratosthenes, ii. 262 n. 
Esus, i. 113. 

Ethnarch of the Jews in Alexandria, 
ii. 210 n. 

Euergetes, title of, ii. 259. 

Eumolpidae, i. 304. 

Eupatorids, i. 341. 

Euphorion, librarian to Antiochus 
the Great, ii. 142. 

Euphrates, frontier of the, ii. 1 ; Ro- 
mano-Parthian frontier-regions, 
20 ; recognised as boundary, 22 ; 
customs-district, 75 f., 106 n. \ 
Romans on left bank, 83 ; need 



of watch, 129 f. ; as route for cc 

merce, 302 f . 
Europus, battle at, ii. 83. 
Eurycles, i. 307. 

Exegetes in Alexandria, ii. 2G9 n. 
Eziongeber, ii. 313 n. 
Ezra, ii. 175. 

Fadus, Cuspius, ii. 223. 
Faustinopolis, i. 360. 
Favorinus, polymath, i. 130 f. 
Felix, Antonius, ii. 220, 223. 
Filosofi locus, ii. 373. 
Firmus in Egypt, ii. 130 n. 
Flaccus, Avillius, ii. 309 n., 210. 

Flavian altars," i. 165 n. 
Florus, Gessius, ii. 235. 
Forath, ii. 106 n. 
Forum Julii, i. 93. 
Frankincense routes, ii. 310 w., 313 

w., 336. 

Franks, i. 177, 179, 181 ; settled on 

Black Sea, 370. 
Frontinus, Sextus Julius, i. 197. 
Fronto, Marcus Claudius, i. 253. 
Fronto, Marcus Cornelius, ii. 373. 
Frisians, i. 30, 31, 48, 106 131, 134, 

137 w., 140, 142, 156. 
Furtius, i. 253 f. 
Fuscus, Arellius, i. 395. 
Fuscus, Cornelius, i. 239. 

Gabinius, Aulus, ii. 189 f., 252. 

Gades, i. 74, 81 f. ; Gaditanian 
songs, 82. 

Gaetulians, ii. 331, 351 n., 353 f. 

Galatia, i. 350 f., 368, 366 f. ; Gala- 
tian kingdom, 367 f. ; province, 
368 ; inhabitants, 368 ; former 
cantons, 369 ; language under the 
Romans, 369 f. ; Galatians as sol- 
diers, 370 ; garrison of, 379. 

Galatarchs, i. 378 n. ; Julian's letter 
to, 378 n. 

Galba, i. 141 ; ii. 314 w., 331. 

Galenus of Pergamus, i. 396. 

Gallicus, Gains Rutilius, ii. 68 n. 

Gallienus, energetic action in Ger- 
many, i. 177 ; victory over pirates 
at Thrace, 266 ; character, 367 ; 
murder, 367 ; recognition of Odae- 
nathus, ii. Ill f. 

Gallus, Gaius Aelius, expedition of, 
ii. 316 f. ; Strabo's account of it, 
316 n. 

Gallus, Gaius Cestius, ii. 338 f. 
Gallus, Trebonianus, i. 360 f. 
Ganna, i. 158. 
Gannascus, i. 136. 
Garamantes, ii. 336, 343, 346. 
Gaul, administrative partition of, i. 

Vol. II.— 25 

37 n. ; acquisition of Southern, 

85 ; later conflicts in three Gauls, 

86 f. ; Celtic rising under Tibe- 
rius, 87 ; gradual pacification, 88 ; 
rising after Nero's death, 89, 148 
f . ; Romanising policy, 89 f. ; or- 
ganisation of the three Gauls, 91 
f . ; law and justice, 93 ; Romanis- 
ing of Southern province, 93 f. ; 
cantonal organisation, 97 f. ; influ- 
ence of cantonal constitution, 
100 ; smaller client-unions, 99 n. ; 
diet, 101 ; altar and priest, 101 ; 
composition of the diets, 103 f. ; 
officials, 103 n. , 103 n. ; restricted 
Roman franchise, 106 f. ; Latin 
rights conferred on individual 
communities, 107 ; Celtic language, 
108 f. ; evidences of its continued 
use, 110 ; Romanising stronger in 
Eastern Gaul, 111 ; land measure- 
ment, 111 ; religion, 113 ; economic 
condition, 115 ; culture of vine, 
117 ; network of roads, 119 ; Hel- 
lenism in South Gaul, 1 19 ; Latin 
literature in Southern province, 
131 ; literature in imperial Gaul, 
131 ; constructive and plastic art, 
124; extent of the three Gauls, 
127 ; attempt to establish a Gallic 
empire, 149-153. 

Gaza, ii. 228. 

Gedrosia, ii. 14. 

Geneva, i. 98. 

Gens and civitas, ii. 364 n. 

Georgius, murder of, ii. 388. 

Gerba, ii. 368. 
I Germanicus, associated with Tibe- 
rius, i. 46 ; in sole command on 
the Rhine, 54 ; course after death 
of Augustus, 55; renewed offen- 
sive, 56 f. ; expedition to the 
Ems, 57 f. ; campaign of the 
year 16, 58 f. ; disaster to his 
fleet, 60 ; recall, 60 ; aims and re- 
sults of campaigns, 60-65 ; tri- 
umph, 67; mission to the East, 
ii. 43 ; its results, 44 f . 

Germany and Germans : Rhine- 
boundary, i. 38 f. ; war of Dru- 
sus, 30 f. ; Roman camps and 
base, 35 f . ; organisation of prov- 
ince, 39 ; altar for Germanic can- 
tons, 39, 188 ; rising under Armin- 
ius, 47 f. ; character of Romano- 
German conflict, 54 ; abolition of 
command-in-chief on the Rhine, 
60 ; Elbe frontier and its abandon- 
ment, 63-65 ; Germans against 
Germans, 66 ; original province, 
137; Upper and Lower, 128 f.5 



strength of the armies, 129 n. ; 
right bank of Rhine abandoned, 
136 f . ; position after fall of Nero, 
138 ; consequences of Batavian 
war, 154 f. ; later attitude of Ro- 
mano-Germans on left bank, 156 
f . ; free Germans there, 157 ; Up- 
per Germany, 159 f. ; Limes, 166- 
174 ; distribution of troops, 169 n., 
172 n. ; under Marcus, 174 ; later 
wars, 175-182 ; Romanising of, 
182 ; towns arising out of encamp- 
ments, 182 ; Germanising of the 
Roman state, its beginnings and 
progress, 183 f. ; picture of, by 
Tacitus, 183. 
Gerusia, i. 383. 

Geta, Gnaeus Hosidius, ii. 352. 
Getae, language of, i. 225. 
Gibbon, i. 6. 

Gindarus, battle of, ii. 25. 
Gladiatorial games, latest in Greece, 
i. 295. 

Glass of Sidon, ii. 150 ; glass-wares, 

Gods, Iberian, i, 82 ; Celtic, in Spain, 
82 n. ; British, 209 ; Syrian, ii. 
134 ; Egyptian, 255, 282 f. 

Gondopharus, ii. 16, 17 n. 

Gordianus, "conqueror of Goths," 
i. 259 ; Persian wars of, ii. 98. 

Gordiou Kome, i. 358. 

Gorneae, ii. 51 n. 

Gotarzes, ii. 8 w., 13 w., 49, 50. 

Goths : migrations, i. 257 ; Gothic 
wars, 258; under Decius, 259 
f . ; invasions of Macedonia and 
Thrace, 260 ; maritime expedi- 
tions, 263 f . ; victories of Claudius, 
267 f. ; character of these wars, 

Graupian Mount, battle of, i. 199 f., 

Great-king, ii, 8. 

Greece : Hellas and Rome, i. 274 ; 
towns under republic, 278 ; city- 
leagues broken up, 278 f . ; revived, 
280; freed communities and col- 
onies, 279-283 ; decay of, 283 ; de- 
crease of population, 290 ; state- 
ments of Plutarch, Dio, and 
Strabo, 290 f. ; tone of feeling, 
293 f . ; good old manners, 294 f . ; 
parallel between Roman and Athe- 
nian life, 296 ; misrule of provin- 
cial administration, 298 ; misrule 
in towns, 300 ; clinging to mem- 
ories of past, 303 ; religion, 304 ; 
worship of pedigrees, 304 f. ; lan- 
guage — archaism and barbarism, 
305 f. ; great families, 307 f. ; 

career of state-offices, 308 f . ; 
personal service of the emperor, 
309 ; municipal administration, 
309 ; Plutarch on its duties, 310 ; 
games, universal interest in, 312- 
314 ; municipal ambition, its hon- 
ours and toils, 315 f, ; trade and 
commerce, 316 f. ; roads, 318 ; 
piratic invasions, i. 265 f. ; de- 
scription of Greece from the time 
of Constantius, i. 318 n. 

Greek islands, places of punish- 
ment, i. 371. 

Gregorius Nazianzenus, i. 360. 

Hadrianoi, i. 355. 

Hadrianus : Hadrian's wall, i. 202 ; 
disaster at Eburacum, 204 n. ; 
Panhellenism at Athens, 288 ; 
grants to Athens, 301 f. ; his Novae 
Athenae, 302 ; Olympieion, 302 ; 
evacuates Assyria and Mesopota- 
mia, and restores Armenia as vas- 
sal-state, ii. 76, 77 ; Jewish rising 
under, 242 f. ; lays out Antinoop- 
olis, 257 ; gives exceptional right 
of coining, 257 ; alleged letter to 
Servianus, 279 n. ; Hadrian's 
road " in Egypt, 323 n. 

Haedui, i. 88, 108. 

Hairanes, Septimius, ii. 104 n. 

Harmozika, ii. 68. 

Hasmonaeans, ii. 175. 

Hatra, ii. 74, 83, 85, 96. 

Hauran, red soil, ii. 157; mountain- 
pastures, 158 ; cave-towns, 160 ; 
robbers, 161 ; bilingual inscrip- 
tions, 161 n. ; forts, 167 ; agri- 
culture, 169 ; Ledja, 169 ; aque- 
ducts, 169 ; buildings, 170. 

Hebron, ii. 232. 

Hecatompylos, ii. 4. 

Heliopolis, ii. 132, 134. 

Helladarch, i. 276, 288 w., 372 n. 

Hellenism and Panhellenism, i. 273 f . 

Helvetii, i. 30, 99, 100, 107, 127, 129, 
139 ; "Helvetian desert," 164. 

Hemesa, ii. Ill, 115, 119 f. ; oil- 
presses near, 149 n. 

Heraclea (Chersonesus), i. 331, 338 ; 
coins of, 342 n. 

Hercules in Gaul, i. 115. 

Herroogenes of Smyrna, i. 397 n. 

Hermunduri, i. 35, 42, 171 f., 232 f. 

Herod the Great, ii. 192 f. ; con- 
firmed by Antonius as tetrarch, 
192 ; king of Judaea, 193 ; under 
Augustus, 194 ; government in re- 
lation to the Romans, 195 f. ; in 
relation to the Jews, 195 ; charac- 
ter and aims, 196 f. ; energy of 



his rule, 197 ; extent of his domin- 
ions, 198 ; partition of his king- 
dom, 198; revenues of, 203 n. ; 
territory beyond the Jordan, ii. 
160 f. ; represses brigandage, 160. 
Ilerod Agrippa I., ii. 53, 208, 311 
f., 318. 

lierod Agrippa II., ii. 166, 186, 188 
n., 197, 198, 335, 327, 238. 

Herod Antipas, ii. 165. 

liorod of Chalcis, ii. 319. 

Herodes Atticus, i. 304, 306, 308 n. 

Herodians, ii. 338. 

Heroonpolis, ii. 384. 

Heruli, i. 366 f. 

Hiera Sycaminos, ii. 300 n. 

Hilary of Poitiers, opinion of his 
countrymen, i. 90. 

Hippalus, ii. 336. 

Hippo, ii. 338, 348, 357, 370. 

Homeritep, ii. 311 f. ; coinage, 313 
f . , 315 ; later fortunes, 330 ; united 
with kingdom of Axomites, 321 
n. ; commercial intercourse of, 333. 

Homonadenses, i. 363 f . 

Hordeonius Flaccus, i. 143. 

Hyginus, i. 83. 

Hypatia, murder of, ii. 388. 

Hyrcanus, ii. 189, 190 w., 193, 194. 

Iaptdes, i. 11. 

lazyges, i. 334, 339, 350, 353. 

Iberians, range and language, i. 75 ; 
Romanising, 75 f. ; north of Pyre- 
nees, 86 ; coinage, 86 n. 

Iceni, i. 195. 

Iconium, i. 364 f. 

Idiologus^ ii. 368 n. 

Idumaea, ii. 331, 233. 

Igel column, i. 135 f. 

Igilgili, ii. 350. 

Illyrian stock, i. 316 f. ; range and 
character, 216 f . ; admixture of 
Celtic elements, 333 f . 

lUyricum, relation to Moesia, i. 16 
n. ; erection and extent of prov- 
ince, 34 f. ; rising in, 43 ; admin- 
istrative subdivision, 312, 318 ; 
excellence of Illyrian soldiers, 371 
f . ; Illyrian emperors, 373. 

India, commercial intercourse with, 
ii. 337 f . 

Indus, region of, ii. 14 f. 

Inguiomerus, i. 57, 66, 67. 

Insubres, i. 98. 

lol (Caesarea), ii. 338, 349. 

Iran, empire of : Iranian stocks and 
rule, ii. 1 f. ; religion, 10 f. ; Bac- 
tria bulwark of Iran, 19. See 

Irenaeus, i. 110. 

Isauria, i. 363 f., 365. 
Isca, camp of, i.l94, 310. 
Isidorus (leader of " herdsmen "), ii. 

Isidorus, geographer, ii. 43. 

Isis, i. 304 ; ii. 389. 

Istachr, see Persepolis. 

Isthmus of Corinth, piercing of, i. 

Istria, i. 317. 
Istros, i. 359. 
Istropolis, i. 15. 

Itala version of Bible, by whom 

prepared, ii. 375 n. 
Italica, i. 73. 
Italicus, i. 157. 

Italy, northern frontier of, i. 9 f. ; 

ceases to be military, 273. 
Ivernia, i. 193, 198, 199. 
Izates of Adiabene, ii 49, 181. 

Jahve, ii. 174, 175, 183. 
Jamblichus, ii. 83 w., 135 w., 143. 
Jannaeus Alexander, ii. 176. 
Jazyges, see lazyges. 
Jerome, i. 110. 

Jerusalem, standing garrison, ii. 203 ; 
destruction of, 334, 337; colony 
of Hadrian, 343 n. See Judaea. 

Jews : Jewish traffic, ii. 155 f. ; 
Pariah position in Rome, 155 f. ; 
Diaspora, 155, 176 f. ; at Alexan- 
dria, 176 w., 177 ; at Antioch, 177 ; 
in Asia Minor, 177 n. ; Greek lan- 
guage compulsory, 178 f. ; reten- 
tion of nationality, 179 f. ; self- 
governing community in Alexan- 
dria, 180 ; extent of the Diaspora, 
180 f. ; proselytism, 180 f. ; Hel- 
lenising tendencies, 181 ; Jewish- 
Alexandrian philosophy, 183 ; 
Neo- Judaism, 183 f . ; fellowship 
of, as a body, 183 f. ; Philo, 184 ; 
Roman government and Judaism, 
185 f. ; policy of Augustus, 186 
f., of Tiberius, 187 ; treatment 
in the West, 186, and in the 
Bast, 188 f. ; treatment by Gaius, 
308 f. ; Jew-hunt at Alexan- 
dria, 308 f . ; statue of emperor 
in the Temple, 311 f. ; impression 
produced by the attempt, 313; 
hatred of emperor-worship de- 
picted in the Apocalypse, 313-315 
n. ; treatment by Claudius, 216 f. ; 
preparations for the insurrection, 
319 f. ; high-priestly rule, 320 ; 
Zealots, 231 f . ; outbreak in Caes- 
area, 334 f., and in Jerusalem, 
335 f. ; struggle of parties, 336 
f . ; extension of the war, 337 ; war 



of Vespasian, 228 f . | forces, 230 
n. ; first and second campaigns, 
231 ; Titus against Jerusalem, 
232; task of assailants, 233 f . ; 
destruction of Jerusalem, 234 ; 
breaking up of Jewish central 
power, 235 ; central worship set 
aside, 235 f. ; tribute transferred 
to Capitoline Jupiter, 236 f. ; ter- 
ritory becomes domain-land, 237 
n. ; further treatment, 238 f. ; 
consequences of catastrophy, 239 ; 
Palestinian Jews, 240 f . ; rising 
under Trajan, 239 ; under Ha- 
drian, 248, 244 n. ; position in sec- 
ond and third centuries, 245 f. ; 
toleration of worship, 245 ; cor- 
porative unions, 246 f. ; patri- 
archs, 246 n. ; exemptions from, 
and obligations to, public services, 
247; circumcision prohibited, 248 
n. ; altered position of Jews and 
altered character of Judaism in 
the imperial period, 249, 250. 

John of Grischala, ii. 233. 

Joppa, ii. 190 w., 191. 

Josephus, on cave-towns of Hauran, 
ii. 160 ; account of Titus's council 
of war, 236 n. ; value of state- 
ments in the preface to his His- 
tory of the Jewish War, ii. 223 n. 

Jotapata, ii. 231, 

Juba I., ii. 335. 

Juba II., ii. 339, 341, 368 n. ; his 
Collectanea, ii. 42, 318 n. 

Judaea : distinction between Jewish 
land and Jewish people, ii. 174 ; 
priestly rule under Seleucids, 174 
f . ; kingdom of Hasmonaeans, 175 ; 
Pharisees and Sadducees, 175 ; 
under the republic, 189; Caesar's 
arrangements, 190 f . ; freedom 
from dues, 190 n.\ Parthians in 
Judaea, 193 f . ; under Herod, 196- 
198 ; under Archelaus, 199 f. ; 
Roman province, 200, 201 n. ; 
provincial organisation, 201 ; mil- 
itary force in, 202 ; tribute, 202 f. ; 
native authorities, 203 ; deference 
to Jewish scruples, 206 f. ; the 
Jewish opposition, 207 f. iSeealso 

Judaism, see Jews and Judaea. 
Judas, the Galilean, ii. 214. 
Jugurtha, war with, ii. 334. 
Julianus defeats Dacians at Tapae, 
i. 239. 

Julianus, Emperor, epigram on bar- 
ley-wine, i. 117; reply to '^beard- 
mockers " of Antioch, ii. 147. 

Julii, tomb of, at S. Remy, i. 125. 

Jitridicus, ii. 268 n. 
Jurisprudence, studied at Berytus, 

ii. 143. 
Juthungi, i. 175, 180. 

Kainepolis, ii. 81 n. 
Kanata and Canatha, ii. 159 n. 
Kanerku, ii. 17, 18 7i. 
Kerykes, i. 266, 304. 
King of kings, ii. 13. 

Labeo, Claudius, i. 148. 
Labienus, Quintus, ii. 24. 
Lachares, i. 307. 
Lactantius, ii. 376, 
Lactora, i. 105 n. 
Laetus, ii. 85. 

Lagids, government of, ii. 258 ; 

finance of, 259 f ., 261. 
Lambaesis, ii. 347. 
Lancia, i. 72. 

Langobardi, i. 41, 42, 158, 249. 
Laodicea, i, 354, 390 ; ii. 144. 
Larisa, i. 323. 
Latifundia^ ii. 363. 
Latin version of Bible, ii. 374 n. 
Latobici in Carniola, i. 217. 
Latro, Marcus Porcius, i, 83. 
Lauriacum, i. 216. 

Leagues of Greek cities, i. 280, 

286 71. ; diets, 286 f. 
Lentulus, Gnaeus, Dacian war, i. 


Leptis, Great, ii. 343, 355, 356, 357. 

Leuce Come, ii. 163, 304, 310, 313, 

Leuga^ i, 112, 

Lex Julia H., i. 12. 

Libanius, description of Antioch, 
ii. 141 01. 

Library of Alexandria, ii. 294 f. 

Libyans, ii. 331, 345. 

Licinianus, Valerius, i. 83. 

Limes, meaning of, i. 132 n. ; Limes 
Germaniae, 132 f . ; Upper Ger- 
manic, 166 f. ; Raetiae, 168 f. ; 
construction of, 169, 214 ; object 
and effect of these structures, i, 

Lindum, i. 198. 

Linen, Syrian, ii. 149, 150 ; Egyp- 
tian, 277 n. 

Lingones, i. Ill, 150, 153 ; testa- 
ment of man of rank among, i. 

Logistae, i. 382. 

Lollius, Marcus, defeat of, i. 26. 
Londinium, i. 192, 196, 209. 
Longinus (Pseudo-), on the Sublime, 

ii. 182, 251. 
Lucanus, i. 83. 



Lucian of Commagene, ii. 143 ; on 
the Syrian goddess, 146 n. ; (Pseu- 
do-), parallel between Roman and 
Athenian life, 296 f. 

Lugii, i. 43, 234, 239 n. 

Lngudunum, i. 95-97. 

Lusitania, i. 69, 70 ; towns with bur- 
gess-rights in, 75. 

Lutetia, described by Julian, i. 118. 

Lycia, i. 350 f., 361 ; Lycian cities- 
league, 361. 

Lydius, robber-chief, i. 365. 

Lysimachia, i. 328, 349 tc. 

Macedonia, frontier of, i. 13 f . ; 
extent under the empire, 323 f . ; 
nationalities, 324 f . ; Greek polity, 
325 f . ; diet, 326 ; economy, roads 
and levy, 327 f. ; Macedonians at 
Alexandria, ii. 178, 179 n. 

Machaerus, ii 234. 

Macrianus, Fulvius, ii. 111. 

Macrinus, ii. 95. 

Mactaris, ii. 369 n. 

Madaura, ii. 372. 

Madeira, dyeworks at, ii. 352, 368 n, 

Maeates, i. 205. 

Magians, ii. 11, 90. 

Magnesia on Maeander, i. 353, 857. 

Malchus, ii. 165. 

Mamaea, ii. 96. 

Manahim, ii. 326. 

Marble quarries, i. 317. 

Marcianopolis, i. 334, 335. 

Marcomani, i. 30 ; retired to Bohe- 
mia, 33 ; isolated, 35 ; under 
Maroboduus, 41, 66 f. ; under Ro- 
man clientship, 232 f. ; war under 
Marcus Aurelius, 248 f . ; invasion 
of Italy, 250 ; pestilence, 250 ; 
progress of war, 251 ; submission 
of Quadi, 352 ; terms of, 253 ; sec- 
ond war, 354 ; results, 855 f . ; 
conclusion of peace by Commo- 
dus, 355. 

Mareades, ii. 109 n. 

Margiane (Merv), ii. 30., ii. 312, 318, 330. 

Mariamne, ii. 193, 196. 

Mariccus, i. 140. 

Marmarica, ii. 343. 

Marnus, temple of, ii. 145. 

Maroboduus, i. 41, 48, 53, 66 f. 

Marsi, i. 56. 

Martialis, Valerius, i. 83. 
Mascula, ii. 347. 
Massada, ii. 334. 
Massilia, i. 85, 86, 93, 119. 
Massinissa, ii. 333, 336. 
Mattiaci, i. 37, 144, 161 n. 
Mauretania, Roman dependency, ii. 

335 ; two Mauretanian kingdoms, 
338 f. ; Roman civilisation in, 349 
f. ; Gaetulian wars, 350 ; incur- 
sions of Moors into Spain, 353 n. ; 
colonisation of Augustus, 362; 
large landed estates, 363 f. 
Mauri, ii. 331. 

Maximianus, Galerius, ii. 124. 
Maximinus, expedition into heart of 

Germany, i. 176; Mesopotamia 

falls to Ardashir, ii. 98. 
Maximus, Terentius, ii. 69. 
Mazices, ii. 330, 353. 
Media, ii. 4, 6, 10. 
Mediolanum, i. 98. 
Mediomatrici, i. 152. 
Megasthenes sent to India, ii. 143. 
Megistanes, ii. 5 f. 
Meherdates, ii. 49. 
Mela, Pomponius, i. 83. 
Menecrates, physician, i. 396 n. 
Menippus of Gadara, ii. 143. 
Mentz, see Mogontiacum. 
Meroe, ii. 298, 301. 
Mesembria, i. 330. 
Mesene, ii. 73. 

Mesopotamia, ceded to Parthians, ii. 
23 ; Vologasus in, 58 ; occupied 
by Trajan, 72 ; revolt of Seleucia 
and siege, 73 f . ; Roman province, 
73, 75 f . ; evacuated by Hadrian, 
77 ; again Roman province under 
Sever us, 84 ; battle of Nisibis, 95 ; 
falls to Ardashir, 98 ; reconquered 
by Gordian, 98 ; but ceded by 
Philippus, 99 ; struggle under 
Valerian, 108 ; action of Odaena- 
thus, 113 ; once more Roman un- 
der Cams, 123 ?i. ; invaded by 
Narseh, but recovered by Diocle- 
tian, 124-127. 

Messalla, Marcus Valerius, van- 
quishes the Aquitanians, i. 87. 

Minaeans, ii. 310 n.. 311 w., 315, 

Minnagara, ii. 15, 18 w. 
Minucius, Felix, ii. 376. 
Mithra, worship of, ii. 137. 
Mithradates I., ii. 5. 
Mithradates, brother of Pharas- 

manes, ii. 45, 48, 49 7i. , 50. 
Mithradates of Pergamus, i. 339, 


Moesia, i. 14 ; subjugation by Cras- 
sus, 15, 230 ; relation to Illyri- 
cum, 16 ; province, 25 ; Latin 
civilisation of, 230 ; legionary 
camps, 231 n., 237, 246; Greek 
towns in lower, 334 f. ; mints in, 
334 n. 

Mogontiacum, i. 36, 54, 138, 160, 183. 



Mona, i. 193, 194, 195, 197. 
Monachism cradled in Egypt, ii. 

Monaeses, ii. 26, 28, 31, 33. 
Monobazus of Adiabene, ii. 58. 
Montanus, Votienus, i. 121. 
Months, Persian names of, ii. 92 n. ; 

Palmyrene, 104 n. 
Morini, i. 87. 

Mosaic pavements in Britain, i. 211. 

Moselle valley, i. 125 f . 

Museum of Alexandria, president of 

the, ii. 269 n. ; savants of the, 291 

f., 294 n., 295. 
Musulamii, ii. 345, 346, 347 n. 
Muza, ii. 314. 322, 325 
Muziris, ii. 327. 

Myos Hormos, ii. 304, 313, 323, 

Nabata, ii. 298, 306 w., 307. ^ 
Nabataea : language and writing, ii. 
159 ; kingdom of Nabat, 161 ; its 
extent and power, 162 f. ; Naba- 
taean inscriptions, 162 w., 163 n. ; 
king subject to the Romans, 164 ; 
coins of, 164 n. ; Greek desig- 
nations of magistrates, 166 f . ; 
merged partly in Roman prov- 
ince of Arabia by Trajan, 166 ; 
worship, 167 ; Phylarchs, 168. 
Naissus, i. 268. 

Namara, stronghold of, ii. 167, 172. 

Napoca, i. 247. 

Narbo, i. 85 f., 93. 

Narcissus, i. 190. 

Naristae, i. 256. 

Narona, i. 219. 

Narseh, ii. 124 n. 

Nasamones, ii. 344. 

Nattabutes, ii. 347 n. 

Naucratis, ii. 255 n., 256 n. 

Nauplia, i. 318. 

Nauportus, i. 10, 215. 

Neapolis, Flavia, ii. 237. 

Necho, ii. 303. 

Neckar, region of the, i. 164 f. 
Negrin, oasis of, ii. 348. 
Neith, sanctuary of, ii. 282. 
Nelcynda, ii. 327. 

Nemausus, i. 94 ; temples, 115 ; 
coins, 119. 

Neocorate, i. 375 f. 

Moi, i. 383. 

Neo-Judaism, ii. 292. 

Neo-Platonism, ii. 138. 

Neo-Pythagoreanism, ii. 292. 

Nero, report of Aelianus as to Moe- 
sia, i. 235 ; attempt to pierce the 
Isthmus of Corinth, 319; under 
Burrus and Seneca, ii. 52 ; aims of 

the government in the East, 53, 
54 ; Parthian war under, 58 f . ; 
intended Oriental expedition, 65 
f . ; Vologasus on Nero's memory, 
66 ; confiscations in Africa, 364 ; 
Pseudo-Nero, ii. 64, 66, 69. 

Nicaea, i. 265, 356. 

Nicanor, Julius, buys back Salamis, 
i. 301. 

Nicephorium, ii. 82, 101, 124. 
Nicetes of Smyrna, i. 395. 
Nicolaus of Damascus, ii. 181 f. 
Nicomedia, i. 265, 356, 373; Dio's 

address to, 357 n. 
Nicopolis, Epirot, i. 275, 320 f. 
Nicopolis on Haemus, i. 260, 332. 
Nicopolis, suburb of Alexandria, ii. 


Niger, Pescennius, ii. 83, 84 n., 129. 

Nile : Nile-flood, ii. 274, 275 ; Nile- 
route for commerce, 302. 

Nisibis, ii. 72 f., 82, 84 n., 85, 125 ; 
battle at, 95, 98. 

Nomes, constitution and distinctive 
features of, ii. 255 f . ; agoranomy 
in, 256 f., 260 ?i. ; presidents of 
the nomes, 269 f . 

Nonnus, epic of, ii. 291 n. 

Noreia, i. 215. 

Noricum, province of, i. 21, 213 ; 
Italising of, 214 f. ; military ar- 
rangements, 215 ; townships, 216. 

Novae, i. 246. 

Novaesium, i. 143-147, 153, 154. 
Novempopulana, i. 214. 
Noviodunum, i. 95 n. 
Noviomagus, i. 129, 130. 
Nubians, ii. 298, 301. 
Numidians, ii. 331 ; Numidia in 

civil wars, 334 ; a province, 334, 


Obodas, ii. 164, 316. 

Octavia, ii. 29, 35. 

Odaenathus, Septimius, ii. 105 n. 

Odaenathus, king of Palmyra, ii. 
112 n. ; campaign against Per- 
sians, 113 f. ; assassination, 115 n. 

Odessus, i. 15, 330. 

Odrysae, i. 14, 227 f., 329, 332 n. 

Oea, ii. 343, 356. 

Oescus, i. 231, 335. 

Ogmius, i. 113. 

Olbia, i. 258, 262, 331, 336 w., 
337 n. 

Olympic games, i. 312 f. 
Ombites, ii. 283, 285. 
Onias, temple of, closed, ii. 236. 
Ordovici, i. 193, 197. 
Orodes, ii. 23, 24, 25 f., 46. 
Orontes valley, ii. 145, 154. 



Osicerda, coin of, i. 76 n. 
Osiris worship, ii. 288 n. 
Osrhoene, ii. 95. 
Otho, defeat of, i. 139. 
Oxus, ii. 89. 

Pacorus I., son of Orodes, ii. 23, 
24, 25. 

Pacorus, Parthian king in time of 

Trajan, ii. 70 n. 
Paetus, Lucius Caesennius, ii. 59 

f. ; capitulation at Rhandeia, 61 

f . ; recalled, 62. 
Pahlavi language, ii. 12, 91. 
Palikars, i. 225. 

Palma, Aulus Cornelius, ii. 166. 

Palmyra, ii. 99 f. ; predatory ex- 
pedition of Antonius, 100 ; mili- 
tary independence, 100, 101 n. ; 
distinctive position, 101 f. ; ad- 
ministrative independence, 103 
f. ; language, 103 f. ; votive in- 
scriptions, 103 n. ; magistrates, 
104 f.; "Headman," 104; oflfi- 
cial titles, 104 n. ; customs-dis- 
trict, 106 n. ; commercial posi- 
tion, 106 ; under Odaenathus, 
112 f. ; under Zenobia, 115-120 ; 
destruction, 121 f. ; chronology, 
121 n. 

Pamphylia, i. 351 ; coast towns, 
361 f. ; earlier rulers, 361 ; as- 
signed to governor of its own, 362. 

Panhellenism, i. 273 f. ; Panhel- 
lenes, 274 ; Panhellenion of Ha- 
drian, 288 n. ; letters of recom- 
mendation, 289 n. ; Olympia, 
312 f. 

Pannonia, province, i. 25 ; first 
Pannonian war, 25 f . ; Dalmatio- 
Pannonian rising, 43 f. ; military 
arrangements, 222 f. ; urban de- 
velopment, 224 f . ; camps ad- 
vanced, 238 ; prosperity, 248. 

Panopeus, i. 314. 

Panopolis, ii. 255. 

Panticapaeum, i. 331, 338, 339, 341 
71., 343 f., 346. 

Papak, ii. 92. 

Papyrus, ii. 277. 

Paraetonium, ii. 255 n. 

Paropanisus, ii. 15. 

Parthamaspates, ii. 74. 

Parthia and Parthians, rule of, ii. 
2 f. ; Parthians Scythian, 3 ; re- 
gal office, 5 ; Megistanes, 5, 6 
n. ; satraps, 7 ; as vassals, 7 ; 
Greek towns, 8; counterpart to 
Roman empire, 9 ; language, 12 
f. ; coinage, 12 ; extent of em- 
pire, 13 f. ; wars between Par- 

thians and Scythians, 19; Ro- 
mano-Parthian frontier-region, 
20 ; during the civil wars, 22 ; at 
Philippi, 23 ; in Syria and Asia 
Minor, 24 ; [Judaea, 193 f.] ; 
seizure of Armenia, 48 n. ; occu- 
pation of Armenia, 50 f . ; war 
under Nero, 59 f. ; the East un- 
der the Flavians, 65 f. ; coinage 
of pretenders, 69 n. ; war under 
Trajan, 70 f. ; his oriental policy, 
75 f. ; reaction under Hadria.n 
and Pius, 76 f. ; war under Mar- 
cus and Verus, 80 f. ; wars un- 
der Severus, 83 f. ; wars of Sev- 
erus Antoninus, 93 ; beginning 
of Sassanid dynasty, 87 f., 96; 
Partho-Indian empire, ii. 16 £., 
18 n. 

Parthini, i. 11. 

Parthomasiris, ii. 70 n.^ 72. 

Patrae, i. 282 f., 317 f., 322. 

Patriarchs of Jews, ii. 247 n. 

Patrocles, Admiral, exploring Cas- 
pian, ii. 142. 

Patronatus^ contracts of, ii. 359 n. 

Paul at Damascus, chronology of, ii. 
162 n. 

Paullinus, Gaius Suetonius, i. 194 f., 

197; ii. 341-352. 
Pedigrees, i. 311 f. 
Pentapolis, Pontic, i. 334 f . ; coinage 

of, 335. 

Pergamus, i. 353, 357, 373, 379. 

Persepolis (Istachr), ii. 90. 

Persian empire, extent of, ii. 1 f. ; 
see Sassanids. 

Persis, viceroys of, how named, ii. 5 
n. ; king of, 7 ; royal dynasty, Sas- 
sanids, 87. 

Pertinax, Helvius, i. 252. 

Petra, client-state of Nabat, ii. 69 ; 
residence of king, 161 ; traffic- 
route, 165 n. , 313 ; constitution 
under Hadrian, 170 ; structures 
of, 170 ; rock-tombs, 171. 

Petronius, Gaius, governor of 
Egypt, ii. 299. 

Petronius, Publius, governor of Syr- 
ia, ii. 211. 

Pessinus, i. 369, 370 n. 

Phanagoria, i. 341, 346. 

Pharasmanes (I.), ii. 45, 50, 56. 

Pharasmanes (H.), ii. 79. 

Pharisees, ii. 176, 199, 204, 226. 

Pharnaces, i. 338, 367. 

Pharnapates, ii. 25. 

Pharsalus, i. 323 n. 

Phasael, ii. 192 f. 

Philadelphia (in Lydia), i. 390. 

Philadelphia (in Syria), ii. 159. 



Philae, ii. 299, 302. 
Philhellenism of the Romans,!. 300 f. 
Philippi, i. 326, 328. 
Philippopolis, i. 229, 251, 282, 329, 

Philippus, Marcus Julius, pro- 
claimed emperor, ii. 98 f.; cession 
of Euphrates frontier, 99. 

Philo, Neo- Judaism, ii. 184; depu- 
tations to Gains, 210 ; silence ac- 
counted for, 213 n. 

Phoenician language in Africa, ii 
355 f., 358 n. 

Phraataces, ii. 42. 

Phraates, ii. 25, 31 f., 36, 40. 

Phrygia, Great, i. 352 ; language, 
355 ; coins and inscriptions, 355. 

Phy larch s, ii. 168, 173 n. 

Picti, i. 206. 

Piracy in Black Sea, i. 262 f . ; expe- 
ditions to Asia Minor and Greece, 
264 f . ; in Pisidia, 362 f . ; in Red 
Sea, ii. 324. 

Piraeus, i. 302, 318. 

Pirustae, i. 46. 

Pisidia, independence, i. 362; sub- 
dued by Augustus, 363; Pisidian 
colonies, 364 ; brigandage in, 380. 

Piso, Lucius, Thracian war, i. 27 f. 

Pityus, i. 262, 263 f. 

Pius, Cestius, i. 395. 

Plataeae, i. 289 n. 

Plautius, Aulus, i. 190, 192. 

Plotinus, ii. 138. 

Plutarch, knowledge of Latin, i. 
295 ; account of his countrymen, 
295; on population of Greece, 
291 ; character of, 297 f . ; view of 
municipal duties, 310, 314. 

Poetovio, i. 21, 26, 222, 224. 

Polemon, i. 340 ; ii. 26, 37. 

Polis and Hiomos, ii. 257. 

Politarchs, i. 325 n. 

PoUio, Coelius, ii. 51. 

Pompeianus, Tiberius Claudius, i. 

Pompeiopolis, ii. 110. 
Pontus, province organised by Pom- 
eius, i. 358 f. ; annexation of 
ingdom of, ii. 65. 
Poppaea Sabina, ii. 181. 
Porphyrins, ii. 138. 
Portus, mariners' guild at, ii. 279 n. 
Posidonius of Apamea, quoted, ii. 

Postumus, Marcus Cassianius La- 
tinius, proclaimed emperor in 
Gaul, i. 178 ; takes Cologne, 179 ; 
falsifications of the Imperial Bi- 
ographies in his case, 178 n. 

Potaissa, i. 247. 

Praaspa, ii. 31. 

Praefectus, ii. 253 n., 268, 268 n. 

Prasutagus, i. 191. 

Premis, ii. 299. 

Priests in Asia Minor, i. 377. 

Princeps : position as to Egypt, ii. 

253 f. ; princeps et undecim pru 
tnus, 366 n. 

Prisons, Statins, ii. 80. 

Proaeresios, ii. 291 n. 

Probus, opens vine-culture to pro- 
vincials, i. 118 ; resumes aggres- 
sive against the Germans, 181 f. ; 
transfers Bastarnae to Roman 
bank, 2^9 ; subdues Lydus in 
Isauria, 365 ; delivers Egypt from 
Palmyrenes, ii. 116, 271, 301 ; re- 
stores water-works on Nile, 275. 

Provincia, alleged use of term, ii. 

254 w. 
Prucheion, ii. 272. 
Pselchis, ii. 299. 
Pseudo-Nero, ii. 66, 69 f. 
Ptolemaeus Philadelphus, son of 

Antonius, ii. 27. 
Ptolemaeus Philadelphus, ii. 304. 
Ptolemaeus, king of Mauretania, ii. 

340 f. 

Ptolemais, "Greek "city in Egypt, 

ii. 256, 257. 
Ptolemais "for the Chase," on Red 

Sea, ii. 304. 
Ptolemies, court of the, ii, 266 f. 
Punic inscriptions, ii. 355 n. 
Punt, ii. 309 n. 

Purple dyeworks, Syrian, ii. 150. 
Puteoli, called Little Delos, ii. 151 n. 

QuADi, i, 232, 248, 250, 252, 254, 

Quadratus, Ummidius, ii. 57 f., 220. 
Quarries, Egyptian, ii. 278. 
Quietus, Fulvius, ii. 111. 
Quietus, Lusius, i. 240 ; ii. 74, 242, 
351 M. 

Quinquegentiani, ii 354 n. 
Quintilianus, Marcus Fabius, i. 84. 
Quirinius, Publius Sulpicius, i. 364 ; 
ii. 148, 204, 343. 

Raetia, affinity of Raeti, i. 213 ; 
subjugation, 19 ; organisation, 20 
f . ; war in Raetia, 175 ; late civili- 
sation, 213 ; military arrange- 
ments, 214 ; Raetian limes, 214. 

Ratiaria, i. 231. 

Religion m Spain, i. 82; in Gaul, 
112 f.; in Britain, 209; m Greece, 
304 ; in Asia Minor, 379 ; in Iran, 
ii. 10 f.; in Syria, 134: in Egypt, 

Index, 393 

Resaina, battle at, ii, 98, 102, 
Rhadamistus, ii. 50 f. 
Rhagae, ii. 4, 30. 

Rhandeia, capitulation of, ii. 60, 

61 f. 
Rhapta, ii. 314. 

Rhetoric, professors of, at Treves, 
i. 97 /I.; professorship of Greek, 
at Rome, ii. 395. 

Rhetors in Alexandria, ii. 287 n, 

Rhine, boundary, i. 28 ; camps on 
left bank, 35 f. ; positions on right 
bank, 37 f.; canal to Zuyder-Zee, 
31, 38 ; dyke between Ems and 
Lower Rhine, 39 ; Rhine-army as 
bearing on Gaul, 88 ; Rhine fleet, 
129 ; army of Lower Rhine, 159 n. 

Rhodians, Dio's address to, i. 298 f,, 

Rhoemetalces, i. 44, 227 f. 

Riff' in Morocco, ii. 350, 353. 

Roads in Spain, i. 81 ; in Gaul, 119 
f . ; road measurement in Gaul and 
Germany, 111 f.; in Britain, 209; 
in Greece, 318 ; in Asia Minor, 
388 ; in Egypt, ii. 323 ; in Africa, 

Roman empire, character of its his- 
tory as compared with that of the 
republic, i. 3 f . ; value of authori- 
ties for it, 4 ; nature of task as- 
signed to it, 5 f.; object and lim- 
its of the present work, 4-6 ; its 
divisions, 6 ; northern frontier of, 

Roxolani, i. 236, 257. 

Sabaeans, ii. 173, 311, 315. 
Sabinus, Julius, i. 149, 150. 
Sabiuus, Oppius, i. 239. 
Sacae, ii. 15 ; Sacastane, 16 ; empire 

on Indus, 18, 19 n. 
Sacrovir, Julius, rising of, i. 88 f. 
Sadducees, ii. 175. 
Sagalassus, i. 365. 
Salabus, ii. 352. 

Salassi, i. 18 ; extirpated by Augus- 

Salice (Ceylon), ii. 327. 

Salonae, i. 219, 321, 351. 

Samaria, ii. 203. 

Samaritans, ii. 174. 

Sanabarus, ii. 18 n. 

Sapor, ii. 98; title and policy of 

conquest, 107 f. 
Sapphar, ii. 321. 
Saracens, ii. 173 f. 
Sarapis, ii. 388, 289 n., 392; festival 

of, ii. 281 n. 
Sardes, i. 354, 357. 
Sarmatae, ii. 46. 

Sarmizegetusa, i. 240, 247. 

Sassanids, ii. 3 f . ; official historiog- 
raphy, 3 n.\ legend of, 87, 91 f.; 
dynasty of Persis, 87 ; extent of 
Sassanid kingdom, 88; distinc- 
tion between Sassanid and Arsacid 
kingdoms, 88 n.\ official titles of 
ruler, 89 n.\ church and priest- 
hood, 90 f.; languages of the 
country under, 91 f.; new Per- 
sians and Romans, 93 ; strike gold 
pieces, 93 f.; chronology, 95 n.\ 
East forfeited to Persians, 109. 

Satraps, ii. 7. 

Saturninus, Gaius Sentius, i. 42. 
Saturninus, Lucius Antonius, i. 163. 
Sauromates, i. 337, 340 n. , 344 n. 
Savaria, i. 233. 
Saxa, Decidius, ii. 34. 
Saxons, i 65 f., 181. 
Scapula, Publius Ostorius, i. 194. 
Scarbantia, i. 334. 

Scaurus, Marcus, expedition against 

Nabataeans, ii. 163 f. 
Scironian cliffs, i. 319. 
Scodra, i. 317. 
Scordisci, i. 318 f., 325. 
Scoti, i. 206. 

Scythians, i. 258, 262, 363 n., 337; 

(Asiatic), ii. 15, 16, 19. 
Segestes, i. 47, 51, 56, 67. 
Segusiavi, i. 95 n. , 99 n. 
Sejanus, ii. 187 7i. 

Seleucia (in western Cilicia), i. 361. 
Seleucia Siderus (in Pisidia), i. 364, 

Seleucia (in Syria), ii. 138 n.^ 140. 
Seleucia (on the Tigris), ii. 9, 11, 

46, 47, 48, 73, 82, 85, 91, 123, 138. 
Seleucids, ii. 3 al. 
Seleucus, saying of, ii. 266, 

Selga, i. 365, 389. ^^-^^^ ^ . 

' ' Seminumidians and"^ Semigaetu- 

lians," ii. 371. 
Semnones, i. 158, 175. 
Senate and senators excluded from 

Egypt, ii. 253 n. 
Seneca, M. Annaeus and L. An- 

naeus, i. 83. 
Septuagint, ii. 178. 
Sequani, i. 88, 108, 150. 
Seres, ii. 328. 

Servianus, letter (of Hadrian ?) to, 

ii. 279 n. 
Severianus, ii. 80. 

Severus, Alexander; see Alexander 

Severus Antoninus ; see Caracalla. 
Severus, Septimius, Wall of Severus, 

i. 203 n. ; conflicts in Britain, 305 ; 

death at Eburacum, 305, 292; 



Parthian wars under, ii. 83 f.; 

title of Parthicus^ 84 n.\ partition 

of Syria, 129. 
Severus, Sextus Julius, ii. 244 f. 
Sicca, ii. 86"3. 
Sido, i. 234, 248. 

Silk. Chinese, ii. 328 ; silk of Bery- 

tus, 150 f. 
Silures, i. 193 f., 194,197. 
Silvanus Aelianus, Tiberius Plau- 

tius, i. 235. 
Simon, son of Gioras, ii. 233. 
Singidunum, i. 231, 347. 
Sinnaces, ii. 46. 
Sinope, i. 359 f. 
Siraci, i. 343 n., 345, 346. 
Siscia, i. 11, 222. 
Sittius, Publius, ii. 338 w., 362. 
Skipetars, i. 216. 

Slaves, treatment of, in Greece, i. 
296; traffic in, through Galatia, 

Smyrna, i. 353 f., 357, 375, 384; 

Jews at, ii. 177 n. 
Sohaemus of Hemesa, ii. 53. 
Sohaemus, king of Armenia, ii. 81 

n., 137. 
Sophene, ii. 125. 

Sophists, addresses of, i. 393 f.; 
Asia Minor takes the lead in, 395. 

Sostra, dam at, ii. 110. 

Spain, conclusion of its conquest, i. 
69 f . ; visit of Augustus to organ- 
ise, 70; triumphs over, 69 n.^ 70; 
warfare in north of Spain, 69 f.; 
military organisation and distri- 
bution of legions, 71 n., 73; in- 
cursions of Moors, 73; introduc- 
tion of Italian municipal law, 74 ; 
diffusion of Roman language, 77 ; 
cantons, 78 ; broken up, 79 ; levy, 
80 ; traffic and roads, 80 f . ; re- 
ligious rites, 82; Spaniards in 
Latin literature, 82-84. 

Sparta, treatment of, i. 280 f. 

Statianus, Oppius, ii. 31. 

Statues, honorary, i. 316 n. 

Stobi, i. 326. 

Successianus, i. 264. 

Suebi, i. 65 f., 223, 232, 234, 239. 

Sufetes, ii. 358, 360 n. 

Sugambri, i. 29 f., 134; probably = 
Cugerni, 134 n. 

Sulis, i. 192, 209. 

Suren, ii. 6, 90. 

Syene, ii. 278, 304. 

Syllaeos, ii. 316 n. 

Symmachus, i. 123. 

Syiihedrion of Jerusalem, constitu- 
tion and jurisdiction, ii. 203 f.; 
disappears, 235. 

Synnada, i. 353. 

Synoekismos^ i. 320 f. 

Syria, conquest of, ii. 127; boun- 
daries of territory, 128 ; provincial 
government, and its changes, 128 
f.; partition into Coele-Syria and 
Syro-Phoenicia, 129 ; troops and 
quarters of legions, 67 n. , 129 n. ; 
inferiority in discipline, 71 n., 
130 1; Hellenismg of, 131 1; 
Syria = New Macedonia, 132 ; con- 
tinuance of native language, 133 
f . ; Macedonian native and Greek 
names, 132 f.; worship, 134; later 
Syriac literature, 136 n.; Syro- 
Hellenic mixed culture, 136; minor 
Syrian authorship, 142 f. ; epigram 
and feuilleton, 143 f . ; culture of 
soil, 148 f . ; wines of, 149 ; manu- 
factures, 149; commerce, 150 f.; 
ship-captains, 151 n. ; Syrian 
factories abroad, 151 f.; Syrian 
merchants in the West,^ 153 n.; 
Syro-Christian Diaspora,^ 152 n.\ 
wealth of Syrian traders, 153 ; 
country houses in valley of Oron- 
tes, 154 ; military arrangements 
after 63 A.D., 229 n. 

Syria, Eastern, conditions of culture 
in, ii. 157 f.; Greek influence in, 
159 f.; inhabitants of Arabian 
stock, 159 ; Pompeius strengthens 
Greek urban system, 159; civili- 
sation under Roman rule, 168 f.; 
agriculture and commerce, 169 ; 
buildings, 170 ; south Arabian im- 
migration, 172. 

Syrtis, Great, ii. 333, 344. 

Tacapae, ii. 342. 

Tacfarinas, ii. 341, 343, 345, 346. 

Tacitus, dialogue on oratory, i. 122 ; 
picture of the Germans, 183 ; nar- 
rative of war in Britain criticised, 
197 n. 

Tadmor, ii. 99 7i. 

Talmud, beginnings of, ii. 238, 251. 
Tanais, i. 342 346. 
Tarraco, i. 71. 

Tarraconensis, towns in the, i. 75. 
Tarsus, ii. 110, 133. 
Taunus, i. 38, 160. 
Tava (Tay), i. 199, 203. 
Tavium, i. 369, 370 n. 
Taxila, ii. 14 n. 

Teachers and salaries at Teos, i. 393. 
Teima, description of, ii. 310 n. 
Temple-tribute, Jewish, ii. 184, 187; 

temple-screen, tablets of warning 

on, 205 n. 
Tencteri, i. 29, 30, 134, 144, 151 f . 



Tenelium, ii. 365 n. 
Teos, decree as to instruction, i. 

TertuUian, ii. 373, 376. 
Tetrarch, title of, ii. 192 n. 
Tetricus submits to Aurelian, i. 180. 
Teutoburg forest, i. 59, 61. 
Thaema, ii. 162 n. 
Thagaste, ii. 372. 
Tiiamugadi, ii. 347. r 
Themistius, i. 370. 
Theocracy, Mosaic, ii. 174. 
Thessalonica, i. 326 f., 327. 
Thessaly, i. 322 f.; diet in Larisa, 

Tlieudas, ii. 222. 

Theudosia, i. 341. 

Theveste, ii. 345, 348, 370. 

Thrace : d^rnasts and tribes, i. 16 f.; 
vassal-princes, 16 ; war of Piso, 
27 f., 227 ; Thracian stock, 224 f.; 
language, 225 ; worship, 22.5 ; prin- 
cipate, 226 f.; province, 228 f.; 
rising under Tiberius, 229; gar- 
rison and roads, 229 f . ; Hellenism 
and Romanism in, 230 f.; Hellen- 
ism imported, 328, 329 ; Philip 
and Alexander, 328 ; Lysimachus, 
328 ; empire of Tylis, 329 ; later 
Macedonian rulers, 329; Roman 
province, 330 f . ; Greek towns in, 
330; strategies of, 332 n.\ town- 
ships receiving civic rights from 
Trajan, 332; "Thracian shore," 
i. 230. 

Thubursicum, ii. 366. 

Thubusuctu, ii. 354 n. 

Tiberias, ii. 199. 

Tiberius, assists Drusus in Raetia, 
i. 19; first Pannonian war, 25 f., 
222 ; German war, 34 f . ; resigns 
command on Rhine, 40 ; recon- 
ciliation with Augustus, 40; 
resumes command, 40; further 
campaigns in Germany, 40 f . ; ex- 
pedition to North Sea, 41 ; cam- 
paign against Maroboduus, 41 f. ; 
return to lUyricum, 44 f.; again 
on Rhine after defeat of Varus, 
53 f.; recall of Germanicus, 60; 
German policy, 60; motives for 
changing it, 61-65 ; Gallic rising 
under, 87; Frisian rising, 135; 
road-making in Dalmatia, 220 ; 
procures recognition for Vannius, 
233 ; Dacians under, 235 ; takes 
Greece into his own power, 299 ; 
small number of statues, 316 f.; 
leads force into Armenia, ii. 40 f.; 
again commissioned to the East, 
but declines, 41 ; mission of Ger- 

manicus to the East, 43 f.; Arta- 
banus and Tiberius, 44 f.; mission 
of Vitellius, 45 f ; movement 
against Aretas, 165 ; treatment of 
the Jews, 186 ; attitude towards 
Jewish customs, 205, 206 ; war 
against Tacfarinas, 345 f . 

Tigranes, brother of Artaxias, in- 
vested with Armenia by Tiberius, 
ii. 40, 41. 

Tigranes, installed in Armenia by 
Corbulo, ii. 57 f. 

Tigranocerta, ii. 51, 57. 

Tigris, boundary of, ii. 75, 125 n. 

Timagenes, ii. 116. 

Timarchides, Claudius, i. 307 n. 

Timesitheus, Furius, ii. 98. 

Tingi, i. 74; ii. 340 f ., 341 f., 350, 361. 

Tiridates, proclaimed king of Par- 
thia under Augustus, ii. 36, 38, 

Tiridates set up as king of Parthia 
in opposition to Artabanus, un- 
der Tiberius, and superseded, ii. 

Tiridates I., king of Armenia, 
brother of Vologasus I., ii. 55, 
57, 58, 62, 63, 64 [and ii. 11]. 

Tiridates II. , king of Armenia un- 
der Caracalla, ii. 94. 

Tiridates, king of Armenia under 
Sapor, ii. 108. 

Titus, against Jerusalem, ii. 213 
f.; Arch of, 232 ; refuses to eject 
Jews at Antioch, 238. 

Togodumnus, i. 191 f. 

Tombstones, Gallic, i. 125. 

Tomis, i. 15, 246 w., 331, 334; 
Ovid's description of, 335 ; Mar- 
iners' guild, 336 n. 

Town- districts in Egypt, ii. 256 f. 

Trachonitis, ii. 157 ; see Hauran. 

Trajanus, M. Ulpius : military road 
from Mentz towards Offenburg, 
i. 166 ; settlements in Upper Ger- 
many, 173 ; mission thither, 174 
?i.; Dacian war, 240 f. ; second 
Dacian war, 241 f. ; column in 
Rome, 242 f . ; confers civic 
rights on Thracian townships, 
335 ; Parthian war, ii. 69 f. ; 
death, 74 f.; triumph accorded 
after death, 74 ; Oriental policy, 
75 f. ; erects province of Arabia, 
156 ; Jewish rising under, 240 f. ; 
enlargement of Egyptian canal, 
324 f. 

Transport-ship, Egyptian, ii. 278, 
279 n. 

Trapezus, i. 265, 359; ii. 37, 57. 
Trebelli^nus Rufus, Titus, i. 228. 



Treveri, i. '87, 101, 102, 111, 148, 
149, 150, 152. 

Treves, primacy in Belgica, i. 97 ; 
subsequently capital of Gaul, 89 ; 
receives Italian rights, 107. 

Triballi, i. 14. 

Triboci, i. 127, 152, 159. 

Trinovantes, i. 185, 186 w., 196. 

Tripolis, ii. 343 f. 

Trismegistus, Hermes, ii. 283, 289. 

Troesmis, i. 246. 

Trogodytes, ii. 305, 310. 

Trogus Pompeius, historian of Hel- 
lenic type, i. 120. 

Trumpilini, i. 18. 

Tungri, i. 144, 148. 

Turan, ii. 12, 19, 48. 

Turbo, Quintus Marcius, ii. 242. 

Tyana, i. 360; ii. 118. 

Tylis, empire of, i. 328. 

Tyra, i. 245, 258, 262, 264, 331, 

Tyrian factories in Italy, ii. 151 n. 

Ubii, i. 25, 39, 106, 107 f.. Ill, 
127, 128, 130, 146, 148; Roman 
town of, 182. 

Ulpia Noviomagus, i. 183. 

Ulpia Traiana, i. 183. 

Universe, anonymous treatise on, 
ii. 182. 

Usipes, i. 29, 30, 56, 134, 144, 162. 
Utica, ii. 361. 

Vaballathus, ii. 115 n., 117. 

Valerianus, Publius Licinius, con- 
quers Aemilianus, i. 261 ; pirat- 
ical expedition of Goths, 263 f. ; 
character, 267 ; ii. 108 ; capture 
by the Persians, 108 rt., 109 n. 

Vangio, i. 234, 248. 

Vannius, i. 233, 235, 248. 

Vardanes, ii. 48, 49. 

Varus, Publius Quintilius, charac- 
ter, i. 49 ; defeat and death, 50-52 ; 
locality of the disaster, 52 n. ; 
governor of Syria, ii. 199. 

Vaseones, i. 72. 

Vatinius, Publius, i. 97. 

Veleda, i. 151, 153, 157. 

Veneti, i. 217. 

Verulamium, i. 196, 210. 

Verus, Lucius, character of, i. 251 
f. ; in the East, ii. 80. 

Verus, Martius, ii. 80. 

Vespasianus : municipal organisa- 
tion in Spain, i. 75, 79; pro- 
claimed as emperor, 139 ; insti- 
gation of Civilis, 141 f . ; conse- 
quences of Batavian war, 154 f . ; 

takes possession of " Helvetian 
desert," 165 ; pushes forward 
camps on the Danube, 237 ; 
Eastern arrangements, ii. 66 f. ; 
Jewish war, 228 f. ; possessing 
himself of Rome through corn- 
fleet, 274 ; nicknamed the " sar- 
dine-dealer " and "six-farthing- 
man," 286. 

Vestinus, L. Julius, ii. 296 n. 

Vetera (Castra), i. 36, 54, 128, 145, 

Via Augusta in Spain, i. 81 : in 
Gaul, 119 f. 

Via Claudia, i. 23. 

Via Egnatia, i. 327. 

Victorinus, Gains Aufidius, i. 249. 

Vienna, i. 94, 95 w,, 98. 

Viminacium, i. 230, 231, 247, 261. 

Vindelici, i. 19, 213. 

Vindex, rising of, i. 89, 139 f, 

Vindex, Marcus Macrinius, i. 253. 

Vindobona, i. 224. 

Vindonissa, i. 21, 129, 152, 172. 

Vine-culture in Gaul, i. 117 f.; re- 
stricted by Domitian, 118; on 
Moselle, 118. 

Viroconium, camp of, i. 1 93, 197. 

Vitellius, Lucius, i. 139, 140, 141 ; ii. 
45, 46, 47, 232. 

Vocula, yiUius, i. 144, 145-147, 149. 

Volcae, i. 94 f., 100. 

Vologasias, ii. 50, 69, 106 n. 

Vologasus I., ii. 50, 52, 55, 58 f., 
60, 66, 67, 69. 

Vologasus IV., ii. 80. 

Vologasus v., ii. 83 f. 

Vonones, ii. 43, 44. 

Vorodes, Septimius, ii. 113 n. 

Weaving in Asia Minor, i. 389. 
Wines, Gallic, i. 118. 

Xenophon, of Cos, physician, i. 
391 n. 

Zabdas, ii. 113 n., 116, 119. 

Zaitha, ii. 98. 

Zarai, tariff of, ii. 369 n. 

Zealots, ii. 207, 221 f., 225, 226. 

Zenobia, government of, ii. 115 f.; 
claim to joint-rule, 116 n.\ occu- 
pation of Egypt, 116, 271 f.; 
Aurelian against, 117 ; battle of 
Hemesa, 119 f. ; capture, 120, 

Zenodorus, of Abila, ii. 161, 

Zimises, ii. 350 n. 

Zoelae, i. 78 w, 

Zoskales, ii. 307. 

Zula, ii. 304. 


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